Glendon Journal of International Studies (GJIS) / Revue d'études internationales de Glendon

Lo Manto, Lilly

English

Voltaire's Conception of National and International Society

Hall, Katherine

DIFFERENCES OF. PERSPECTIVE: AN EXAMINATION OF RACISM AND 
ETHN1C M1NORITtES IN THE BOllVARtAN REPUBLIC OF VENEZUELA 
Katherine Hall 
Throughout their history, an states must address the issues of ethnicity, culture and racism in 
thek societies. Though states may think of themselves as ruled by a dominant culture and ethnic group, 
the inflow of immigrants into a state 'wftlalways shift this composition and create new issues that need 
to be addressed. Immigration to Venezuela since WWII has added the country to the group of states in 
Latin America who have seen these profound changes in the ethnic composition of their society,44 and 
these changes often le.ad to ethnic tensions and racism. Though Venezuela generally claims there is no 
racism to be found within its borders, a closer examination reveals that examples of racism are found in 
both the media and the attitudes of the elite, directed mainly at those with Native or Afro-Venezuelan 
blood. Though e~orts have been made by the government in Venezuela, since the abolition of slavery, 
to improve social conditions and remove racism, issues brought to the .forefront with the election of 
President Hugo Chavez clearly suggest that more needs to be done. 
This paper discusses groups in terms of ethnicity or race. The terms 'race' and 'ethnicity' both 
relate to the backgrounds of certain individuals. Where ethnicity refers to a "social construction that is 
central to the identification of difference and. sameness," race generally refers to biological differences 
that can be found among individuals.45 Both are "contextual, situational, multi-vocal" .46 
Racism is the other major term that will be addressed in this paper. As used by Hernan Vera, 
'racism' refers to a "socially organized set of attributes, ideas, and practices that denies people of colour 
and ethni.c minorities the dignity, opportunity, freedom, and rewards that a nation has to offer the 
dominant segments of the population.'t47 This is the definition I will be. using, but it is interesting to note 
Venezuelans generally use the term 'racist' in a different way,. as will be discussed more in-depth later. 
There are a number of ethnic groups in the Bolivarian Republic of Venezuela, due in large part to 
the post-WWII immigrant push. However the most apparent minority groups remain the Afro-
Venezuelans and Natives. Discrimination against these .two groups can be traced back to the conquest 
and slavery of these populations, beginning in 1496.48 African slave-trading had a very important place in 
European political economy during colonization and the subsequent years, and up until 1797 it brought 
over 100,000 Africans into Venezuela via legal or illegal routes.49 The mass exploitation of these 
individuals combined with the terrible living conditions, the belief that this was their place, the abuse 
44. Magnus Morner, "Historical Research on Race Retations in Latin America During the National Period," in 
Race and Class in Latin America, ed. Magnus Morner (New York: Columbia University Press, 1970), 219. 
45. Peter Wade, Race and Ethnicity in Lt:1tin America (Chicago: Ptuto Press, 1997), 16. 
46. Wade, 19. 
47. Hernan Vera, "local Global Racism in Latin America," in Racial and Ehtnic Economic Inequality: An 
International Perspective, eds. Samuell. Meyers, Jr. and Bruce P. Corrie (New York: Peter lang Publishing, Inc., 
2006),16. 
48. Jesus Marla Herrera Salas, "Ethnicity and Revo~ution: The Political Economy of Racism in Venezuela," Latin 
American Perspectives 32, no. 2 (2005): 72. 
49. Herrera Salas,74. 
45 
and the neglect theyexperience'd built the base for racism to grow on. Native groups similarly 
experienced mass oppression and marginalization in forms of "everyday racism" by the elite classes.50 As 
this paper will demonstrate, this discrimination has lasted for centuries, beyond the official date of the 
abolition of slavery in Venezuela in 1854, though attempts were made to curb it. 
Venezuelans today describe themselves as 'Cafe Con Leche', coffee with milk, which backs up 
their claims to 'racial democracy.'51 This description suggests that all Venezuelans are a mixture of 
Native, Afro-Venezuelan and European blood~ though some may,have more of one than another. The 
positive values of this mixture are endorsed in many levels of society, and are commonly presented as 
the basis of cultural unity and tolerance in Venezuelan society. For example, Foreign Secretary Luis 
Alfonso Oavila addressed the international anti-racism congress in. 2001 stating that Venezuela is a 
proud multicultural society because of this particular mixture of races combined with different 
immigrant groups, and it has "created a culture of respect for differences, which' has allowed us to 
better handle diversity .... Venezuela wants to ... fight against racism, racial discrimination, xenophobia 
and atl other forms of intolerance that exist in the world.,,52 Thus, because of their shared, mixed 
heritage, certain idealistic segments of society would like to believe that ethnicity and racism are no 
longer an issue. 
Combining this attitude with the idea of racism prevailing in Venezuela gives the Venezuelans 
the idea that racism no longer exists in their country. Latin American countries such as Venezuela 
generally define racism as the "virulent anti-black type of discrimination and segregation in the United 
States. By looking at the closed systems in the United States as the true racism, Latin Americans 
overlook the signs of discrimination in their own countries.,,53 This difference in definition ignores the 
more subtle forms of discrimination that exist, such as not renting a room to someone of colour, moving 
to a different seat so as to be farther than someone of an ethnic minority, or general racist stereotypes. 
~dditionafly, the understanding of what it is to be 'black' is perceived differently in Venezuela and Latin 
America than in other parts of the world. Whereas' North America' perceives anyone with Negroid 
features to be black, Venezuelans only see those with dark, black skin to be black.54 These different 
perceptions make comparison of cultural tolerance difficult and illUSOry. 
A different definition of race may, in 'fact, lead to a general disregard for the existence of racism 
in Venezuela and Latin America. Hans Neumann, for instance, affirms that in Venezuela "race is not 
important in judging a pers6n. [Here} racial discrimination is not a factor either in employment or in 
social or intellectual realms .... Prejudice against someone because of the colour' of his skin does not 
50. Teun A. Van Dijk, Racism and Discourse in Spain and Latin America (Philadelphia: John Benjamins Publishing 
Company, 2005),151. 
51. Hernan Vera, "Local Global Racism in Latin America," in Racial and Ehtnic Economic Inequality: An 
International Perspective, eds. SamuelL Meyers, Jr. and Bruce P. Corrie (New York: Peter Lang Publishing, Inc., 
2006),22. 
52. Teun A. Van Oijk, Racism and Discourse in Spain and Latin America (Philadelphia: John Benjamins Publishing 
Company, 2005), 153-154. 
53. Hernan Vera, "Local Global Racism in Latin America," in Racial and Ehtnic Economic Inequality: An 
International Perspective, eds. Samuell. Meyers, Jr. and Bruce P. Corrie (New York: Peter Lang Publishing, Inc., 
2006},22. 
54. Winthrop R. Wright, "Elitist Attitudes Toward Race in Twentieth-Century Venezuela," in Slavery and Race 
Relations in Latin America, ed. Robert Brent Toplin (Connecticut: Greenwood Press, 1974), 326. 
46 
exist. This is not an obstacle here as it is in other places . ..s5 This general idea as it exists in Venezuelan 
society can be traced back to a number of historical reasons, such as "a long regal tradition of equality, 
the rhetoric of Sim6n BoHvar [as wiJl be examined later), and the fact that Venezuelan historians, unlike 
their Brazilian contemporaries, showed little. interest in treating the black as a separate element of 
society after [abolition in] 1854.56 Promoting ideas like this leads to overlooking subtler forms of racism. 
One obvious place where these claims to complete ethnic tolerance and anti":racism can easily 
be disproved are the media. The best example of the persistence of racist attitudes in Venezuela, 
following the rise of Chavez, are the "racist taunts [towards him] in the media" which also extend into 
everyday conversation.57 Racism towards Native and Afro-Venezuelan groups in general has also been 
present in the media, though it has been subtle in nature. tn general, there are "few black faces (and 
even less indigenous ones) in the media. TeleVision anchor persons are invariably white or off white, and 
so is Miss Ven'ezuela, among many other celebrities, except for a handful of black people who confirm 
the rule .... [Additionally) blacks only appeared in at most 10% of billboards, TV programs, movies, or 
telenovelas, and next to zero percent as main protagonists."ss This leads to a 'whitening' of popular 
culture, a representation that those who are lighter are better off and more socially acceptable. For 
black models it is very hard to find assignments, as their African features are generally found 
unappealing and lead to casting in roles such as beach party scenes, a representation of sensual bodies, 
music, sports, and country-style scenes with poor people.59 
The attitude of the elites is another obvious example of the persistence, of racism in Venezuela. 
The upper class in Venezuela has been involved in the denial of rights and improvements in the lives of 
Afro-Venezuelans and native peoples through the whole history of the country, not just in the early days 
of the conquest and slavery, when the living conditions and treatment of natives and Afro-Americans 
were clearly degrading. Even when, at key pOints in the history of Venezuela, there would have been 
clear benefits for both individuals and the state in loosening or removing the noose of slavery, the elite 
resisted the change. At the very beginning of the independence struggle, in the early 1800s, for 
instance, when the idea of incorporating black staves into the armed forces was proposed, which would 
have allowed both freedom for the slaves and man power for the army, the elites in Caracas refused to 
cooperate for fear of loosing their slaves, which led to the victory of Spain.60 During the first half of the 
19thcentury, it was commonly accepted that in principle slavery was an evil thing that needed to be 
abolished, however few thought that this should be done immediately, 61 and the process was delayed 
55. Jesus Marfa Herrera Salas, "Ethnicity and Revolution: The Political Economy of Racism in Venezuela," Latin 
American Perspectives 32, no. 2 (2005): 72. 
56. Winthrop R. Wright, "Elitist Attitudes Toward Race in Twentieth-(entury Venezuela," in Slavery and Race 
Relations in Latin America, ed. Robert Brent Toplin (Connecticut: Greenwood Press, 1974),331. 
57. Teun A. Van Dijk, Racism and Discourse in Spain and Latin America (Philadelphia: John Benjamins Publishing 
Company, 2005), 151. 
58. Teun A. Van Dijk, Racism and Discourse in Spain and Latin America (Philadelphia: John Benjamins Publishing 
Company, 2005), 152. 
59. Van Dijk, 152. 
60. John V. lombardi, "The Abolition of Slavery in Venezuela: A Nonevent," in Slavery and Race Relations in 
Latin America, ed. Robert'Brent Toplin (Connecticut: Greenwood Press, 1974), 231-232. 
61. lombardi, 241. 
47 
until 1854. These are some historical examples, however the racist attitudes of the elite towards the 
Nat1ve and Afro-Venezue'an people continue to the present. 
Today, the lower classes including the Natives and Afro-Venezuelans "are constantly berated by 
the upper and middle classes ... as 'vermin,' 'mixed-breeds,' 'Indians,' 'barefoot,' and 'rabble.1II62 In the 
early 19th century, the Afro-Venezuelans were seen as an uncultured, racially inferior group by the 
writings of a number of Caracas-based elite.63 The white, elitist position towards them is still generally 
not favorable, as was demonstrated during the election and current government of President Hugo 
Chavez, as will be discussed below. Additionally, as the media in Venezuela have generafly been 
dominated by the power of the elite, the racist overtones there can also be traced back to this group. 
The prejudices . have carried on from colonial experiences, and have led to arguments that blacks are 
dis~iked as muoh as they are because of the continual culture of poverty they live in.64 Though such 
arguments provide no justification for the discrimination, they do reveal the elite's persistent racist 
thinking. 
It is interesting at this point to note the shifting position of historical revolutionary leader Sim6n 
Bolfvar on the topic of race and discrimination. At the beginning he took the position of the current 
Venezuelan government, one of cooperation and equality. When recruiting troops during the wars of 
independence and after, Bolivar encouraged the idea of racial harmony: 
"Our people are neither European nor North American; they are a mixture of Africa and America rather than an 
emanation of Europe .••. Whne we have all been born of the same mother, our fathers, different in origin and blood, are 
foreigners, and all differ visibly as to the colour of their skin, a dissimilarity which places upon us an obligation of the 
greatest importance."6S 
Later in his career, however, Bolfvar had mixed feelings on the question of race: 
"Racial 'diversity' [was} a centra' impediment to 'perfect' democracy. For Bolfvar, the lack. of virtue of 'Venezuela's 
. mixed-race. population counsefed against an overly representative democracy, and he advocated a strong executive and 
hereditary peerage. Central to his argument was the premise that all people were not in fact created equal,' and that the 
long oppressed and racially mixed population needed education before it could enjoy full citizen rights."66 
These shifting perspectives of Bolivar suggest that he understood the use and importance of 
cooperation and acceptance, while manpower was needed for a successful independence struggle as 
well as in the afterglow of success. However, when things settled down and the elitist opihions started 
toseep through to Sim6n Bolivar, he too seem to have became less firm in his anti-racist stand. 
One should stress, however, that the Venezuelan government has made great strides since the 
days of slavery in terms of the official position on equality and anti-racism, which has been continued by 
62. Jesus Marla Herrera Salas, "Ethnicity and Revolution: The Political Economy of Racism in Venezuela," Latin 
American Perspectives 32, no. 2 (2005): 72. 
63. Winthrop R. Wright, "Elitist Attitudes Toward Race in Twentieth-Century Venezuela," in Slavery and Race 
Relations in Latin America, ed. RobertBrent Toplin (Connecticut: Greenwood Press, 1974), 334. 
64. Winthrop R. Wright, "Elitist Attitudes Toward Race in Twentieth-Century Venezuela," in Slavery and 'Race 
Relations in Latin America, ed. Robert Brent Toplin (Connecticut: Greenwood Press, 1974), 327. 
65. Wright, 333. 
66. Nancy P. Appelbaum, Anne S. Macpherson, and Karin Alejandra Rosemblatt, eds.," Introduction: Racial 
Nations," in Race and Nation in Modern Latin America (USA: University of North Carolina Press, 2003), 5. 
48 
the presidency of Hugo Chavez. Every constitution since 1830 has acknowledged the equality of all 
Venezuelan citizens.57 Ethnic equality was formally enshrined in the 1961 Constitution. The 1999 
Constitution built on this by recognizing the territory and rights of indigenous peoples.68 The Chavez 
government has also acted as a direct champion for minorities and against racism in Venezuela. Chavez 
came to the presidency as the representative of the poor, including the black and indigenous peoples. In 
contrast, his opposition is generaJly seen as the representatives of the elite. "We thus witness under the 
political conflict a combined class struggle and racial dispute, pitching poor blacks and mulattos against 
middle and upper class whites in an increasingly polarized struggle for power.,,69 Chavez and his 
government have currently brought the idea of equality and non-discrimination to the forefront, and it 
will be interesting to see if, as time goes on, he holds to his opinions or if, like Sim6n Bolivar, he will shift 
his position as time goes on and pressures intensify. 
Venezuela is a very culturally and ethnically interesting country. From its Spanish colonial roots 
to its current 'Cafe Con Leche' status, the makeup of Venezuela's citizens is always shifting with the 
inclusion of new groups. However, a general mixing of cultures and blood does not ensure a country will 
remain without racism, as the genera' consensus in Venezuela would like us to believe. Examples of 
racism towards Native and Afro-Venezuelan groups can be seen in both representations in the media 
and the opinions of the elite. However, it is important to note that, though there may be a difference of 
opinion in SOciety in general, the government has long made efforts to ensure an official level of 
equality. The government of Hugo Chavez in particular has brought the issue to prominence, with his 
own mixed background becoming part of the debate. Though this is not an issue that can be solved 
overnight, it will be interesting to see if his government can bring much change to the overall opinions of 
those elites, who still harbour racist ideas. 
Bibliography. 
Appelbaum, Nancy P., Anne S. Macpherson, and Karin Alejandra Rosembfatt, eds. "Introduction: Racial Nations." 
In Race and Nation in Modern Latin America, 1-31. USA: University of North Carolina Press, 2003. 
Herrera Salas, Jesus Marla. "Ethnicity and Revolution: The Political Economy· of Racism in Venezuela." Latin 
American Perspectives 32, no. 2 (2005): 72-91. 
lombardi, John V. ''The Aboiition of Slavery in Venezuela: A Nonevent." In Slavery and Race Relations in Latin 
America, edited by Robert BrentToplin, 228-252. Connecticut: Greenwood Press, 1974. 
Morner, Magnus. "Historical Research on Race Relations in Latin America During the National Period." In Race and 
Class in Latin America, edited by Magnus Morner, 199-230. New York: Columbia University Press, 1970. 
Wade, Peter. Race and Ethnicity in Latin America. Chicago: Pluto Press, 1997. 
Van Dijk, Teun A. Racism ond Discourse in Spain and Latin Americo. Philadelphia: John Benjamins Publishing 
Company, 2005. 
67. Winthrop R. Wright, "Elitist Attitudes Toward Race in Twentieth-Century Venezuela," in Slavery and Race 
Relations in Latin America, ed. Robert Brent Toplin (Connecticut: Greenwood Press, 1974), 333. 
68. Teun A. Van Dijk, Racism ond Discourse in Spain and Latin America (Philadelphia: John Benjamins Publishing 
Company, 2005), 152. 
69. Teun A. Van Dijk, Racism and Discourse in Spain and Latin America (Philadelphia: John Benjamins Publishing 
Company, 2005), 151. 
49 
Vera; Hernan. "Local Global Racism in Latin America." In Radal and Ehtnic Econamic Inequality: An International 
Perspective, edited by Samuell,.- Meyers, Jr. and Bruce P. Corrie, 15-24. New York: Peter Lang Publishing, 
Inc., 2006. 
Wright, Winthrop R. "Elitist Attitudes Toward Race in Twentieth-Century Venezuela." In Slavery and Race Relations 
in Latin America, edited by Robert Brent Toplin, 325-347. Connecticut: Greenwood Press, 1974. 
50 


Differences of Perspective: An Examination of Racism and Ethnic Minorities in the Bolivarian Republic of Venezuela

_, _

Glendon Papers, Volume 4, December 2009

Leung, Janice

Machiavelli and International Relations Theory

Denis, Roman

Turkey's bid for E.U. membership and the global balance of power: a Constructive-Realist Account of Turkey's Accession Process to the EU

Lapierre, Mélissa

Philosophie de la « société internationale » de Hobbes et Rousseau : Analyse comparative

Jones, Kyla

The Islamic conception of international society

Klej, Dominika

Hobbes' Theory of International Society

Renglich, Hannah

COMPARATIVE BOOK REVtEW 
The Assoult On Reoson by AI Gore 
and 
Rumpoleand the Reign o/Terror by John Mortimer 
Hannah Renglich 
The international world order is fraught with insecurity and unrest, and within this context, 
terrorism has evolved as a major threat. Frequently, as in the case of the United States, argues AI Gore, 
responses to acts of terrorism are performed by governments acting out of fear, and often supported by 
misinformed populations. Rumpole and the Reign of Terror by John Mortimer and The Assault On 
Reason by AI Gore examine the intricacies of this fear response as contrasted with the concept of 
reason, expounding. upon the vices of .large scale societal ignorance and an implicit erosion ,of 
democracy. In combination, the two works provide an informative critical analysis of the current trends 
in national peace, security and human rights with greater implications for international politics. 
Though they differ in presentation, the works of both Mortimer and Gore examine a central 
juxtaposition between fear and reason in a post-9/ll world. Each author emphasizes the importance of 
the conquest of the latter in order to uphold law and democracy. Through satiric reality-based fiction, 
Mortimer Uses the principled character of Rumpole to illustrate a departure from his fear-driven peers 
and illuminate what seems to be the novelty of rationality in the face of blind emotion. Rumpole is 
resolutely moral as he attempts to uphold the law even while being criticized by his wife and colleagues, 
who suggest that "things like jury trials and the presumption of innocence may have been all very well in 
their day. But times change. History moves on. We need quicker and more reliable results. Modernize, 
Mr Rumpole" (Mortimer 93). In response to these ludicrous assertions, Rumpole reiterates his staunch 
values, claiming, "I may be ridiculously old-fashioned ... but I prefer to believe Or Khan is innocent until 
he's proved guilty" (Mortimer 37). In contrast to Mortimer's paragon of reason and virtue, AI Gore 
explicitly delineates the failings of George W. Bush, his administration, and its manipulation of public 
opinion as well as disregard for the institutions of democracy, resulting in the abandonment of reason 
by the government and subsequently its citizens. Gore's elaboration of the politics of fear is much more 
blatant, as he devotes the first chapter of The Assault on Reason to the topic, beginning with the 
assertion that "when fear displaces reason, the result is often irrational hatred and division" (Gore 23). 
In a highly systematic manner, Gore makes the argument that the Bush administration "misused fear to 
manipulate the political process" (Gore 26), elaborating upon the potency of imagined threats, which 
when conceptualized, "can activate the fear response as powerfully as would real threats" (Gore 31). 
Both Gore and Mortimer point to fear as a propelling force toward irrational behaviour, such as Bush's 
manufacturing of fear and deliberate concealment of factual research in the effort to drive forward the 
war in Iraq. In Rumpole's case, a similar fear of the unknown and presumed state-sponsored 
propaganda leads characters to condemn a man who has yet to stand trial, let alone to be found gUilty. 
Though the Mortimer and Gore examine the implication of fear for different ends - terrorism and 
eroding democracy, respectively - each clearly does so in contrast to reason. 
Tied to Gore's and Mortimer's thematic focus on fear and reason is the concept of ignorance, 
which. Gore argues is to a certain degree the result of socialization and specific limitations of 
unidirectional communication media. The wifeof Mortimer's protagonist is an excellent portrayal of 
suchsocietal ignorance. At the same time as she constantly says Rumpole is incapable of understanding 
things, she herself claims that "terrorists don't need defending. What they need is locking up securely, 
35 
or at least turfing out of the country" (Mortimer 25). Gore's broader explanation of this phenomenon 
points to the ability for opinions to be easily manufactured and commodified: 
The communication between candidates for national office and American voters is currently based 
almost entirely on one-way thirty-second television commercials purchased by the candidates at 
great expense with money donated to them largely by elites, many of whom are interested in 
purchasing specific policy outcomes with their contributions (Gore 76) 
With an understanding that media control and distribution fall to those with large amo.unts of wealth, 
Gore writes that it is "the incestuous coupling of wealth and power that poses the deadliest threat to 
democracy" (Gore 73). Rumpole provides a promising contrast to the 'assumed ignorant public' of 
Gore's conception, yet he, too, seems to be an exception rather than the rule. With the choice between 
money and justice, Rumpole forgoes his devoted clients, the Timsons, in favour of the Pakistani Dr 
Khan's case, even though it is far more. controversial and much less lucrative. Around him, however, 
comments such as "He could always have gone back to Afghanistan or wherever it was" (Mortimer 36) 
and "He is not like'us, Mr Rumpole ...• We don't blow up innocent women and children" (Mortimer 22) 
serve to emphasize the severe dearth of knowledge Rumpole's companions possess. Though Mortimer 
paints him to be the embodiment of reason itself, even Rumpole experiences moments of doubt and 
suspicion, asking, "Wouldn't an innocent man have boned over with anger: raged against the authorities, 
damned the police and showed nothing but contempt for a country which had arbitrarily imprisoned 
him?" (Mortimer 31). Ultimately, however, his reason trumps all else, and as a respectable lawyer, 
Rumpole acknowledges, "My beliefs, one way or the other, are completely irrelevant. I shall defend him 
to the best of my ability" (Mortimer 135). 
Though the construction of the social critiques are different in genre, both The Assault on 
Reason and Rumpole and the Reign of Terror point to the erosion of democracy as threatening the 
integrity of the state. AI Gore's systematic exposure of the Bush administration's incompetence 
analyzes the disappearance of participatory processes that are fundamental for democracy, deliberate 
secrecy, and constant alterations to the traditional power structure in the United States at the whim of 
the president. With regard to the deafening silence of the citizenship, Gore ascribes blame. primarily to 
non-participatory media, suggesting that an active two-way communication system is the only one that 
supports democratic principles. Gore writes that "it is astonishing how little outrage is generated by 
each new effort to impose tighter controls over the information that is made available" (Gore 121), 
suggesting that the erosion of democracy is aided by the participation vacuum. Gore goes on to devote a 
chapter to the changing balance of power within the three arms of the American government, 
continually returning to the .idea that anyone who dared question the growing power of the head of 
state wOOld be practically denounced as traitorous. Mortimer complements Gore's indIgnation by simply 
reaffirming Rumpole's stance when rebuked, '''We hardly want to get the reputation of being a thorn in 
the flesh of the ·government, do we, Rumpole?' [and he responds} 'Don't you, Ballard? Speaking for 
myself, I can think of no finer reputation'" (Mortimer 38). Similarly, Mortimer expresses his distaste for 
unquestioning compliance with the government, referring to Rumpole's offer of promotion to judgeship, 
saying, "To offer me such a bribe as that for betraying my dedication to the basic principles of our legal 
system was an insult, even in the world of political chicanery" (Mortimer 69). Ultimately, the authors' 
disdain for democratic disintegration in all its dimensions is clearly expressed in the dissidence of 
Rumpole as well as Gore's reproachful analysis of the Bush administration. 
The two narratives in question provide two unique approaches to the concept of security, with 
relation to fear and reason, ignorance, and eroding democracy and the effects thereupon of television 
media and concentrated wealth and power. Yet, Rumpo'e and the Reign of Terror provides a more 
accessible exploration of the aforementioned topiCS due to the acerbic satirical form employed, which 
makes for a more entertaining read than the often repetitive and methodical analysis offered in The 
36 
Assault on Reason. Just as can be detected in An Inconvenient Truth. AI Gore has a tendency toward the 
self-congratulatory, while concurrently condemning his political opponents, which has the combined 
effect of diminishing his credibility to a degree. Nevertheless, Gore's writing is well-researched and 
supported by quotes drawn from a wide spectrum of preeminent scholars, which, while at times seems 
roughly cobbled together, ultimately serves to enhance his arguments. Mortimer's writing, on the other 
hand, is a fiction based heavily on reality, which ,lacks much literary substance or subtlety. It is an 
amusing story, however, in which the likable protagonist is upheld as the only voice of reason. While 
Gore seems distastefully to be his own protagonist within his narrative, he redeems his moral authority 
in part by concluding an otherwise bleak and discouraging treatise with potentially meaningful 
prescriptions for the renewal of a vibrant democracy. Ultimately, the two works are well-paired and 
provide complementary insights into systems of democracy and terrorism. When read in combination, 
they effectively illuminate issues of international peace and security and enable a comprehensive 
understanding of the currentglobal political climate. 
WorksOted 
Gore, AI. The Assault on Reason. Toronto: Penguin Books, 2007. 
Mortimer, John. Rumpole and the Reign ofTerrOr. Toronto: Penguin Books, 2007. 
37 


Comparative Book Review: "The Assault on Reason" by Al Gore and "Rumpole and the Reign of Terror" by John Mortimer.

Hartley, Erin

Gandhi's conception of international society

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