Canadian Review of Social Policy (CRSP) / Revue canadienne de politique sociale (RCSP)
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Prime Minister as Moral Crusader: Stephen Harper's Punitive Turn in Social Policy-making
Get PDFStephen Harper has been Canada’s Prime Minister since 2006, heading three Conservative administrations; two minority governments (2006-08, and 2008-11) and one majority government (2011- to the present). Harper’s time in power has spanned periods of economic
growth and surplus federal budgets, through a deep economic recession and budget deficits, to a tentative recovery of the Canadian economy and federal program of general fiscal restraint.
Throughout this period of shifting economic and political circumstances, Harper, an intensely partisan and disciplined politician, has dominated his cabinet and parliamentary party as well as defined federal social policy and intergovernmental relations in particular ways. Like other Prime Ministers and governments, the Harper era exhibits a mixed pattern of social policy-making. Thus, although there are certain similarities in policies with previous federal administrations led by Liberal Prime Ministers, Harper’s social policy is distinctive as well. This article advances the argument that Harper’s characteristic approach can be understood in terms of an institutional-punitive conception of social policy. This stern approach to federal social policy-making involves the identification of dangerous persons and threatening behaviours, the
elaboration of laws and creation of new offences, and the intensification of legal penalties and punishments. What emerges is the role of Prime Minister as moral crusader in a politics of fear, judgement and regulation.
Stephen Harper est le premier ministre du Canada depuis 2006, et il a dirigé trois administrations conservatrices: deux gouvernements minoritaires de 2006-2008, et de 2008-2011, et un gouvernement majoritaire de 2011 à aujourd’hui. Ces administrations ont connues
des périodes de croissance économique et de budgets fédéraux excédentaires, ainsi qu’une profonde récession économique, pour arriver enfin à une relance incertaine de l’économie canadienne et à un programme général fédéral de contraintes budgétaires. Harper est un
politicien éminemment partisan et très discipliné, et il a dominé son cabinet ainsi que son parti parlementaire au cours de cette période de conditions économiques et politiques changeantes. Il a également redéfini la politique sociale fédérale et les relations intergouvernementales de manière spécifique. Comme d’autres premiers ministres et gouvernements auparavant, l’ère de Harper fait montre d’un mélange de motifs de politiques et de gestion sociales. Donc, bien qu’il existe de similarités en politiques sociales avec les administrations fédérales libérales qui l’ont
précédée, la politique social de Harper est très distincte et cet article propose donc que l’approche caractéristique à Harper peut être définie comme une politique sociale institutionnelle-punitive. Cette approche sévère a propos des politiques sociales fédérales, incorpore un processus d’identification de personnes dangereuses et de omportements
menaçants, la création de nouvelle lois et de nouveaux délits pour les contrôler, et, l’augmentation des sanctions et peines légales. Le rôle du premier ministre émerge donc comme celui d’un champion de la moralité, aidée par une politique de peur, de jugement et de règlementation.
Mots-clefs: politique sociale fédérales; conservatisme moral; sciences politiques
Equity in Times of Austerity: Ontario’s Revenue Crisis in Historical Perspective
Get PDFConcerns for health equity have found entry into social policy discussions in Canada at both the national and provincial levels of government. However, in the aftermath of the global financial crisis social programs improving the distribution of social determinants of health (SDHs), such as adequate housing and income, secure employment opportunities, affordable education and health care are increasingly under attack. In light of persistent deficits, historically high debt, and the precarious state of the global economy, there is a need to re-examine various revenue tools as, to date, there has been little historical analysis of the structural changes made to revenue sources or acknowledgment of the need to re-examine the revenue side of government activity in addressing fiscal imbalances. The article interrogates changes to the Ontario taxation system, especially during the deepening of neoliberal policies in the province (post 1990), to provide historical context to the current state of the provincial treasury. It focuses particularly on income, sales, and corporate income tax, which comprise the majority of revenue generated through taxation. The decline in government revenue is then linked to three key pathways affecting the distribution of social determinants of health: social assistance, labour market policy, and housing. The article finally probes the plausibility of alternative tax structure scenarios and their potential for financing social programs that address health equity. Résumé Une préoccupation pour l’équité en matière de santé a été incorporée aux discussions de politiques sociales, tant au niveau provinciale que fédérale. Cependant, suivant la crise financière globale, l’amélioration d’une distribution plus équitable des déterminants sociaux de la santé par des programmes d’aide sociale, comme un logement et un revenu approprié, la sécurité d’emploi, une éducation et des soins de santé accessibles, sont chaque jours plus menacés. Considérant les déficits constants, un historique de dette élevée, ainsi que l’état précaire de l’économie globale, il existe un réel besoin de réexaminer différents outils du revenu. À date, il n’y a eu que très peu d’analyses historiques des changements structuraux qui ont été apportés aux sources de revenus, et même, de la nécessité de réexaminer le côté revenu de l’activité gouvernementale lorsqu’ on aborde le déséquilibre budgétaire. Cet article interroge les changements apportés au système de taxation de l’Ontario, surtout lors de l’approfondissement des politiques néolibérales (après 1990), afin d’offrir une analyse historique de l’état actuel de la trésorerie provinciale. L’article examine plus particulièrement les taxes sur le revenu, les ventes, et sur la fiscalité des sociétés, ce qui comprend la vaste majorité des revenus obtenus à travers la taxation. La baisse de revenus gouvernementaux est reliée avec trois voies majeures affectant la distribution des déterminants sociaux de la santé: l’assistance sociale, la politique du marché du travail, et le logement. Finalement, des structures de taxes alternatives sont examinées, ainsi que leur plausibilité et leur potentiel pour financer des programmes d’assistance sociale qui traitera de l’équité en matière de santé.Mots-clefs: équité en matière de santé; austérit
Dying From Improvement: Inquests and Inquiries into Indigenous Deaths in Custody by Sherene H. Razack.
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Look at my Life: Access to Education for Incarcerated Youth in Toronto
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Drawing on the theoretical framework of human rights and Rights Based Approach (RBA), it is argued here that a lack of educational programs for remand inmates in Canada is a violation of their right to education. Reviewing correctional education research, associations between educational programs, recidivism and life outcomes, and a successful correctional education program in Toronto, this paper provides recommendations for policy change that must be enacted to remedy the human rights violation currently occurring in detention centres
Negotiating the System: Social Workers in Home Support in New Brunswick
No full textAs part of a larger study we conducted focus groups with social workers involved in the assessment and case management of home support services for seniors in New Brunswick. Among our findings are feelings of being “second-class” social workers reported by participants and the strategies used by them as “street-level bureaucrats” in negotiating regulations to better serve the needs of their clients. The use of such strategies requires that these social workers engage in “positive deviant social work.” We argue that benefits could be achieved if the system was less bureaucratically rigid and more centered on the needs of the clients rather than essentially rule-based. For social workers, this would mean that decisions now taken covertly in favour of the clients would be brought above board and would become part of the professional discretion that is afforded to other professionals working in other accountable systems of care
Social assistance fraud and zero tolerance in Ontario, Canada
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During the 1990s, the social assistance system in Ontario, Canada, underwent enormous changes in policy that included substantial reductions in welfare rates, new rules and restrictions on common-law spousal relationships, work-based welfare reform, and widespread administrative changes. Among these changes was the zero tolerance policy introduced by the Conservative government in April, 1998, banning those convicted of social assistance fraud from receiving any further benefits for life. This policy was repealed in December, 2003, by the newly-elected Liberal government. Despite the perception of widespread social assistance fraud, the present examination of monthly counts of social assistance cases between April, 1998, and March, 2006, reveals that there were far fewer cases of fraud than had been claimed by politicians and the media. A discussion of the sanctioning of social assistance fraud, including deterrence-based theories and the parallel use of administrative and criminal justice sanctions, follows our analyses. We also explore the role of front-line workers in implementing harsh policies such as zero tolerance
Building Capacity for Alternative Knowledge: The Canadian Centre for Policy Alternatives
No full textThis article presents a case study of the Canadian Centre for Policy Alternatives (CCPA) – the main left-oriented think tank of national scope in Canada. We first recount the development of the organization from 1980 to present, emphasizing the challenges it has faced in building capacity for alternative knowledge production and mobilization. We next locate the CCPA within its neighborhood of online communicative relations, which comprises a region of the broader political field in which neoliberalism has been hegemonic since the 1980s. Against this hegemony, the CCPA’s project has been to expose the problems of neoliberalism, on the basis of applied research, and to advance a project of social-democratization by engaging with the general public and cultivating counterpublics in civil society. The emancipatory project motivating the CCPA has set it on a trajectory distinct from that of conventional think tanks, whose practices and networks facilitate elite policy-planning in and around the state
Our Bodies Are Our Own: Connecting Abortion and Social Policy
Get PDFIt has been 25 years since abortion was decriminalized by the Supreme Court of Canada in 1988, as the court struck down Section 251 of the Criminal Code of Canada, and abortion was made available for women to access without the consent of a doctor. This amendment to the Criminal Code of Canada was a significant step for women, who were granted autonomy in reproductive health decisions. While women are able to access abortion in Canada, pro-life advocates continue to attempt to limit reproductive options through anti-abortion legislation and advocacy. Through critical discourse analysis, Canadian pro-life discourse has been examined to understand the strategies used to limit women’s sexual health choices. This study has identified four themes, The Fetus has Rights, Abortion is Traumatic, Women are First and Foremost Mothers, and Women do not Really Need Abortion that are used to present a narrative about femininity, reproductive health choices, and abortion. Through understanding pro-life discourse and bringing abortion access into social policy, we can work to ensure that women continue to have access to abortion in Canada.
Résumé
Il ya 25 ans que l’avortement etait décriminialisé par le Cour Supreme du Canada et l’article 251 de le Code Criminel du Canada a été invalidé. Depuis lors, les femmes ont eu accès à l’avortement sans le consetement d’un medicin. L’amendement de 1988 marque une étape importante pour les femme qui, á ce period là, ells étaient accordés l’autonomie dans leurs décisions [de] la santé de la réproduction. Bien que les femmes sont libre d’accéder l’avortement au Canada, les avocats pro-vie continuent à limiter les options reproducteurs des femmes à travers de la législation anti-avortement. Le discours pro-vie est examiné critiquement dans cet article afin de comprendre les stratégies utilisé pour limiter les choix de santé sexuelle des femmes. Il identifie quatres thèmes: les droits de fœtus; la avortement c’est traumatisant; les femmes sont d’abord et avant tout des meres; et les femmes n’ont pas besoin de l’avortement; qui sont utilisé pour presenter un récit negative sur la féminité, leurs choix de santé sexuelle, et l’avortement