Copenhagen Business School: CBS Open Journals

Bestyrelsen, DFFU

 REVY NR.  2   |   SOMMER   |   202114
TRANSFORMATION
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Skal vi snakke lidt om 
digital transformation?
Digital transformation handler om os selv som  
organisationer, men i høj grad også om vores brugere 
og de services, vi yder. Alle har vi lært en masse om at 
undervise og rådgive på Zoom og Skype i dette år.
Kom og del dine erfaringer på DFFU’s årsmøde  
i september, hvor temaet er digital transformation.
Foto: Tim Mossholder/Unsplash
At udnytte digitaliseringen og de tilgængelige teknologiske muligheder til 
at skabe større kvalitet og værdi for vores brugere på en omkostningseffektiv 
måde er nøglen til digital transformation. 
 REVY NR. 2   |   SOMMER   |   2021 15
TRANSFORMATION
Vi har alle i vores arbejdsliv det sene-
ste år været igennem en form for digi-
tal transformation.
Pludselig skulle vi finde ud af at sam-
arbejde med vores kollegaer online. 
Undervise, vejlede, rådgive og være 
i kontakt med vores brugere online. 
Vi har lært mange nye værktøjer og 
omgangsformer på rekordtid, og det 
er lykkedes! Efterhånden som vi alle 
så småt vender tilbage til vores fy-
siske arbejdspladser, skal vi finde ud 
af, hvordan vi forener vores ”gamle” 
arbejdsliv med de nye online kompe-
tencer og erfaringer, vi har oparbejdet. 
Vi skal tage det gode fra vores online 
arbejdsliv med ind i vores fysiske 
arbejdsliv og forene de to, så det kom-
mer os selv, vores organisationer og 
vores brugere til gavn.
Brug for et helhedssyn
Det bliver en omfattende og spæn-
dende proces og ingen af os kender 
alle de gode svar. Det kan derfor give 
mening, at vi snakker lidt om digital 
transformation. Men hvad betyder di-
gital transformation egentlig og hvad 
kan vi bruge den til? 
Pernille Kræmmergaard taler i sin bog: 
”Digital transformation – 10 evner din 
organisation skal mestre – og 3 som 
du har brug for” fra 2019, om digital 
transformation som noget andet og 
mere end digitalisering og brug af IT. 
Digital transformation er ikke blot at 
gøre noget elektronisk. At skabe digital 
transformation handler om at anlægge 
et helhedssyn på organisation, medar-
bejdere, brugere, samarbejdspartnere 
med flere.
Kvalitet og værdi for brugerne
Den digitale transformation handler 
om os selv som organisationer, men i 
høj grad også om vores brugere og de 
services, vi yder. 
At udnytte digitaliseringen og de til-
gængelige teknologiske muligheder 
til at skabe større kvalitet og værdi for 
vores brugere på en omkostningseffek-
tiv måde er således nøglen til digital 
transformation. 
Vi i FFU-bibliotekerne har ekspertisen 
og det digitale mindset inden for nog-
le af de aspekter, der definerer digital 
transformation. 
Det har vi, fordi sektoren har været 
hurtig til at udnytte nye teknologier til 
aktiviteter som digitalisering, digital 
arkivering og digital problemløsning.
Men hvad kan digital transformation 
konkret betyde for FFU-bibliotekerne? 
Det er vi i DFFU-bestyrelsen nysgerrige 
på, og derfor sætter vi fokus på netop 
digital transformation på dette års 
årsmøde i september. 
Digital transformation er ikke kun 
en ledelsesmæssig opgave, det er en 
proces, som alle skal bidrage til. En 
god digital transformation kræver 
faglige indsigter og kompetencer, som 
FFU-bibliotekernes medarbejdere må-
ske allerede besidder.
Så kom og deltag i årsmødet, hvor vi 
sammen kan blive klogere på digital 
transformation og kan inspirere hin-
anden og ikke mindst dele viden og 
erfaringer.
Besøg også DFFU’s facebook-side,  
hvor du finder en længere artikel om 
digital transformation.
BESTYRELSEN TAGER ORDET
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En god digital transformation  
kræver faglige indsigter  
og kompetencer, som  
FFU-bibliotekernes medarbejdere 
måske allerede besidder
DFFU-BESTYRELSENS KLUMME – JUNI 2021
Foto: Tim Mossholder/Unsplash


English

Skal vi snakke lidt om digital transformation?

Katic, Stefan

Genåbning - DFFU på sociale medier

Vær med i DFFU's årsmøde 16.-17. september 2021

Nieh, Camellia

 
 
 
 
 
Field Notes of Volunteer Work in Iwanuma 
Camellia Nieh 
 
 
 
 
 
 
I met up with my team on the 28th and drove up to Sendai, in Miyagi 
Prefecture. We spent the night at the hostel there and reported to the 
Volunteer Center in Iwanuma early the next morning. It's currently 
Golden Week in Japan--an extended holiday, and people from all over the 
country have swarmed to Tohoku to volunteer. We knew this would be 
the case and lined up early to get out assignments. 
 My team is awesome. I was a bit worried because I put the team 
together through Facebook, without ever meeting the other members in 
person. But everyone has been great. Generous, cooperative, hard-
working, and fun to be with. K, a Japanese friend from college, also joined 
us. And all of the other volunteers in Iwanuma have been welcoming and 
friendly. I wasn't sure how people would react to a team of foreigners, but 
everyone welcomes us with open arms, shares food and information with 
us, and thanks us for coming. 
 The experience has been indescribable. There is so much to write 
and I won't have time right now but here are some of the highlights. The 
tsunami damage is horrifying. There are swaths of land covered in mud 
and straw (from rice fields) and full of debris, rubble, furniture, cars, 
boats, uprooted trees, everything. In Iwanuma, much of the larger refuse 
such as cars and boats have been cleared, but they remain in some areas 
we have driven through. Sometimes you see just the rooftop of a house on 
 
 
Page 1 of 5 
 
Republished JBA 
10(1): 21-25 
Spring 2021 
 
© The Author(s) 
2020 ISSN 2245-
4217 
www.cbs.dk/jba 
 
2021 
ISSN 2245-4217 
 
DOI: 
10.22439/jba.v10i1.6
321 
 
Journal of Business Anthropology, 10(1), Spring 2021 
 
 22 
top of a car, etc. 
 There is a layer of sludge and straw on top of everything. It 
contains contaminants and must be cleared, one shovelful at a time. 
Roads and public areas are cleared by the SDF, but people's gardens, 
greenhouses, homes, etc must be cleared by hand. It's very heavy work 
and the scope of the work is daunting, but there are many people helping, 
and during Golden Week there are so many volunteers that hundreds are 
turned away every day. Not because there isn't enough work, but because 
the volunteer centers have a limited number of vans and drivers and 
supplies. After the sludge is cleared, it will be three years before the land 
can be used again for edible crops. Nearly all of the vegetation has been 
wiped out. Some small evergreen shrubs seem to have survived, as well as 
daffodils and onions. I brought a big bag of flower seeds donated from 
Portland Nursery, and the VC has promised to put them to use. 
 Many of the volunteers sleep in cars or vans parked in the VC 
parking lot, or in tents in a nearby park. Some have been here for several 
weeks and have developed relationships with local residents. These 
volunteers coordinate their own teams to do unofficial projects without 
going through the VC, and we have joined them for the past few days after 
being turned away at the VC. Today and yesterday, our team helped clean 
up a cemetery. The whole place was covered in mud, straw, and refuse. 
Some of the tombstones were knocked over, as were the cups and dishes 
people leave as offerings for their loved ones. While we were there 
working, people from the community came to visit the graves and place 
flowers there. We cleared the mud out of the corridors and central 
building where people offer incense. We were told not to clear the grave 
sites, as those belong to individuals. 
 The evacuees in Iwanuma seem to be doing fairly well. Their 
temporary housing units are up, and the children play in the park where 
the volunteers camp. They have new bicycles and fanny packs and seem 
to be getting enough to eat. But we hear that things are different in 
Watari, the next town over. Ken drove down this morning to donate some 
supplies he had brought in his truck. At the Watari Kouminkan, which 
serves as the distribution center, he was told that they had enough 
supplies and they would not accept the things he had brought. There were 
boxes of supplies piled high in their warehouse. But when he visited the 
individual shelters and spoke with people there, they said they were only 
getting two meals a day, with only rice or bread in the morning. They 
were extremely appreciative when he offered them the food, diapers, 
sanitary products, etc that he had brought. Apparently, there is red tape 
that causes the supplies to bottleneck at the Kouminkan, because they 
must be well documented and distributed "fairly," which is preventing 
enough supplies from reaching those who need them. 
 Meanwhile, at the VC in Iwanuma, volunteers are driven to work 
                                                                                      Nieh / Field Notes of Volunteer Work in Iwanuma 
 23 
sites, shovel mud for a two hour shift, and return to the VC. There is a 
morning shift and an afternoon shift. Volunteers from restaurants 
(sometimes from other prefectures) have set up booths where they 
provide free soup or noodles for the volunteers, and there are tables set 
up with beverages and snacks that have been donated. The VC also passes 
out toothbrush sets and radios for those staying in tents and vehicles. 
When we return from a mud shoveling shift, there is a team with power 
washers who hose down our boots and tools. While we were waiting for 
the next shift, one of the VC staff offered us Hagen Daas ice cream cups. 
And whenever we work at someone's house shoveling mud, the 
homeowners come out at break time with cans of coffee and snacks for 
the team. But we have not lost our homes, jobs, and loved ones. We could 
do just fine without free noodles, coffee, and ice cream. It's very hard for 
me to understand why supplies are being held up in a warehouse in 
Watari to ensure "fairness." 
 Over the weekend, our friend A. drove in from Fukushima and 
joined the team for an afternoon of mud shoveling, then drove back to 
Fukushima that night. K. and I hadn't seen A. in 10 years and had been 
worried sick about him when the earthquake and tsunami struck, and 
when the nuclear accident was at its peak. We were so happy to see him. 
When A. returned to Fukushima and told people he had been to Iwanuma, 
they asked him, "Did anyone throw rocks at you?" Since the nuclear 
accident, people from Fukushima are sometimes ostracized when they 
leave the prefecture. Children of evacuees from Fukushima are sometimes 
bullied in school, and when residents from Fukushima evacuated the area 
during the nuclear meltdown, they were turned away from evacuation 
centers and hotels if they didn't have a certificate that proved that they 
were contamination free. But many shelters don't have Geiger counters, 
so people who lost their homes and everything they owned were then 
turned away when they sought refuge. A. worried that his presence might 
dampen other volunteers’ spirits when they learned he was from 
Fukushima and has been hesitant to join us again Iwanuma on his next 
day off. 
 We finished up our last day of volunteering in Iwanuma 
yesterday, cleaning up homes and fields in the residential neighborhood 
not far from the graveyard we'd cleared earlier. 
 On the way to the work sites, there were areas where the Self 
Defense Forces still hadn't cleared large rubble like cars and boats. The 
most shocking was a small pile of cars the tsunami had deposited near a 
building. There was also a huge mass of rubber tires that had been 
deposited in a field. 
 As we worked in the residential neighborhood, more and more 
neighbors emerged from their homes and asked for help. Some had had 
their homes cleared by volunteer teams organized by the Iwanuma VC, 
Journal of Business Anthropology, 10(1), Spring 2021 
 
 24 
but were then told that they were ineligible to request a team to clear 
their fields or gardens because they had already been helped once. The 
task of clearing a small field of sludge would be daunting for families or 
individuals, but with a team of thirty or more people, the work moves 
quickly and it is very satisfying to see all of the sludge cleared in an hour 
or so. We pile it up near the street, and later a dump truck and power 
shovel will come to remove it. 
 We wear masks, boots, and gloves to protect ourselves from the 
dust. Some volunteers also wear goggles and helmets, but most of us 
chose not to bother. Metal insoles are recommended to prevent nails from 
puncturing the soles of your boots, but for most of the work we've been 
doing this hasn't been too much of an issue. The weather has been sunny 
for the past few days and the masks are uncomfortable, but if you take 
them off the dust hurts your throat. The sludge is easiest to remove when 
it's not too wet and not to dry, and congeals in a sort of chunky layer on 
top of the soil. Too wet and it becomes very heavy to shovel, too dry and it 
becomes crumbly and raises dust. The more time passes, the more it will 
dry out and crumble, and the dust will spread and become hard to 
remove. Conditions for sludge removal are really ideal at the moment, but 
in a few weeks the rainy season will come, followed by the summer heat. 
For these and other reasons, the quicker the sludge can be removed, the 
better. 
 At first the volunteer center gave instructions not to volunteer 
directly in the community without coordination by the VC. Our volunteer 
insurance won't work if we don't go through the VC, and doing things 
through official channels is generally a high priority in Japan. But during 
Golden Week, there have been around 800 or more volunteers gathered 
at the volunteer center. The VC assigns work to around 200-300 in the 
morning and around 200-300 in the afternoon, and the groups only work 
for 2-hour shifts. Given the situation and the high need for help in the 
community, more and more independent teams like the one we joined 
have begun collaborating directly with local households and groups. At 
first we were anxious about subverting the rules, but we soon realized 
that although the VC wasn't directly sanctioning such activities, they were 
happy to look the other way. And on the last two days of our activities, 
they actually officially began communicating with the individual teams 
and including our activities in the reports on their website. So on 
Tuesday, the VC dispatched 242 volunteers in the morning and 242 in the 
afternoon, while 320 participated in self- organized groups. Having 
participated in both, I think self-organized groups are actually much more 
effective because many of the same members work together day after day 
and become organized and efficient at sharing the labor. We also work 
from 9 until 3:30, with hourly short breaks and a one- hour break for 
lunch on site at 12. It doesn't sound like much, but we get a lot done. 
 
                                                                                      Nieh / Field Notes of Volunteer Work in Iwanuma 
 25 
 After working with the self-organized group for four days, we 
really felt like a team by the end. We exchanged contact info and took 
pictures. The team was especially appreciative that our international 
group had come to help. I felt like our presence meant more than simply 
the work we were able to contribute — it represented to the volunteers 
and the tsunami victims the goodwill of outsiders towards Japan, and that 
seemed to mean a lot to people. Even though our contribution was small, 
it felt significant to me and I felt really honored and privileged to have the 
opportunity to participate. I was sad to go, but I have a deadline coming 
up in a few days and needed to get back to Internet access. 
  My teammates all plan to come back again soon to do more work. 
I hope to have the opportunity to do the same. 
 
 
 
* information for other volunteers interested in doing similar work: 
http://foreignvolunteersjapan.blogspot.com/2011/05/volunteering-in-
iwanuma.html 
http://foreignvolunteersjapan.blogspot.com/2011/05/tohoku-needs-
volunteer-help- now.html 
 
 
 
Camellia Nieh is a Japanese Translator/Interpreter based in Portland, 
Oregon. She may be reached at camellia.nieh@gmail.com. 
 


Field Notes of Volunteer Work in Iwanuma

Laursen, Ditte

Fik du heller ikke lige set DR’s inden-
rigsmagasin Ekko den 17. maj 1963? 
Nej, vel. Så kan det 30-minutters lange 
sort-hvide tv-program om ”danskernes 
nye rejsevaner” og et indslag om Civil-
forsvarets aktuelle pjece ”Hvis krigen 
kommer”, streames på platformen 
Mediestream. Programmet er tilmed 
samlingens ældste.
Det Kgl. Bibliotek har den nationale 
forpligtelse til at indsamle og bevare 
radio og tv - som udgør nogle af de 
allervæsentligste kilder til samtidshi-
storien - til glæde for brugere nu og  
i fremtiden. Mediestream.dk, der rum-
mer en stor del af Det Kgl. Biblioteks 
digitale radio/tv-arkiv, har netop run-
det tre millioner udsendelser.
Mediestream giver adgang til ud-
sendelser fra 80 forskellige radio- og 
tv-kanaler, lige fra landsdækkende 
DR1, TV-2 og P3 til mindre kendte lo-
kalstationer som kanalen EfterskoleTv. 
Dagligt tilføjes godt 1.500 udsendelser 
til Mediestream. Dette sker ved fuld-
automatisk opklipning af de ca. 600 
timers radio- og tv-sendeflade, som  
hvert døgn nedtages via en tilslutning 
til data-overvågningsfirmaet Cibicoms 
digitale sendenet.
De mange timers sendeflade gemmes 
uændret i bibliotekets bevaringssyste-
mer. Med udgangspunkt i programop-
lysninger og udsendelsestidspunkter 
leveret af Ritzau og Gallup sammen-
kobles metadata om hver enkelt ud-
sendelse, og der genereres en formid-
lingskopi i lavere opløsning. Metadata 
og formidlingskopi gøres tilgængelig 
i Mediestream. Alle udsendelser kan 
fremsøges og afspilles cirka tre uger 
efter udsendelsestidspunktet.
Tredobling af mængden af materiale
I 1987 fik Statsbiblioteket, nu Det 
Kgl. Bibliotek, til opgave at oprette et 
nationalt arkiv for danske radio- og 
 REVY NR. 2   |   SOMMER   |   2021 3
Mediestream runder tre millioner 
radio- og tv-udsendelser
Af Ditte Laursen, Det Kgl. Bibliotek 
dila@kb.dk
Hvert døgn kommer 
der 1.500 nye 
udsendelser til,  
som kan bruges 
til undervisning og 
forskning.
Sådan så et velassorteret AV- og mediebibliotek ud for ikke så længe siden. Foto: KB
tv-udsendelser, og Statens Mediesam-
ling blev etableret. Vi har tidligere 
fortalt, hvad der skete i de følgende 
år (DF Revy 3, 2008; DF Revy 3, 2016). 
Her kan man læse om udviklingen fra 
et aftale-baseret arkiv til pligtafleve-
ring, fra analog til digital indsamling, 
og om ændringerne fra ingen adgang 
over dvd-udlån og til lancering i Me-
diestream i 2013 med cirka én million 
udsendelser. I løbet er årene er mæng-
den af materiale tredoblet. Brugen af 
Mediestream har siden 2014 ligget 
nogenlunde stabilt på ca. 500.000 årlige 
besøg.
Håndholdt proces
Mediestream indeholder - i overens-
stemmelse med bibliotekets indsam-
lingspligt - landsdækkende radio- og 
fjernsynsstationer, der har en væsent-
lig egenproduktion og en vis udbre-
delse i Danmark, hvad angår seer- og 
lyttertal. Derudover findes et selektivt 
udvalg af regionale og lokale radio- og 
fjernsynskanaler samt af landsdæk-
kende radio- og fjernsynskanaler, der 
i overvejende grad udsender allerede 
udgivet musik og programindhold af 
udenlandsk oprindelse.
Ud over tilvæksten af de nyeste udsen-
delser bliver der også løbende tilføjet 
historiske udsendelser fra bibliotekets 
båndarkiver fra før 2006. Dette er en 
meget håndholdt proces, fordi udsen-
delserne først skal digitaliseres, klip-
pes, uploades og kobles til metadata, 
men på en god måned tilgængeliggø-
res op mod 100 historiske tv-udsen-
delser.
I løbet af 2021 forventer biblioteket 
desuden at begynde at publicere ældre 
digitaliserede radio-udsendelser. I før-
ste omgang bliver der tale om udsen-
delser, der er blevet bestilt til digita-
lisering af brugere. Hvis man ikke kan 
finde en udsendelse i Mediestream, 
er det sandsynligvis, fordi den ikke er 
blevet digitaliseret endnu, og så kan 
man bestille den. Det er dog ikke alle 
udsendelser, der kan bestilles, for bibli-
oteket har kun en fuldstændig samling 
fra 80’erne og frem.
Før det er samlingen mere sporadisk, 
idet den består af mindre særsam-
linger optaget på bånd af institutioner 
og privatpersoner og senere doneret 
til biblioteket. Det er heller ikke alt 
nyere materiale, der er i Mediestream 
endnu, heller ikke selv om det allerede 
er digitalt. Det gælder især for lokal- og 
regionalstationer, der skal forberedes 
til publicering på en mere håndholdt 
måde. Det skyldes, at hver af stationer-
ne selv har afleveret materialet til bibli-
oteket på forskellige måder.
Samarbejde med DR
DR har siden Statsradiofoniens (forlø-
beren for DR) etablering i 1925 haft 
et arkiv og estimerer, at ca. 30 procent 
af alt produceret og udsendt radio/tv 
er bevaret. I forhold til DR-materiale 
er DR og Det Kgl. Biblioteks arkiver i 
stort omfang overlappende, men de er  
også gensidigt supplerende. Imidlertid 
har de to institutioner både forskellige 
brugergrupper og forskellige services.
DR servicerer den brede befolkning 
på DRTV og DR LYD på dr.dk med 
udvalgte aktuelle udsendelser, der er 
tilgængelige i en kort periode i en høj 
kvalitet. Desuden servicerer DR profes-
sionelle og kommercielle kunder via 
DR Arkivsalg.
Det Kgl. Biblioteks servicerer derimod 
først og fremmest forskere og stude-
rende, og i en lavere kvalitet egnet 
til dokumentation. DR og Det Kgl. 
Bibliotek har etableret et samarbejde 
således, at udsendelser, der ikke haves 
i den ene institution, af medarbejderne 
kan rekvireres i den anden institution. 
Sådan kan alle brugertyper service-
res bedst muligt. De to institutioner 
samarbejder også for at sikre bedst 
mulig udnyttelse af begrænsede digi-
taliseringsmidler, således at indhold, 
der findes på fysiske av-bånd, kun 
digitaliseres én gang, også selv om det 
pågældende indhold findes på bånd i 
begge institutioner.
DR og Det Kgl. Bibliotek fik i 2018 af 
Kulturministeriet til opgave at gen-
nemføre et udredningsarbejde med 
henblik på at redegøre for, hvordan 
biblioteket kunne tilgængeliggøre DR’s 
arkivudsendelser for en bredere mål-
gruppe, for eksempel alle udsendelser 
ældre end 10 år til hele Danmarks 
befolkning. Udredningen viste, at der 
vil være betydelige synergieffekter ved 
at lade biblioteket stå for en sådan 
tilgængeliggørelse, da der er et stort 
overlap med bibliotekets eksisterende 
opgaver. I øjeblikket afventer vi, at 
politikerne får forhandlet en ny medie-
aftale på plads, og om der bliver afsat 
rammer til at arbejde videre med disse 
planer.
Ditte Laursen er ph.d. og  
afdelingsleder ved Digital Kulturarv,  
Det Kgl. Bibliotek.
Mediehistorie. Quizprogrammet Labyrint fra DR med værten Kim Schumacher er et af de 
over to millioner tv-programmer, der kan studeres nøjere på Mediestream. 
Fo
to
: K
B.
 REVY NR.  2   |   SOMMER   |   20214
De har adgang til Mediestream
Studerende og ansatte ved seks danske universiteter 
(CBS, KU, RUC, SDU, AU, AAU) har online adgang til mate-
rialet, ligesom arkitektskolen Aarhus og Danmarks Me-
die- og Journalisthøjskole også har købt online adgang.
Licensindtægterne, som institutionerne betaler til biblio-
teket, benytter biblioteket til at betale rettighedshaverne 
via en aftale med Copydan AVU. Museer har via en aftale 
med Slots- og Kulturstyrelsen og Copydan AVU også 
mulighed for at tilgå materialet med henblik på at kunne 
Særlig service til forskere
Mediestream opfylder ikke alle undervisnings- og forsknings-
behov, og især forskere kan have brug for radio/tv på andre 
måder end streaming. Derfor har biblioteket parallelt med 
Mediestream Offline adgang udviklet enkelte services målret-
tet forskere.
For eksempel kan forskere med en konkret forskningsopga-
ve og et dokumenteret særligt behov for at have materialet 
som en fil i stedet for som stream under visse betingelser få 
adgang til at downloade radio- og tv-udsendelser i høj kva-
litet fra Mediestream eller få tilsendt filen. Et sådan særligt 
behov kan eksempelvis være at have adgang til materialet 
offline, nærstudier af en tv-udsendelse i høj kvalitet eller at 
kunne transskribere via software, der afspiller filen. Det er en 
paragraf i ophavsretsloven, der giver mulighed for eksemplar-
fremstilling af radio, tv og webmateriale særligt til forskning 
(§ 16a Datasæt, stk. 3).
Hvis der er tale om større mængder af materiale til brug for 
tekst- og datamining, kan biblioteket også generere og udleve-
re et datasæt. På den baggrund har en forsker eksempelvis for 
nylig fået udleveret kl. 18.30 DR1 nyhedsudsendelsen fra 
alle ugedage i 2018, inklusiv DVB-teletekst, DVB-under-
tekster og DVB-undertekster for hørehæmmede. Disse 
data skulle bruges til forskellige indholdsanalyser, som 
identifikation af interviewpersoner og emner i nyheds-
fortællingerne. Forskningsinstitutionen er forpligtet til at 
slette materialet Nye brugsbehov, når forskningsprojektet 
er slut.
Lovgrundlaget for denne udleveringsservice har væ-
ret til stede, siden den nuværende ophavsretslov blev 
skabt, men det er først i forbindelse med udbredelsen 
af digital humaniora og brugervenlige værktøjer til 
processering, at biblioteket har etableret servicen, der 
aktuelt benyttes af 5-10 forskningsprojekter årligt. Det 
er således endnu et eksempel på, at biblioteket løbende 
må tilpasse sig skiftende betingelser fra omverdenen 
samtidig med en udforskning af de tekniske muligheder 
og juridiske rammer med henblik på at transformere 
sine tjenester til nye brugsbehov.  
-dl
hente udsendelser til brug i udstillinger og undervis-
ning. Der er i øvrigt fri adgang til udsendelserne for 
alle ved fremmøde på Det Kgl. Bibliotek og Det Dan-
ske Filminstitut. 
Et lille udvalg af udsendelserne findes desuden på 
mitcfu.dk (Centre for Undervisningsmidler) til elever 
og ansatte på folkeskoler og på de korte og mellem-
lange videregående uddannelser. 
-dl
Programmerne på Mediestream er forsynet med en kort syntese af indholdet. Her er det  
”Ministeren tager imod” fra september 1984 med to unge ministre fra Schlüterregeringen.
 REVY NR. 2   |   SOMMER   |   2021 5


Mediestream runder tre millioner radio- og tv-udsendelser

Lektor Søren Møller stopper nu efter 43 år med tilknytning til RUC og RUb. Han er kritisk over for RUb's fusionering med KB, som han frygter betyder tab af identitet og tungere beslutningsgange. Søren Møller er oprindeligt uddannet som biolog og kemiker på RUC

RUb 50 år: Ikke sikkert, at "one size fits all": Mine kolleger er frustrerede...

Hovedartikel: DFFU Årsmøde i Middelfart medio september.
Minitema: RUb 50 år - fusioneret til sin fødselsdag

REVY, Redaktionen

REVY 3 2021: EFTERÅR (hele nummeret)

Melander, Preben

 
Årgang 36, Nummer 4, 2021, s. 169-170 
https://doi.org/10.22439/sis.v36i4.6360 
ISSN: 2596-6200 
 
  169 
 
Styring og lederskab er skabt af mennesker og 
rettet mod menneskers adfærd 
 
Af Preben Melander *) 
 
 
 
A. Indledning 
1. Det politiserede mediesamfund 
Vort samfund og dets udviklings- og styringsvilkår ændrer sig dramatisk i disse år. Dette gælder 
både socialt, politisk, kulturelt og økonomisk. At producere en opdateret og relevant vidensamling 
inden for styring og lederskab er en svær opgave, fordi vort videngrundlag om samfundets og 
lederes grundlæggende arbejdsvilkår er begrænset og under konstant forandring. Dertil kommer, at 
vore medier er under socialt og politisk pres. Konstrueret misinformation kaldet ”fake news” 
spredes overalt, og det forvirrer menneskers tillid til, hvad der er sandt og falsk, og hvad der er godt 
og dårligt. Videnskaben overdøves af mediernes malstrøm af misinformation, vildledninger og 
spredning af konspirationsteorier. Denne vildledning er skabt af mennesker, der ud fra bevidste 
politiske, kommercielle og egocentrerede motiver ser det som sin mission at påvirke samfundets 
udvikling og meningsdannelse i en bestemt for dem selv gunstig retning. Vi har således fået et 
politisk og populistisk mediesamfund, hvor politikerne går mere op i at ensrette borgernes 
meningsdannelse end at skabe et balanceret og værdibaseret retssamfund. 
 
Vi ser her i et alvorligt samfundsproblem, der er til fare for vores demokrati, vores sociale frihed og 
tilliden til det politiske system. Set i dette lys er det vigtigt, at vore beslutningstagere herunder 
politikerne forholder sig kritisk og realistisk til, hvad styring og lederskab betyder for et samfund. 
 
2. Den lukkede og ensidige debat om fremtidens styringsformer og lederskabsideer 
Set i dette samfundsperspektiv er det oplagt at skabe forståelse for udviklingen og perspektiverne 
for fremtidens styringsformer og ledelsesmodeller. Er vi i stand til at skabe og sikre åbne og fleksible 
vilkår for udviklingen af samfundsrelevante og menneskebårne styrings- og ledelsesformer? 
 
 
 
*) Preben Melander er professor emeritus og ansvarshavende redaktør for Samfundslederskab i Skandinavien. 
   170
Det største problem er her, at vi over tid har skabt nogle faste og konservative forestillinger om, at 
styrings- og ledelsesmodeller har til formål at skabe stabile strukturer og orden, og at dette bedst 
kan opnås ved at indføre økonomiske procedurer og rationelle rutiner. Derved bliver styringen 
meget mekanistisk, som ikke kan trække på menneskers kritiske sans og kreativitet. Mennesker 
eksisterer reelt ikke i dette klassiske styringsperspektiv, som faktisk har været toneangivende i de 
sidste 60 år. Mennesker er her blot objekter, som vi med rationel teknologi kan måle, beskrive og 
holde regnskab med til gavn for systemets overlevelse. 
 
Et andet problem er, at vi ofte går ud fra, at organisationer har de samme styringsproblemer og kan 
anvende de samme styringsmodeller og procedurer, som styringsfolket anbefaler. Heri ligger, at alle 
styringsideer centrerer sig om det, som kan udtrykkes i økonomiske termer, dvs. især i tal. Det 
betyder, at styring begrænser sig til stereotype målinger og beskrivelser, som styringssamfundet 
har institutionaliseret som legale normer, og som ikke giver et korrekt billede af virkeligheden. Et 
godt eksempel er de udbredte målinger af elevers læring i folkeskolen. 
 
Et tredje problem ligger i, at stort set alle styringsmodeller og ledelsesideer tager afsæt i, at 
styringsfolket ser styringsprocesser som startende oppefra. Styringsbeslutninger træffes derfor ofte 
fra centralt hold og nedbrydes derefter ned gennem hierarkiet. Dette forhold vil ofte låse 
beslutninger fast i bestemte strukturer, der i praksis vil vanskeliggøre styringskoordination på tværs 
af organisationen. 
 
Alle de her nævnte styringsproblemer er afledt af vores teoretiske bindinger til gamle myter og 
forestillinger, som ledere og medarbejdere forventes at leve med. Det vil naturligvis resultere i en 
daglig modstand mod de indførte økonomisystemer. Konsekvenserne heraf, tager vi op i det 
efterfølgende nummer af SIS. 
 
 
 
 
 
 
        


Danish

Styring og lederskab er skabt af mennesker og rettet mod menneskers adfærd

Forsidehistorie om lanceringen af to-bindsværket "Dansk Bibliotekshistorie"

REVY 4 2021

Ben-Moshe, Liat

 
 
© Liat Ben-Moshe 
ISSN: 1832-5203 
DOI: https://doi.org/10.22439/fs.vi31.6459 
Foucault Studies, No. 31, 70-74, December 2021  
 
Article reuse guidelines: 
https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/ 
SYMPOSIUM 
Challenge to What Is: The Effect and Aftermath of Exposing 
Intolerable Conditions of Confinement 
LIAT BEN-MOSHE 
University of Illinois at Chicago, USA 
 
This collection could not have come in a more prescient time. As the editors suggest, “The 
present volume is, at once, then, a historical archive, a conceptual challenge, and a tactical 
tool kit.”1 I will focus my comments on some tactical questions regarding the effect and 
aftermath of the GIP investigation on the intolerability of incarceration. What effect did it 
have on those incarcerated? On prison conditions? On the rationale of confinement?  
My own work focuses on the connections between prison abolition and anti-disability 
confinement, especially the movements of deinstitutionalization and anti-psychiatry. To 
me, this monumental collection/translation project highlights again the continuity of dis-
ability confinement – mental crisis in prison is a general condition not an exception, as 
seen by many testimonies; in addition, “prison suicides in France marked not only a 
symptom of these desperate conditions, but also a final form of protest and escape;”2 and 
the GIP, through Foucault’s work, also saw the connections to psych incarceration outside 
the walls of the prison (the psych information groups that I hope someone translates 
next..). 
The GIP (Prisons Information Group) “sought to make the intolerable physical, mental, 
and emotional conditions of incarceration visible in ways that provoked and supported 
public intolerance of them.”3 The role of the GIP, then, was: “to unite the interior and 
exterior of the prison in the same struggle.”4 In my work,5 I discuss the cumulative effect 
 
1 Kevin Thompson and Perry Zurn, “Introduction: Legacies of Militancy and Theory,” in Intolerable: Writings 
from Michel Foucault and the Prisons Information Group, 1970-1980, eds. Kevin Thompson and Perry Zurn 
(2021), 7. 
2 Thompson and Zurn, “Introduction,” 7. 
3 “Introduction: Legacies of Militancy and Theory,” 8. 
4 Groupe d’information sure les prisons, “Back Cover of Intolerable 1,” in Intolerable: Writings from Michel 
Foucault and the Prisons Information Group, 1970-1980, ed. Kevin Thompson and Perry Zurn (2021), 94. 
5 Liat Ben-Moshe, Decarcerating Disability: Deinstitutionalization and Prison Abolition (2020). 
LIAT BEN-MOSHE 
Foucault Studies, No. 31, 70-74.    71  
of litigation and exposés of institutions for people with intellectual, developmental and 
psychiatric disability labels, especially in the 1960 and 1970s, which is when the GIP was 
active (1971-72). The value of many of these investigations of intolerance was to bring 
attention to the conditions of confinement in prisons and mental institutions, to which the 
general population was oblivious.  
The symbolic value of such inquiries was much bigger than their effect on specific de-
mands and specific facilities, however. One such effect was that it constructed and reified 
those incarcerated and institutionalized as people deserving of rights and protection from 
the State. As Foucault remarked on the Toul uprising in 1972: “They inverted the functions 
of the wall, the bars, and imprisonment itself. On that day, they did not want to get out of 
prison, but rather to be free of their status as humiliated prisoners.”6  
Although I critique, following many others, the rights framework throughout my 
work, it is important to note that obtaining rights as incarcerated people was not a small 
or obvious feat. Without perceiving those imprisoned (and in deinstitutionalization those 
with psychiatric and intellectual disabilities) as groups deserving of rights, no appeals to 
justice or legal reform could have been brought. On the most fundamental level, they had 
to be perceived, by the court and the public, as people and not as property of the state, 
otherwise any discussion of human rights is non-sensical. What is of interest then is that 
the era of prisoners’ rights had to begin with granting prisoners’ not rights but selfhood. 
The perception of prisoners as property of the state and as objects was not questioned in 
the US legal system in a sustained fashion before the 1960s, the era of reform litigation 
and early feminist and Black power.   
These exposés went beyond the scope of the rights of those incarcerated though. Prison 
uprisings, the GIP investigations (and lawsuits in the US context) acted like exposés in 
questioning the efficacy, legality and to some extent the legitimacy of carceral institutions, 
whether for punishment or for rehabilitation. This was evident in the list of demands in 
the prison revolts in France in 1972. As Foucault stated at the time: “these are not merely 
details, or rather, every detail is essential when one struggles to obtain, against a bound-
less arbitrariness, a minimum of juridical status, when one struggles to have the right to 
demand. It is important to have the right to wash, but it is essential when one obtains it 
in this way.”7 Even though some of the prisoners’ demands may seem mundane (temper-
ature, nutrition, visitation) they also encompassed a comprehensive ideal of justice, and 
the two are inextricably linked. As Hélène Cixous states in the excellent interview in this 
collection, an honorable system of justice and specific demands (for food, visitation) are 
the same thing: “they are all inscribed in reality and in the flesh.”8  
Prisoners’ rights, rebellions and litigation made the prison a topic of public discussion. 
It made those incarcerated visible on a national scale, especially in this era, 1968 to 1972, 
 
6 Michel Foucault, “To Escape from Their Prison,” in Intolerable: Writings from Michel Foucault and the Prisons 
Information Group, 1970-1980, ed. Kevin Thompson and Perry Zurn (2021), 234. 
7 Foucault, “To Escape from Their Prison,” 235. 
8 Perry Zurn, “Hope is the Blood of it: The GIP, Paris 8, and the Urgency of Writing,” in Intolerable: Writings 
from Michel Foucault and the Prisons Information Group, 1970-1980, ed. Kevin Thompson and Perry Zurn (2021), 
395. 
Challenge to What Is 
Foucault Studies, No. 31, 70-74.  72  
which Berger and Losier name, in the US context, ‘the prison rebellion years.’9 Therefore, 
these investigations, lawsuits and exposés became a powerful pedagogical and mobiliza-
tion tool. The prisoners’ rights movement and prison uprising (as well as anti-psychiatry 
and self-advocacy movements) galvanized and politicized those inside as well as those 
not incarcerated to understand confinement as a host of social and not just individual 
issues.10  
These investigations enabled those incarcerated to collectivize across facilities and bor-
ders. It also created coalitions of resistance beyond the prison or asylum bars (lawyers, 
families, doctors – many of them whistleblowers in the deinstitutionalization and anti-
psych movements as well). In this sense, “to unite the interior and exterior of the prison 
in the same struggle” was achieved as a goal, at least in that era.11 (Notwithstanding the 
permutable lines between ‘inside’ and outside). To be clear, the GIP did not make the 
revolts in the prisons happen, but it did amplify them.  
What were the lingering effects of such amplifications? One might think that attention 
to prisoners’ rights and uprisings has eviscerated since the 1970s. It is true that the image 
of the revolutionary prisoner, a la George Jackson (who the GIP devoted one of their in-
vestigations to), has subsided, but it is equally important to remember the gendered dy-
namics of that image. Elsewhere I discuss more fully how the image, tactics and popula-
tions targeted by prison litigation and prison rebellion had shifted but did not die; they 
only became less masculine and able-bodied and therefore less known or discussed.12 
If the image of THE prisoner in the 1970s was that of (mostly black) revolutionary fig-
ures, and in the 1980s the frivolous complainers (the image that led to the creation of the 
notorious Prison Litigation Reform Act in the US), the image of the prisoner in the 2000s 
is that of the overcrowded, mentally and physically injured incarcerated individual, as 
Jonathan Simon suggests.13 In other words, at least in the US, from 2000 onward, state 
violence manifested not just in incarceration and its conditions but in its quantity; the 
mass character of it. The effects of which (disabling and maddening nature of solitary 
confinement and supermax prisons and its opposite of extreme overcrowding) led to de-
bilitation en masse. This became deathly apparent with the spread of COVID in prisons 
across the US from the beginning of the pandemic.  
Exposing and activating intolerance does not necessitate an action from the state, or at 
least not the one desired by those who are doing the exposing. COVID campaigns to re-
lease those incarcerated from prisons and nursing homes (#Free Them all) have not re-
sulted in mass or even small-scale acts of decarceration. In addition to the symbolic and 
collectivizing power of these investigation of the intolerable, in the US at least, the focus 
on deplorable conditions did not lead to abolishing them; instead, it led to calls to reform 
 
9 Dan Berger and Toussaint Losier, Rethinking the American Prison Movement (2017). 
10 See Groupe d’information sur les prisons, “Preface to Intolerable 1,” in Intolerable: Writings from Michel Fou-
cault and the Prisons Information Group, 1970-1980, ed. Kevin Thompson and Perry Zurn (2021), 89-90. 
11 GIP, “Back Cover of Intolerable 1.” 
12 Ben-Moshe, Decarcerating Disability.  
13 Jonathan Simon, Mass Incarceration on Trial: A Remarkable Court Decision and the Future of Prisons in America 
(2014). 
LIAT BEN-MOSHE 
Foucault Studies, No. 31, 70-74.    73  
them, which often aided in their expansion. As Rachel Herzig suggests regarding cam-
paigns to reform prison conditions: “Improved conditions allow imprisoned people to 
resist that inhumanity... They also make it possible to stay alive while living in a cage.”14 
However, “it can further entrench the popularly held assumption that imprisonment is a 
necessary evil.”15 What reform litigation did in the US after the 1970s, cumulatively in 
addition to a politicizing and collectivizing effect, was to usher more effective ways to in-
carcerate, and those two effects do not necessarily negate each other. In addition to indif-
ference, invisibility or abuse, now those incarcerated are treated with bureaucratic 
measures, often measuring the excess and not rationale of confinement (not too crowded, 
too hot, too much death). 
But perhaps this is not a critique of the GIP project. As Cixous states in the collection: 
“it wasn’t meant to be a success, it was meant to be a testimony.”16 One of the most per-
vasive critiques of the abolitionary framework is that it does not provide specific solutions 
but only critiques of the present system, and this critique has been often laid out in relation 
to the GIP as well. I critique this elsewhere and suggest that embracing dis-epistemology 
and letting go of specific attachment to finite solutions is a strength of abolition work.17 In 
a later interview, Foucault asserts that critique "should be an instrument for those who 
fight, those who resist and refuse what is. Its use should be in processes of conflict and 
confrontation, essays in refusal. It doesn’t have to lay down the law for the law. It isn’t a 
stage in programming. It is a challenge directed to what is."18 To me, this challenge to-
wards "what is" is the unfinished work of abolition today. 
References 
Ben-Moshe, Liat, Decarcerating Disability: Deinstitutionalization and Prison Abolition. Minneap-
olis: University of Minnesota Press, 2020. 
Ben-Moshe, Liat, “Dis-epistemologies of Abolition,” Critical Criminology 26:3 (2018), 341-355. 
Berger, Dan and Toussaint Losier, Rethinking the American Prison Movement. New York: 
Routledge, 2017. 
Foucault, Michel, “To Escape from Their Prison,” in Intolerable: Writings from Michel Foucault 
and the Prisons Information Group, 1970-1980, eds. Kevin Thompson and Perry Zurn, trans. 
Perry Zurn and Erik Beranek, 234-236. Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 2021. 
Foucault, Michel, “Governmentality,” in The Essential Foucault, ed. Paul Rabinow and Nicolas 
Rose (New York: The New Press, 1994), 229-245. 
Groupe d’information sur les prisons, “Preface to Intolerable 1,” in Intolerable: Writings from 
Michel Foucault and the Prisons Information Group, 1970-1980, eds. Kevin Thompson and 
 
14 Rachel Herzing, “’Tweaking Armageddon’: The Potential and Limits of Conditions of Confinement Cam-
paigns,” Social Justice 41:3 (2015), 190-195. 
15 Herzig, “’Tweaking Armageddon’”, 193.  
16 Zurn, “Hope is the Blood of It,” 399. 
17 Liat Ben-Moshe, “Dis-epistemologies of Abolition,” Critical Criminology 26:3 (2018): 341-355. 
18 Michel Foucault, “Governmentality,” in The Essential Foucault, ed. Paul Rabinow and Nicolas Rose (1994), 
236. 
Challenge to What Is 
Foucault Studies, No. 31, 70-74.  74  
Perry Zurn, trans. Perry Zurn and Erik Beranek, 89-92. Minneapolis: University of Minne-
sota Press, 2021. 
Groupe d’information sure les prisons, “Back Cover of Intolerable 1,” in Intolerable: Writings 
from Michel Foucault and the Prisons Information Group, 1970-1980, eds. Kevin Thompson and 
Perry Zurn, trans. Perry Zurn and Erik Beranek, 93-94. Minneapolis: University of Minne-
sota Press, 2021. 
Herzing, Rachel, “’Tweaking Armageddon’: The Potential and Limits of Conditions of Con-
finement Campaigns,” Social Justice 41:3 (2015), 190-195. 
Simon, Jonathan, Mass Incarceration on Trial: A Remarkable Court Decision and the Future of Pris-
ons in America. New York: The New Press, 2014. 
Thompson, Kevin and Perry Zurn, “Introduction: Legacies of Militancy and Theory,” in Intol-
erable: Writings from Michel Foucault and the Prisons Information Group, 1970-1980, eds. Kevin 
Thompson and Perry Zurn, trans. Perry Zurn and Erik Beranek, 1-34. Minneapolis: Uni-
versity of Minnesota Press, 2021. 
Zurn, Perry, “Hope is the Blood of it: The GIP, Paris 8, and the Urgency of Writing,” in Intol-
erable: Writings from Michel Foucault and the Prisons Information Group, 1970-1980, eds. Kevin 
Thompson and Perry Zurn, trans. Perry Zurn and Erik Beranek, 391-406. Minneapolis: Uni-
versity of Minnesota Press, 2021. 
Author info 
Liat Ben-Moshe 
lbenmosh@uic.edu  
Associate Professor 
Criminology, Law and Justice 
University of Illinois at Chicago 
USA 
Liat Ben-Moshe is an interdisciplinary scholar-activist working at the intersection of 
disability/madness, incarceration/ decarceration and abolition. She is the author of 
Decarcerating Disability: Deinstitutionalization and Prison Abolition (University of Minnesota 
Press 2020) and co-editor (with Allison Carey and Chris Chapman) of Disability Incarcerated: 
Imprisonment and Disability in the United States and Canada (Palgrave 2014). Dr. Ben-Moshe is 
an Associate Professor of Criminology, Law and Justice at the University of Illinois at Chicago. 
For more: https://www.liatbenmoshe.com/ 


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