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    Bidding Farewell to Confederate Statues: Landscape, Politics, and American History

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    In 2015 there emerged a nationwide campaign to remove all Confederate memorials commemorating white supremacy of “the old South” from public parks and city centers in the United States. Given that fighting racism and fascism is not equivalent to fighting monuments, one can ask if an attack on dead slaveholders and famous American Confederate generals is worth a large-scale cleansing of the American cultural landscape. Questioning some of the rationales of the campaign is not about defending these statues. If people democratically so decide, they may well get rid of any historical memorials they find ethically offensive. This essay deals with the issue as it pertains to the American cultural landscap

    Mutuality Talk in a Family-Owned Multinational: Anthropological Categories & Critical Analyses of Corporate Ethicizing

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    This article draws on work carried out as part of a collaboration between an elite business school and a family-owned multinational corporation, concerned with promoting ‘mutuality in business’ as a new frontier of responsible capitalism. While the business school partners treated mutuality as a new principle central to an emergent ethical capitalism, the corporation claimed mutuality as a long-established value unique to their company. Both interpretations foreground a central problem in recent writing on the anthropology of business/corporations: the tension between the claim that economic life is always embedded within a moral calculus, and the shift towards increasingly ethical behaviour among many corporations. Further, recent work in the anthropology of business rejects normative evaluations of corporate ethicizing. When corporations lay claim to ethical renewal, but maintain a commitment to competition and growth, then anthropologists must balance a sympathetic engagement with corporate ethicizing, and critical engagement with growth-based strategies

    Studenteroprøret på sociologi. Fagkritik og pædagogisk fornyelse

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    The genealogy of the plan for "A Denmark without Parallel Societies"

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    Artiklen præsenterer et genealogisk studie af spørgsmålet om udsatte byområder i Danmark fra nedsættelsen af Byudvalget i 1993 og frem til »parallelsamfundspakken « i 2018. Artiklens empiriske genstand er de skiftende forståelser af dette spørgsmål og implikationerne for periodens politiske tiltag med »parallelsamfundspakken« som det seneste eksempel. Teoretisk trækkerartiklen på Foucaults begreb om problematikker samt Foucault-inspireredestudier af bypolitik i dens forskellige former i hhv. Frankrig og Storbritannien.Den empiriske analyse af den danske udvikling baserer sig på et bredtudvalg af primært nationale policy-dokumenter. Gennem læsningen af dokumenternevises den konflikt- og modsætningsfyldte sammensathed, der kendetegnerpolitikkerne over for udsatte byområder i perioden, samtidig medat analysen identificerer overordnede tendenser i retning af en nyliberal ogautoritær drejning.This article presents a genealogical study of the question of disadvantagedurban areas in Denmark from the establishment of the national Urban Committeein 1993 to the plan for A Denmark without Parallel Societies in 2018.The article analyses the changing understanding of this question and the implicationsfor political initiatives with the »Parallel Society« plan as the latestexample. Theoretically, the article draws on Foucault’s notion of problematicsas well as Foucault-inspired studies of urban politics in France and Great Britain.The empirical analysis of Danish policies towards disadvantaged urbanareas is based on a wide selection of primarily national policy documents. Thereading of these documents reveals the conflictual and composite nature ofDanish urban policies since the 1990s, and identifies overall trends towards aneoliberal and authoritarian turn

    A city’s green areas – and the right to them: the case of Valparaíso, Chile

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    Med udgangspunkt i konceptet retten til byen bidrager denne artikel til at forstålokalsamfundets forandringskapacitet i forhold til at bremse markedsstyreturbanisering. Retten til byen forstås som en kollektiv ret til indflydelse på,hvordan byen udvikler sig. Samtidig er det også en ret til at gentænke voresforhold til byen og dens landskab. På den måde handler retten til byen både omat forsvare byen mod gentrificering, men også om retten til at forestille sig enby med flere urbane og grønne fælleder. Artiklen præsenterer et case-studiefra Chile, hvor lokale borgere bekæmper gentrificeringen af et historisk kvarteri Valparaíso. Ved at frame privatejede grønne områder som urbane fællederudfordrer beboerne det skarpe skel mellem private og offentlige rum i byen,hvilket stiller spørgsmål ved den aktuelle byudvikling i Chile. Casen viser,hvordan kampen for bevarelse af stedets natur- og kulturarv er forbundetmed en stærk lokal identitet og en forståelse af byens landskab som værdifuld.Vi kan i en dansk kontekst lære af den chilenske case, at det er muligt atbremse gentrificering af byen, hvis der opbygges en bred politisk konsensusblandt borgere og lokalpolitikere for at beskytte grønne områder som urbanefælleder.This article contributes to the understanding of the capacity of local communitiesto slow down market-driven urbanisation. It employs the idea of theright to the city, which is understood as a collective right to shaping powerover the urban development. It is also a right to rethink our relationship tothe city and its landscape. Thus, the right to the city is about defending the cityfrom gentrification but also a right to imagine a city with more urban andgreen commons. The article presents a case-study from Chile, where local citizensare fighting the gentrification of a historic neighbourhood in Valparaíso.By framing private owned green areas as urban commons, the citizens challengethe current urban development in Chile. The case shows how the struggleto preserve the natural and cultural heritage locally is connected to a stronglocal identity and an appreciation of the value of the urban landscape. We canlearn from the Chilean case that it is possible to slow down gentrification of thecity when a broad political consensus about protecting green areas as urbancommons is established among citizens and local politicians

    Redaktørens forord

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    På vej på niveau

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    Deff-projektet ”Kompetenceudvikling relateret til open science og digital literacy” har brugt to år på syv leverancer, der skal hjælpe ledere og medarbejdere, til at komme på niveau

    The Beginning of the End for the Chinese Proletariat

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    This article examines how China’s Communist Party (CCP) sought to justify its policies fostering inequality at the urban factory floor in the early years after Mao’s death through publications in the People’s Daily. The article focuses on three issues that emerged frequently in the newspaper: the increased prevalence of incentive wages, the abolishment of life-time employment for workers and the evolving discourse related to worker influence at their workplace. The article shows that the People’s Daily did not simply seek to persuade the public that the reforms were compatible with socialism, the newspaper also took great care to showcase which kinds of behaviours and emotions would be appropriate for the new working subject. The CCP’s dedication to reforming the population through the press makes the People’s Daily an excellent source for tracking norm intransigence on the part of the population. Based on the observation that the CCP sought to legitimate policies ending employment security many years before such policies were adopted, the article also suggests that public opinion had a direct influence on the timing of the early reforms

    Situating Genealogies of Terrorism

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    From the Hood to the White House: The Cultural Imaginary of Presidential Blackness in Head of State

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    This article analyzes the film Head of State’s cultural imaginary of presidential blackness that signifies national progress while sublimating social conflict. The plot imagines a black man from the hood successfully running for presidency, living the American dream, and becoming an unconventional national icon. His symbolic blackness comprises two markers of difference: his identification with the disenfranchised hood and the black diaspora. As he challenges racial inequality in the U.S. as well as moral corruption among the élite, he unifies one historical fiction of America. I focus on how the film attributes an anti-establishment legacy to a minority president based on his countercultural identity performances although he remains complicit with foundational institutions of government. While the film projects hopes for future racial and economic equality upon a fictional black president and strategically redefines the American dream, I argue that it appropriates and revives American exceptionalist myths

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