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Digitaliseringens betydning for mennesker og samfund - er vi i stand til at balancere det gode og det onde til fælles bedste?
Get PDFReinforcing Leninist Means of Corruption Control in China: Centralization, Regulatory Changes and Party-State Integration
Get PDFIn the study of institutionalization in authoritarian regimes, the cryptic anticorruption institutions active in non-democratic governance are often understudied. This is largely due to the opaque intra-regime disciplinary inspection process associated with extralegal detentions, as well as the sub-rosa nature of corruption activities. Through research on the institutional implications of Xi Jinping's ongoing anti-corruption campaign, a vital effort for his power consolidation, this article aims to explain the 'authoritarian resilience' of the Communist Party of China (CPC). Based on analysis of the evolution of the CPC's anti-corruption effort in the reform era, focused on the comparison of Xi Jinping and Hu Jintao's respective anti-corruption drives and of institutional flaws in the CPC bureaucracy that stoke high-stakes corruption, the article discusses different institutional imperatives that the top leadership needs to address in a range of political contexts. It also assesses the extent to which the new methods adopted by Xi's graft-busters have been effective in addressing these challenges
China's Financial Repression: Symptoms, Consequences and Causes
Get PDFChina's fi nancial system conforms to the stereotype described by the theory of financial repression. The banking sector is dominated by state ownership, interest rates are controlled by the government and credit allocation is heavily influenced by political factors rather than by commercial motives. The severity of repression in China's financial sector increased to an unprecedented level after 2008, when the Chinese government poured enormous financial resources into the economy as a response to the financial crisis. Financial repression has seriously damaged the sustainability of China's economy by decreasing economic effi ciency. However, financial repression may be maintained in the future despite its harmful effects because for the Chinese Communist Party control over fi nancial resources is a powerful weapon that can be used when necessary to address certain economic, political or social problems that may endanger its rule. Given the importance of fi nancial resources to the rule of the Party, it is diffi cult to imagine that it will eventually adopt a liberalization strategy and relinquish its control over the financial system
Structural Reforms and CPC Power after the Third CPC Plenum, and the 1st Session of the 13th NPC
Get PDFIn February and March 2018 the 3rd Plenum of the 19th CPC Congress and the first meeting of the 13th National People's Congress (NPC) were held. During these meetings, important and far-reaching structural reforms were adopted, including constitutional amendments, restructurings of the government and the relationship between Party and state. Structural reforms are common at the outset of a new fi ve-year NPC term, and it is important to understand these reforms as part of an ongoing process. The recent reforms, however, were remarkable in the way they rearranged Party–state relations and bolstered not only the Party but, importantly, Xi Jinping's authority as core leader. This article provides a detailed overview of the major changes in constitution, government structure (ministries and state departments), personnel and Party authority
Den finske forbindelse - KEA Bibliotek på inspirationstur i Helsinki
Get PDFJeg er pakket ind i VR udstyr, og bevæger mig rundt i en virtuel simulation af en rumrejse. Fysisk står jeg lige ved siden af min kollega Daniel og vores lokale vært, Eila. De er fordybet i samtale, der kun lejlighedsvis bliver afbrudt af fagter og udbrud fra undertegnede astronaut
Foucault’s functional justice and its relationship to legislators and popular illegalism
Get PDFThis article presents two of Foucault’s lesser known notions, “justice fonctionnelle" (functional justice) and “stratégie du pourtour” (strategy of the perimeter), in order to interrogate the role of legislators in regard to the policing of political dissent. This article contains three parts. First, I present the two lesser known notions referred to above. Then, I provide my understanding of the role of law for Foucault. Finally, in the third part, I explain how a consensual relationship between the police and legislators is established. I present briefly the work of Avrom Sherr (1989) and outline the contents of a recent U.S. anti-protest law (H.R. 347, or "Anti-Occupy Wall Street Law") which gives the police greater powers to redefine the legal nature of public space and to make arrests without having to show criminal intent (mens rea) on the part of protesters. My aim is to further think through the paradox that Foucault mentioned in his lectures on security societies: non-judicial methods used in security processes undermine the primacy of law but also lead to the overproduction of laws (inflation législative).