Proceedings Published by the LSA (Linguistic Society of America)
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High and low uniqueness in singular wh-interrogatives
Get PDFWhile simple singular wh-interrogatives carry a uniqueness presupposition, this is not so when they contain possibility modals. Hirsch & Schwarz (2019) account for this contrast by assuming (i) that questions can have multiple maximally informative true answers and (ii) that uniqueness is triggered lexically inside the scope of interrogative. We show that their proposal overgenerates on two accounts. Firstly, it predicts too weak a presupposition for modalized interrogatives. Secondly, it predicts unattested interpretations for interrogatives containing negation. We show that both issues can be solved using exhaustification operators. On the one hand, we obtain the desired presupposition for modalized interrogatives by assuming the lexical trigger for uniqueness to be a presuppositional variant of an exhaustification operator (Bassi, Del Pinal & Sauerland 2019). On the other, we show that unattested readings of negation can be blocked by assuming that questions presuppose that the pointwise exhaustification of their answers partitions the context of evaluation (Fox 2019). We argue that proper empirical coverage for singular wh-interrogatives requires the interaction of both exhaustification operations
The role of focus marking in disjunctive questions: A QUD-based approach
Get PDFDisjunctive questions are ambiguous: they can either be interpreted as polar questions (PolQs), as open disjunctive questions (OpenQs), or as closed alternative questions (ClosedQ). The goal of this paper is to show that the difference in interpretation between these questions can be derived via effects of focus marking directly. In doing so, the proposal brings out the striking parallel between the prosody of questions with foci/contrastive topics on the one hand and that of alternative questions on the other. Unlike previous approaches, this proposal does not rely on structural differences between AltQs and PolQs derived via ellipsis or syntactic movement. To show how this works out, an account of focus and contrastive topic marking in questions is put forward in which f-marking in questions determines what constitutes a possible answer by signaling what the speaker\u27s QUD is like. By imposing a congruence condition between f-marked questions and their answers that requires answers to resolve the question itself as well as its signaled QUD, we predict the right answerhood conditions for disjunctive questions
Modifying result states in Turkish
Get PDFThis study investigates the properties of a durative modifier that exclusively targets result states in Turkish. We call this modifier RSM, standing for Result State Modifier. What is peculiar about RSM is that it can express the actual duration of a result state, as well as a non-actual duration for an actual result state. Our goal is to describe the conditions under which these two interpretations are licensed and to provide a compositional analysis of how these interpretations are derived. We argue that dispositions play a key role in the way RSM can describe a non-actual duration for an actual result state
Reciprocity without reciprocal pronouns
Get PDFIn this paper, I claim that reciprocity consists of three independentsemantic components, namely (i) the distributivity component, (ii) the anaphoricitycomponent and (iii) the disjointness component. I show that a distributor sorezorein Japanese induces a reciprocal reading when the configuration between sorezoreand its antecedent violates Condition B. Adopting the plural dynamic semanticframework (van den Berg 1996; Nouwen 2007; Brasoveanu 2007: among others), Ipropose that the co-reference condition of sorezore is collectively evaluated, but itsscope domain is distributively evaluated. As a result, sorezore and its antecedentare co-referential at the level of plural individuals, but disjoint at the level ofatomic individuals, deriving a reciprocal reading. This suggests that the disjointnesscondition is not hard-wired in the semantics of sorezore. I further discuss otherreciprocal strategies in Japanese and in other languages and suggest that distributivityand anaphoricity are not always encoded to a single entry, either
Binding without variables: Solving the under-generation problems
Get PDFThe variable-free semantics of Jacobson (1999, 2000, 2014) derives binding relations by the local application of the z-rule. This rule, however, under- generates binding. This paper makes two contributions: (i) replacing the z-rule with a more flexible rule called i (a la the W-combinator of Szabolcsi 1992), which allows for more binding relations; (ii) enriching Jacobson’s variable-free system and proposing a two-dimensional analysis to account for the interactions between scoping and binding. Issues to be covered include binding into adjuncts, possessor binding, scope ambiguity, inverse linking, weak crossover, and ‘paycheck pronouns’.
Against the Law of Three Consonants in French: Evidence from Judgment Data
Get PDFGrammont\u27s Law of Three Consonants (LTC) states that French schwa is obligatorily pronounced in any CC_C sequence to avoid three-consonant clusters. Although schwa presence has been shown to be sensitive not only to cluster size but also to the nature of consonants in post-lexical phonology, the LTC is still considered as accurate to describe schwa-zero alternations in lexical phonology. The paper uses judgment data from French speakers in France and Switzerland to compare the behavior of schwa in derived words (lexical phonology) and inflected words (post-lexical phonology). The results show that schwa-zero alternations are conditioned not only by cluster size but also by cluster type in lexical phonology. Moreover, the same phonotactic asymmetries among consonant clusters are found in lexical and post-lexical phonologies. The data therefore support a weaker version of the lexical-phonology hypothesis than what is usually assumed for French. Lexical and post-lexical phonologies do not require different phonotactic constraints but only different weights for the same constraints
Intrinsic f0 and Sound Change: Evidence from Australian Languages
Get PDFIn this paper, a study is presented investigating two types of intrinsic f0 effects in sixteen Australian languages. Vowels are known to vary systematically in their mean f0 as a function of vowel height as well as voicing of the previous consonant, a property known as intrinsic f0. Vowel height has been known to have a positive correlation with f0, in which high vowels have a higher intrinsic f0 than low vowels on average. Differences in intrinsic f0 also vary systematically based on the voicing of a preceding stop, with voiceless stops correlating with higher intrinsic f0 and voiced stops with lower. Using automatic data processing methods on archival audio data, this study shows wide variation in the presence and robustness of intrinsic f0 effects in the Australian langauges investigated
Phase-based Constraints within Match Theory
Get PDFThis paper argues that Match Theory (Selkirk 2011) cannot account for some types of phrasal syntax-prosody correspondence in Blackfoot (Algonquian; Frantz 2017). I focus on the verbal complex and show that the verbal complex contains phrasal syntactic structure all the way up to a CP phrase, and that it contains two distinct prosodic constituents corresponding the vP/VP and the CP, respectively. Since the verbal complex contains phrasal syntax, theories of phrasal syntax-prosody correspondences should apply. I argue that the definitions of the syntactic units which correspond to prosodic constituents must be redefined based on phases, and show how a phase-based revision of Match Theory can account for the syntax-prosody correspondence in Blackfoot verbal complexes. The result is a unified theory of the prosodic phonology of stems and phrases which is built on universal syntactic definitions. Although Match Theory is the theoretical focus of this paper, the evidence from Blackfoot implies that phrasal syntax-prosody correspondences can and should be brought \u27below the word\u27 in any theory of prosodic phonology
Learning French Liaison with Gradient Symbolic Representations: Errors, Predictions, Consequences
Get PDFSmolensky & Goldrick (2016) first made the case for Gradient Symbolic Representations (GSRs) as the inputs to phonological grammar using the phenomena of French liaison. Under this view, many common French words are stored underlyingly with partially-activated word-final consonants, and others with gradient blends of partially-activated word-initial consonants. In this paper, we follow up some of that view\u27s predictions and consequences, focusing on the acquisition of French liaison using GSRs. We compare our simulations of error-driven GSR learning with observed errors made by French-learning children, and find the results to be encouragingly similar. We also compare predictions about the end state of GSR learning with a pilot study reporting adult French speakers\u27 use of liaison in nonce words, where we find a rather less good explanatory fit. The paper emphasizes the role of word and collocation frequency in the development of phonological patterns by a GSR learner, and outlines many future avenues for research.
On the Left-/Right-Branching Asymmetry in Mandarin Tone 3 Sandhi
Get PDFIn Mandarin, a left-/right-branching asymmetry is observed when the Tone 3 Sandhi (T3S) process interacts with the syntactic structure of an expression: while expressions that have a left-branching syntactic structure only have a non-alternating sandhi pattern in which all but the rightmost T3 is changed to the sandhi tone, for expressions that have a right-branching syntactic structure various sandhi patterns are possible. This paper proposes that T3S applies cyclically bottom-up on a prosodic structure matched from the syntactic structure of an expression, along the lines of the Match Theory of syntactic-prosodic constituency correspondence (Selkirk 2011). The interaction of Match Phrase constraints and Strong Strong Start, which is a more restricted version of Selkirk’s (2011) Strong Start constraint, predicts that different prosodic structures are possible outputs for a right-branching expression, while for a left-branching expression the only possible output is a left-branching prosodic structure. The various possible sandhi patterns for a right-branching expression and the non-alternating sandhi pattern for a left-branching expression are derived when T3S applies cyclically bottom-up on the proposed prosodic structures