Tema. Journal of Land Use, Mobility and Environment (University of Naples)
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L'area “Porta Vittoria” a Milano
Get PDFThe transformation of Milan, to be realized completely, needs of transport infrastructure as well as major European cities. The Rail “Passante” is a trasport infrastructure almost entirely underground and it crosses the city of Milan from north-west to south-east. The "Passante" represents the structure on which to build the urban development of the "Greater Milan" and plays a strategic role in the choice of location, facilitating the creation of an urban system integrated and competitive. The "Passante" connects the central parts of the city with suburbs that are already taking advantage of the presence of the infrastructure to renew their image. The study area was originally occupied by a station of the State Railways, now is a new station of the railway "Passante". The context of urban transformation "Porta Vittoria" is located in a central area of Milan, just beyond the first “circumvallazione”, on the connecting axis the airport of Linate. The strategic location of the area, very accessible, has determined the choice of the functions that must be kept. The regeneration is characterized by two important projects, one public and one private. The public intervention concerns the BEIC - European Library of Information and Culture, the private action relates to the new district "Porta Vittoria", with mixed-use residences, offices, malls, hotels and cinemas. The project for the European Library of Information and Culture, developed many years ago, intended to give Milan an "infrastructure" for culture considered the largest of Europe. The lack of funding has led to long interruptions and long delays in implementation. The project pays particular attention to the sustainability of the building, using energy energy-efficient systems with heat pumps (with exploiting groundwater, rather superficial in that area), solar collectors and photovoltaic panels. The hypothesis expresses the desire to create a relationship between the winning project Beic and private interventions. The block of the project is treated as a unit, an intervention that consists of two parts, the building Beic and the building to be constructed. The two components are architecturally distinct but are linked by a complex system of relationships and work on an urban scale in accordance with a common strategy. The importance of the redevelopment is in the integration of city planning and mobility system, in an area, which hosts functions of supra-municipal level, accessible from the urban region of Milan. However, the redevelopment project included only the railway areas and did not include the surrounding areas. Therefore the realization of P.I.I. was a missed opportunity to make a substantial part of the city system. The transformation of large and small areas through PII, without a strategic plan, determines punctual transformations, but incoherent with each other. The P.I.I. "Porta Vittoria" will determine the transformation of an area, long abandoned, but it is also important to redevelop the surrounding areas, through a systematization of the various interventions.La trasformazione di Milano ha bisogno, per realizzarsi compiutamente, delle infrastrutture adeguate al livello di una grande città europea. Il Passante Ferroviario è una infrastruttura quasi interamente sotterranea che attraversa la città di Milano da nord-ovest a sud-est. Il “Passante ferroviario” rappresenta la struttura sulla quale costruire lo sviluppo urbano della “Grande Milano” e gioca un ruolo strategico nelle scelte localizzative, favorendo la creazione di un sistema urbano integrato e competitivo. Il Passante mette in comunicazione parti centrali della città con quartieri periferici che già stanno sfruttando la presenza del Passante per rinnovare la loro immagine. La area oggetto di studio, originariamente occupata da uno scalo delle Ferrovie dello Stato, ospita oggi la nuova fermata del Passante Ferroviario. Lo ambito di trasformazione urbanistica “Porta Vittoria” è localizzato in una zona semicentrale di Milano, appena oltre la prima circumvallazione, sullo asse di collegamento con lo aeroporto di Linate. La posizione strategica della area, estremamente accessibile, ha determinato le scelte delle funzioni da insediare. La riqualificazione è caratterizzata da due importanti interventi, uno pubblico e uno privato. Lo intervento pubblico riguarda la BEIC – Biblioteca Europea di Informazione e Cultura, lo intervento privato riguarda il nuovo quartiere “Porta Vittoria” che avrà funzioni miste: residenze, uffici, attività commerciali, alberghi e cinema multisala. Il progetto per la Biblioteca Europea di Informazione e Cultura, sviluppato molti anni fa, intendeva dotare Milano di una "infrastruttura" per la cultura fra le più grandi d'Europa. La mancanza di finanziamenti ha causato lunghe interruzioni e forti ritardi nella realizzazione. Il progetto pone particolare attenzione alla sostenibilità dell’edificio, utilizzando sistemi energetici ad alta efficienza con pompe di calore (con sfruttamento dell’acqua di falda, piuttosto superficiale in quella zona), collettori solari e pannelli fotovoltaici. La ipotesi manifesta la volontà di creare una relazione tra il progetto vincitore del concorso Beic e gli interventi privati. Lo intero isolato di progetto viene trattato come una unità, un unico intervento che si compone di due parti, lo edificio Beic e il complesso edilizio da realizzare. Le due componenti sono distinte architettonicamente ma sono legate da un articolato sistema di relazioni e operano a scala urbana secondo una strategia comune. La importanza dello intervento di riqualificazione risiede nella integrazione tra sistema urbanistico e sistema della mobilità, in una area, che ospita funzioni di livello sovra comunale, accessibile dalla intera regione urbana milanese. Tuttavia il progetto di riqualificazione comprendeva solo le aree ferroviarie e non includeva le aree limitrofe. La attuazione del P.I.I. pertanto è stata una occasione mancata per mettere a sistema una consistente parte di città sottoutilizzata. La trasformazione di grandi e piccole aree attraverso il ricorso a P.I.I. in assenza di un disegno strategico, porta a trasformazioni puntuali, ma disorganiche tra loro. Il P.I.I. di “Porta Vittoria” determinerà la trasformazione di una area, da tempo dismessa, ma risulta importante riqualificare anche le aree limitrofe attraverso una sistematizzazione dei diversi interventi
Pratiche urbanistiche: La pianificazione urbanistica dopo l’Unità d’Italia: alcuni esempi
No full textThe City from the Wire the Aerial Cable Transport for the Urban Mobility
Get PDFThe urban transfer by using ropeways can produce impacts and externalities which, if well-managed, can trigger processes reliever, sustainable development and promoting tourism inside the city. The article starts from the consideration of urban transport by ropeways as a viable, effective alternative to the collective transfer among different areas of the city, particularly in those cities characterized by unique morphological or hydrographic territory which are fit for being overcome by mobility systems at high altitude. These features, in many international urban contexts, also contribute to enhance the amenity and the urban appeal. The paper intends to underline how the ropeways can become an efficient urban transport system between urban sites, often placed at different heights and for which there is a less accessibility by ground, and at the same time, a fascinating way of tourist mobility that allow people to observe the city from above (moving on it), in a sort of dynamic view. This interesting functional convergence has been often highlighted in the studies conducted on this mode of transportation, ,which in the past was considered one of the real possibilities for urban moving. Many cities are characterized by this type of mobility and within which existing systems of lifts, oblique connections between parts of the city are provided by urbansystems, lifts, cable cars, escalators, moving walkways, etc.. A focus is also provided in relation to the ropeways, currently operating in many cities around the world, highlighting the effectiveness of mobility solutions at high altitude, although not necessarily intended for the slope, taken in metropolitan contexts outside of Europe since the Seventies. Furthermore a specific attention it is payed to the plants currently disused in Turin and in Naples with a special regard to the possible recovery prospects in a new urban mobility system. For the city of Naples it is presented also a new project for a rope way between the two famous museums: the Archeological Museum, which is located inside the inner city, and the Capodimonte one which is at top if the hill of Capodimonte inside the well known area of the royal palace. Finally some new projects are presented regarding the cities of Rome and Milan. For the two biggest Italian cities there are two ropeways designed that will, in the case of Milan, link urban areas along a path that includes interchanges and stations in major urban hubs, starting from the airport; in the case of Rome the “link” will cross the river Tevere in order to connect two large districts of the city: the EUR and Magliana, historicallysplitted by the barrier river".The urban transfer by using ropeways can produce impacts and externalities which, if well-managed, can trigger processes reliever, sustainable development and promoting tourism inside the city. The article starts from the consideration of urban transport by ropeways as a viable, effective alternative to the collective transfer among different areas of the city, particularly in those cities characterized by unique morphological or hydrographic territory which are fit for being overcome by mobility systems at high altitude. These features, in many international urban contexts, also contribute to enhance the amenity and the urban appeal. The paper intends to underline how the ropeways can become an efficient urban transport system between urban sites, often placed at different heights and for which there is a less accessibility by ground, and at the same time, a fascinating way of tourist mobility that allow people to observe the city from above (moving on it), in a sort of dynamic view. This interesting functional convergence has been often highlighted in the studies conducted on this mode of transportation, ,which in the past was considered one of the real possibilities for urban moving. Many cities are characterized by this type of mobility and within which existing systems of lifts, oblique connections between parts of the city are provided by urbansystems, lifts, cable cars, escalators, moving walkways, etc.. A focus is also provided in relation to the ropeways, currently operating in many cities around the world, highlighting the effectiveness of mobility solutions at high altitude, although not necessarily intended for the slope, taken in metropolitan contexts outside of Europe since the Seventies. Furthermore a specific attention it is payed to the plants currently disused in Turin and in Naples with a special regard to the possible recovery prospects in a new urban mobility system. For the city of Naples it is presented also a new project for a rope way between the two famous museums: the Archeological Museum, which is located inside the inner city, and the Capodimonte one which is at top if the hill of Capodimonte inside the well known area of the royal palace. Finally some new projects are presented regarding the cities of Rome and Milan. For the two biggest Italian cities there are two ropeways designed that will, in the case of Milan, link urban areas along a path that includes interchanges and stations in major urban hubs, starting from the airport; in the case of Rome the “link” will cross the river Tevere in order to connect two large districts of the city: the EUR and Magliana, historicallysplitted by the barrier river"
Territorial Conflicts: Six Interpretations
No full textNelle società contemporanee i conflitti territoriali sono ormai diventati più frequenti e diffusi dei conflitti sociali. Il loro tratto caratteristico è costituito da comunità che difendono il loro territorio da aggressioni esterne che possono essere costituite tanto da manufatti invasivi, quanto da insediamenti umani sgraditi. Questo articolo si propone di rispondere a tre domande: 1) perché si sono diffusi in questi ultimi venti anni? 2) qual è il “vero” oggetto del contendere? 3) come possono essere affrontati, con quali possibili sbocchi?Non esiste una risposta univoca a queste domande. Analizzando i discorsi che circolano su questo tema, emergono sei tipi di risposte che giungono a risultati diversi. I conflitti territoriali vengono infatti visti di volta in volta (a) come manifestazioni particolaristiche che impediscono il soddisfacimento di interessi generali, (b) come l’effetto di attori interessati che strumentalizzano a proprio vantaggio le paure delle popolazioni; (c) come l’esito della sproporzione tra costi concentrati e benefici diffusi; (d) come reazione a rischi inaccettabili; (e) come resistenza dei luoghi ai flussi che li invadono; (f) come richiesta di un diverso modello di sviluppo.La conclusione è che i conflitti territoriali sono fenomeni a molte facce. Se ci concentrassimo – come spesso viene fatto nel dibattito corrente – su una sola di esse, rischieremmo di accontentarci di una visione semplificata e, per ciò stesso, distorta.In contemporary societies, territorial conflicts, i.e. conflicts concerning unwelcome facilities or LULU (Locally Unwanted Land Use), tend to be more frequent and widespread than social conflicts. These conflicts are characterized by the protest of local communities that fight for the defence of their land from external aggressions, such as invasive artefacts (motorways, high speed lines, waste disposal plants, etc.) or human settlements (Roma camps, mosques, immigrants, etc.).This article aims to answer to three questions: 1) why these conflicts have increased in last decades? 2) what is their real stake? 3) how can be dealt with and with which possible outcomes?There is no single answer to these questions. If we take into consideration the discourses that are made on this issue, six types of narratives emerge that go in different directions. The territorial conflicts are seen, from time to time. (a) as the expression of particularistic and egoistic points of view that prevent the fulfilment of the general interest, (b) as the pressure of vested interests that exploit to the fear of the population for other purposes; (c ) as the consequence of the imbalance between concentrated costs and distributed benefits; (d) as a reaction to risks that are deemed unacceptable; (e) as the resistance of the places against the flows that invade or cross them; (f) as a demand for a different model of development.The conclusion is that such conflicts are multi-faceted phenomena. If we pay attention - as the current debate often do - only on one of these several dimensions, we risk to content ourselves with a simplified and, thereby, distorted interpretation
Walking (and cycling) to change the city
No full textLa città contemporanea è disegnata e organizzata prevalentemente per soddisfare le esigenze di chi si sposta utilizzando l'automobile, è una città a misura di automobilista. Di conseguenza, chi non vuole o (più spesso) non può usare l'automobile per effettuare i propri spostamenti vede negarsi quotidianamente la possibilità di esercitare pienamente il proprio diritto fondamentale di muoversi liberamente, autonomamente e in sicurezza e la possibilità di "usare" gli spazi della città sottratti dalle automobili all'uso pubblico e collettivo. Compito dell'urbanistica è definire e attuare progetti e politiche di promozione del diritto di mobilità e del diritto alla città per tutti e ciascuno. Progetti e politiche che devono necessariamente prevedere una riduzione del numero complessivo di automobili circolanti. Per ottenere questo importante ma difficile risultato è necessario attivare la collaborazione volontaria, consapevole e responsabile degli abitanti. L'urbanistica deve dunque porsi il problema di come attivare l'apprendimento sociale in grado di determinare un vero e proprio cambiamento culturale in materia di mobilità. In questo articolo proveremo a spiegare perché e come può essere utile fare riferimento ai presupposti e alle modalità d'azione di quell'insieme di iniziative collettive, spesso giocose, di riappropriazione, "liberazione", occupazione degli spazi e delle strade della città che, pur essendo pubblici sulla carta, sono di fatto privatizzati, perché ad uso pressoché esclusivo dalle automobili: Critical Mass, Piedibus, Parking Day, ecc.Contemporary city is mainly designed and managed in order to meet drivers' needs (and those of their vehicles!). (Alagia, Chiusaroli 2000; Viale 2007; Ward 1978) And since there is an unsolvable conflict between drivers' and pedestrians' needs (and cyclists, skaters, runners, ... needs too), we can say that contemporary city is not capable of ensuring the right of pedestrians (and cyclists) to safely and freely walk (and to safely and freely cycle). (Illich 2006; Labbucci 2011; Viale 2007) Urban traffic congestion has a number of negative effects: road accidents, air pollution, noise pollution, time wastage, privatization of public spaces, limitation of the right of pedestrians (and cyclists) to walk (and to cycle). All these negative effects cause a significant reduction of everyday quality of life for everyone: both people who use car and people who cannot or does not want to. (Alagia, Chiusaroli 2000; Viale 2007) Urban planning has to guarantee the right to actually "use" the city for every and each individual, including pedestrians (and cyclists). To achieve this goal it is necessary to make policies aimed at reducing the overall number of cars. The engagement of people (voluntary, aware and responsible) is essential to make these policies work. Therefore, urban planning has to deal with this issue: how can social learning be effectively enhanced to promote a cultural change in mobility behaviour? Until now, urban planning has mainly referred to reasons of environmental sustainability. (Viale 2007) Results are not satisfactory. Most Italian cities are still hostile to pedestrians (and cyclists), especially to the most vulnerable groups: children, elderly people, disabled people, etc. Perhaps, reasons of environmental sustainability are not much effective because of their individualistic nature and since they refer especially to long term effects of actions. (Elster 1993; Illich 2006; Viale 2007) Urban planning probably should concentrate more on reasons of the right to the city. There are people who choose to be pedestrians (or cyclists) for reasons of the right to the city: they walk (or cycle) to interfere with established urban design and management, in order to claim their right to "use" the city. Their main goal is to free the streets and the public spaces from cars and to bring them back to pedestrians (and cyclists). People who promote and participate in collective initiatives like Critical Mass, Walking School Bus, Parking Day, etc. can be considered part of this category. In this paper, we will try to explain why and how referring to assumptions and characteristics of these collective initiatives of re-conquest of the streets and the spaces of the city (public on paper, but private de facto) can be useful to make more effective policies aimed at building walkable (and cyclable) cities
Torino Porta Susa, PEC SPINA 2: Stazione Ferroviaria e Torre Servizi
Get PDFThe project of the new station of Torino Porta Susa is the project of a huge urban public space, where the station, conceived as an urban gallery, becomes a real street, a “passage”, a new kind of urbanity shape for the future city. The railway station’s transparent volume - a 385 m (the length of the TGV) long steel and glass tunnel, 30 m. width, with a variable height compared to the outdoor street level (between 12 and 3 m at the height of the cover) - is proposed as a modern reinterpretation of the nineteenth century’s urban galleries and the great historical station’s halles, as well as a kind of symbolic building. Symbol of movement, of the travel universe and the presence of the transportation universe in the contemporary city, urban simulacrum of the object train disappeared from the urban scene below the future Central Spine. The sinuous movement of the tunnel follows the flows of urban pedestrians from the city towards the different transportation modes presents at various levels (national and international lines AV, regional lines, subways, taxis ...) emphasizing with its lowering the presence of the big void inside of the underground subway station, about 20 meters deep. The gallery, oriented north-south, folds with its internal pedestrian paths to bring natural light and the sky of Turin, to the quays of trains (at an altitude of -10 m) and the Subway (which share -20), transformed so’ in a sort of urban sidewalks. The fast rhythm of the structure of arches with step 360 cm. is marked by the presence of numerous openings along the longitudinal development of the gallery, which is crossed by three transversal passages inside the gallery and is bounded by two others on the north and south of the lot, connecting the city from east to west at street level in continuity with pre-existing axes. The presence of these transversal passages accentuates the urban value of the Spina which was to re-connect the two sides of the city until now shared by the ancient railways lines. In that way the city comes inside the station and the station becomes a real part of the city, permeable to pedestrian flows crossed in all directions and at different levels. The internal distribution of the different functional areas is based on a balance program with approximately 10.000 m² of services to travellers and the city (ticket offices, shops, restaurants, bars, terraces), approximately 10.000 m² of hall and public paths and still about 10.000 m² of technical areas, parking and service areas, ... The glass roof (surface of 15.000 m² ) will be equipped with a photovoltaic system (installed power = 765 kW peak) 2300 arranged on the panels that make up 3600 (surface approximately 9.000 m²) capable of producing 680,000 KWH’s year of electricity consumed in the public network and corresponding to approximately 35% of domestic needs of future PV, which we hope will become a new symbol for Turin.Il progetto della stazione di Torino Porta Susa è il progetto di un grande vuoto urbano, di uno spazio pubblico, dove la stazione, vera e propria galleria coperta, diviene strada, passage, luogo di una nuova urbanità della città del futuro. Il volume in acciaio e vetro della stazione, - lunga 385 m., larga 30 con altezza variabile tra i 12 ed i 3 m. – si propone come rivisitazione moderna del tema della galleria urbana ottocentesca e delle grandi halles delle stazioni storiche. L’edificio stazione diviene lui stesso simbolo del movimento, del viaggio e della presenza del mondo dei trasporti nella città contemporanea, simulacro urbano dell’oggetto treno, scomparso dalla città al disotto della futura Spina Centrale. Il movimento sinuoso della galleria segue l’andamento dei flussi pedonali urbani provenienti dalla città e legati ai diversi modi di trasporto presenti ai vari livelli sottolineando con il suo abbassamento la presenza del vuoto interno della metropolitana. La galleria, orientata nord-sud, si piega con i suoi percorsi interni pedonali per portare la luce naturale ed il cielo di Torino, fino alla banchina dei treni (a quota -10 m.) e della metropolitana (a quota -20), trasformate cosi’ in una sorta di marciapiede urbano. Il ritmo serrato della struttura degli arconi con passo 360 cm. è scandito dalla presenza delle numerose aperture lungo lo sviluppo longitudinale della galleria, in continuità con gli assi urbani presistenti. La presenza di tali passaggi accentua cosi’ la ricucitura urbana realizzata con la Spina. trasformando la stazione in un luogo della città, in uno spazio pedonale estremamente permeabile. La città entra in stazione..... e la stazione diviene essa stessa città
Qualità urbana vs mobilità individuale: il Personal Rapid Transit
No full textThe great increase in the demand for private mobility with theconsequent macroscopic growth of channels to meet it, togetherwith short-sighted policies of transport and urban developmentspread above all in Italy, has produced pollution, congestion andunlivability in the last fifty years.The hope of assuring the maximum individual freedom of travel topeople living in consolidated urban centres, in addition to thoseliving in the outskirts arisen and developed without any reasonableurban logic, still goes on producing congestion of vehicular traffic,considered, by the majority of citizens, the main cause of thedeterioration of the quality of life in our cities.Indeed, also the most recent reports on environment in Italiancities show that the pollution levels are increasing in the big cities,although the news are full of very expensive projects, innovativesolutions and unexpected goals continuously shown by publicadministrations. One of the main environmental detractors is cartraffic, which has recently gained on public transport. unlike theprevious period.Most of mobility policies implemented in our cities aims at reachingthe modal balance by means of measures for controlling and managingthe demand for mobility, for mitigating traffic and limiting circulation.,such as the road pricing and the parking strategies; for developingand increasing public transport and not polluting means of transport,car sharing and car pooling.All of them have showed modest results both in terms of pollutionreduction and vehicular traffic reduction.For over fifty years, mostly in the United States, the Personal RapidTransit has been tested, a system of public transport trying to jointwo apparently incompatible factors: the possibility of assuringindividual travels and the need for decreasing the levels of acousticand air pollution as well as the congestion caused by privatevehicular traffic.In Italy this system is still not well known despite the versatility ofits fields of application. In the United States and all over the worldthe most successful applications concern circumscribed monofunctionalurban ambits, such as large areas for offices, airportsand so on, but the characteristics of this system - such as flexibility,capability of integration with other wide-range systems of publictransport, little dimensions of the exchange junctions, quite lowcost - can allow to realize it also in different typologies of area.If many people are doubtful about the effectiveness of this system,on the contrary, other people think that its steady implementationand experimentation is necessary to improve urban liveability.These last ones believe, in fact, that the combination of small vehiclessimilar to private car, the advantage of trips without intermediatestops and changes of car, cost reduction, possibility of a wideraccessibility not reachable by traditional means of public transportare the key basic elements to replace car travels with low pollutingmeans of public transport
