Open Journal Systems at the Victoria University of Wellington Library
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Reforming the public sector and Parliament - Chris Hipkins' goals
Back in the late 1990s senior public servants worried at Institute of Policy Studies (IPS) roundtables that ‘siloisation’ of the state sector was hampering effectiveness. Also at that time an IPS roundtable of chief and deputy chief executives backed posting advice on agency websites when decisions were made or at some specific time after delivery
Open innovation communication: Improving strategy implementation in the public sector
When Jørgen Knudstorp took over as CEO of the LEGO group in 2004, the toy company was in a state of decline.1 A lack of innovation and loss of market position led to the group posting their first loss in 1998. LEGO had lost sight of the needs of their customers. “We were not making toys that were sufficiently interesting to children. We failed to innovate enough,” commented executive vice-president of the group Mads Nipper (The Telegraph, 2009)
Earthquake recovery legislation: Learning from experience
The Canterbury earthquake sequence sparked a series of constitutional seismic shifts whose after-effects look set to continue long after Christchurch’s regeneration is complete. At the heart of the Canterbury earthquake legislation was a Henry VIII clause that gave the executive the power to modify almost all primary legislation for a broad range of purposes related to recovery. The Henry VIII clause was supported by privative clauses shielding government decisions from judicial review
Free and Frank Advice and the Official Information Act: balancing competing principles of good government
Concern exists that New Zealand hasn’t struck the right balance between two potentially competing principles of good government: officials should provide free and frank advice to ministers, and the public should have opportunities to participate in decision making and hold the government to account. Steps we have taken to address this include: strengthening constitutional underpinnings for free and frank advice (Cabinet Manual changes and issuing expectations for officials); a work programme to improve government agency practice in relation to the Official Information Act; and the Office of the Ombudsman reducing uncertainty about when advice can be withheld by issuing new principles-based guidance and providing more advisory services
A Framework for Counter-Unmanned Aircraft System Regulation in New Zealand
The malicious or negligent use of unmanned aircraft systems (UAS) – usually referred to as ‘drones’ – gives rise to significant risks. While the risky behaviours are subject to existing legal sanctions, the apprehension of perpetrators can be difficult, and traditional regulatory controls, such as licensing drone operators, may be ineffective. ‘Counter-UAS’ (C-UAS) systems that defend against unmanned aerial systems are emerging internationally as a way to address the latent threat. Potential legal issues with the implementation of C-UAS in New Zealand are briefly surveyed. I propose the adoption of a licensing system for C-UAS similar to that already adopted in civil aviation regulation
Rent, Interest, Profit
This paper advances the case for the abolition of rent, interest, and profit. Rent, interest, and profit often appear perfectly normal for those living and working in capitalist economies, and are made to look normal in capitalist economics, the media, the capitalist state, and more generally by those who benefit from these forms of income without working. Because of the basic systemic violence on which they rest, however, rent, interest, and profit also produce resentment, criticism, refusal, and, at times, organised resistance. Systematic political organisation against the practices of rent, interest, and profit has been and should still be at the basis of Left politics. By this same measure, almost all so-called ‘Left’ parliamentary parties in Aotearoa New Zealand and elsewhere have given up the game. What is developed here is not another lament about what has been lost. Rather, this paper seeks to give some conceptual clarity to the need to organise politically, with a clear intent of victory, against rent, interest, and profit.
 
Struggles from Below in the Twilight of Neoliberalism
Laurence Cox grew up around social movements and has been involved, since the early 1980s, in many different movements across several countries. Cox co-founded and co-edits the activist/academic movement journal Interface, co-directed an MA on activism in Maynooth, and works with activist PhD students. He is a senior lecturer in sociology at the National University of Ireland Maynooth. His recent books include Why Social Movements Matter (2018) and, with Salar Mohandesi and Bjarke Risager, Voices of 1968 (2018). Most of his work is available free online via laurencecox.wordpress.com, academia.edu, and elsewhere. Here, Dylan Taylor talks to him about the tensions between activism and academia, the importance of Marxism in the study of social movements, and the decline of neoliberal hegemony.
 
Hope Dashed? The Economics of Gender Inequality
Review of Prue Hyman, Hopes Dashed?
 
Cold New Zealand Council Housing Getting an Upgrade
As people spend most of their time at home, residential thermal conditions are important. Central government debate about minimum temperature requirements for rental properties requires an evidence base of indoor temperature data. We collected temperature, humidity and energy data from 49 council housing dwellings in Wellington over winter, and self-reported thermal comfort and heating behaviour. Mean indoor temperature was 14.9°C, colder than the national average, with 67% of readings under 16°C, which the World Health Organization associates with health implications. With New Zealand’s high rate of excess winter mortality and children hospitalised for housing-related diseases, cold housing should be addressed
Unfair and discriminatory: which regions does New Zealand take refugees from and why?
This article considers changes to the regional composition of New Zealand’s annual refugee resettlement quota under the fifth National government. The method is based on an analysis of material collected across four years of Official Information Act requests and further research conducted in the course of the Doing Our Bit campaign to double New Zealand’s refugee resettlement quota. The article outlines changes to the regional composition, the stated rationale behind them, and the effect of these changes. It concludes with an argument that these changes be reversed by the new Labour-led government