Proceedings Published by the LSA (Linguistic Society of America)
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The exponence of caseless NPs in Moksha
Get PDFIn this paper, I argue that the difference between indefinite- and definite-declension genitives in Moksha (Uralic) is not in the semantic or referential characteristics of the nominals they mark (as the name suggests), but rather in the syntactic size of the nominals. I show that there is no one-to-one correspondence between the definiteness of a noun phrase and its marking. In particular, indefinite-declension genitives can mark non-specific indefinite as well as specific definite noun phrases. At the same time, indefinite-declension genitives are number-neutral, while definite-declension genitives are specified for number. In contrast to indefinite-declension nominals, definite-declension ones also trigger possessive agreement on the head noun. I analyze indefinite-genitives as NPs and definite-genitives as DPs. Based on what is generally known about DPs, I make several predictions regarding the distribution of the genitives; two definite-declension genitives should be incompatible within one enclosing DP, while there should be no such restriction on the co-occurrence of an indefinite-declension genitive with either another indefinite-declension genitive or a definite-declension genitive. These predictions are borne out, and these new findings enrich the discussion of the ban on the co-occurrence of two DPs which are too close in the structure. More generally, my analysis supports the view that nominals of different structural size can coexist within one language
Double evidential morphology in Turkish
Get PDFTurkish and Bulgarian both have “double evidential” constructions, which seem to contain reiterated evidential morphemes. This paper, focusing on Turkish data, shows that despite the morphological similarity between the indirect evidential -mIş and the “second” -mIş, double evidentials are not an instance of reduplication. Instead, I propose based on morphological evidence (separability of suffixes, morphological spell-out of related Turkic languages) and semantic evidence (the “second” -mIş introduces a new indexical, the Evaluator) that the second -mIş is the spell-out of a distinct syntactic head, which I call Dubitative
Tackling the Augmentative Puzzle in Turkish
Get PDFThis paper deals with the suffix -cIk in Turkish, and argues that the suffix -cIk has an augmentative meaning, as well as a diminutive meaning which has been mentioned in the literature extensively. The different meanings of the suffix -cIk are due to two different structures that I propose. While the structure of the diminutive is made of one single morpheme -cIk, that of the augmentative suffix is composed of two morphemes: -cI and -k. I offer phonotactic and morphological evidence that shows -k has its own life. I also show strict categorical selection properties for the diminutive and augmentative suffix: The augmentative one can only be attached to adjectival bases that express negative orderings. The diminutive -cIk, on the other hand, attaches to nouns. I capture this contrast using the nanosyntax model of spellout
Abstract knowledge of emphatic reduplication in Turkish
Get PDFThis study investigated whether native speakers of Turkish have abstract knowledge regarding the principles guiding the selection of appropriate reduplicative forms in emphatic reduplication in Turkish. 14 native speakers of Turkish completed the study. The participants were asked to reduplicate 48 non-words in 4 experimental conditions where the number of segments and the phonological features of the word forms were manipulated. The 4 experimental conditions had VCV (e.g. /ukɑ/), CVC (e.g. /lɔt/), CVCV (e.g. /gεʒi/), and VCCV (e.g. /ɔhfɑ/) sequences. Each condition included 12 items. In each of the CVC, CVCV, and VCCV conditions, the base forms for 6 items did not include consonants used productively as interpolated consonants {p, m, s}. The next 6 conditions included {p, m, s} either as the first, or the second consonant in the base form of the non-word. The results indicated that the interpolated consonant in Turkish was taken from the set of {p, m, s}. Moreover, the interpolated consonant was sometimes identical to the second consonant of the base, but never to the first consonant. The most frequently produced interpolated consonant was {p}. In the VCV, and VCCV conditions, {m} was preferred over {s}. In the CVC, and CVCV conditions, {s} was preferred over {m}. The results demonstrate that Turkish native speakers were able to extend the reduplication strategies they employed in real words to non-words
The interpretations of scalar implicatures, presuppositions, and implicated presupposition by Thai children with autism
Get PDFUsing the negated universal quantifiernot every, the study investigates the interpretations of scalar implicatures, lexical presuppositions, and implicated presuppositions by Thai children with autism spectrum disorders (ASDs; n= 32), comparedto their typically-developing (TD) peers (n= 70) and adults (n= 40). The results provide further empirical evidence to the literature (Chevallier et al. 2010, Hochstein et al. 2017, Pijnacker et al. 2009) that not only do adolescents with ASD perform on par with TD adolescents,children with ASD are also age-appropriate in their performance on deriving scalar implicatures. Despite the children with ASD\u27s ability to compute scalar implicature, they still tend to give more logical, literal responses, compared to their peers. Compared to adults, both children with ASD and TD children still have a higher tendency to rely on the logical meaning rather than pragmatically inferred meaning. They are also less likely than adults to derive scalar implicatures, but equally likely to derive lexical presuppositions. No additive effects of implicated presuppositions are found in any group of the participants
Tattoos as a window onto cross-linguistic differences in scalar implicature
Get PDFThis paper addresses the question of how to predict which alternatives are active in scalar implicature calculation, and the nature of this activation. It has been observed that finger implicates \u27not thumb\u27, and a Manner-based explanation for this has been proposed, predicting that if English had the simplex Latin word pollex meaning \u27thumb or big toe\u27, then finger would cease to have the implicature \u27not thumb\u27 that it has. It has also been suggested that this hypothetical pollex would have to be sufficiently colloquial in order to figure in scalar implicature calculation. This paper makes this thought experiment into a real one by using a language that behaves in exactly this way: Spanish has pulgar \u27thumb\u27 (< pollex), a non-colloquial form. We first use a fill-in-the-blank production task with both English and Spanish speakers to guage the likelihood with which a speaker will produce a given form as a way of describing a given digit. Production frequency does not perfectly track complexity, so we can then ask whether comprehension follows production frequency or complexity. We do so using a forced choice comprehension task, which reveals cross-linguistic differences in comprehension tracking production probabilities. A comparison between two RSA models -- one in which the speaker perfectly replicates our production data and a standard one in which the speaker chooses based on a standard cost/accuracy trade-off -- illustrates the fact that comprehension is much more closely tied to production probability than to the mere existence of sufficiently simple alternatives
Cumulative readings of "every" and leaks
No full textevery surprisingly gives rise to cumulative readings (Schein 1993; Kratzer 2000). The distribution of these readings is governed by scope-related asymmetries (Champollion 2010; Haslinger & Schmitt 2018). In this work, I notice a third property of these readings: cumulative readings of every receive weaker "leaky" truth-conditions under negation, previously thought to be unattested (Bayer 2013). Exploiting this third property, I build an event semantics to deliver these "leaky readings" by default. Within this semantics, it becomes possible to account for cumulative readings of every and their properties, keeping to standard assumption about the denotation for every. I also show how the same analysis predict the scope-related asymmetries and their less studied interaction with overt movement
Numeral Any: the view from Farsi
Get PDFThis paper documents a dimension of crosslinguistic variation among Universal Free Choice Items. In English, the distribution and interpretation of any DPs containing a numeral ("numeral any") differs from that of any DPs with no numeral (Dayal 2005, 2013; Chierchia 2013). In contrast, the Farsi counterparts of any and numeral any mirror each other. Two competing analyses of the contrast between any and numeral any are assessed against the Farsi data – the Wide Scope Constraint Analysis (Chierchia 2013) and the Viability Constraint Analysis (Dayal 2013). The paper shows that, with minimal extensions, either analysis can capture the behavior of the Farsi counterpart of numeral any with distributive predicates. The situation changes, however, when the minimally modified analyses are assessed with respect to sentences with collective predicates: the extended Wide Scope Constraint Analysis captures the attested interpretation of those sentences, but the extended Viability Constraint Analysis rules them out, undergenerating
The distribution of controlled exhaustivity
Get PDFWhile predicates in taxonomies (e.g. colour terms) are interpreted as mutually incompatible, this paper shows that their incompatibility is in many cases not lexical. Rather, it is the result of a previously undescribed exhaustivity effect. What is more, this class of exhaustivity effects displays novel behaviour. Exhaustivity is both obligatory and tightly constrained: at first approximation, any taxonomic predicate must be in the immediate scope of the exhaustivity operator it requires. Taxonomic predicates, in this sense, are argued to "control" exhaustivity
A new case of low modality: Goal PPs*
Get PDFThis paper provides experimental evidence from German and English against the view that a goal to/zu-PP in combination with a motion verb designates a goal that is reached. We propose that to/zu have a modal meaning, responsible for the defeasibility of the inference that the goal is reached. We argue that the type of subjects (intentional agent vs. accidental agent or theme) determines the flavor of the (necessity) modal encoded by the preposition (teleological or circumstantial), which allows us to account for the observed variation in the strength of the inference with the type of subjects and the type of verbs