Università del Salento: ESE - Salento University Publishing
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La fantascienza transmediale come dispositivo territoriale: processi di territorializzazione nel worlbuilding di Star Wars = Transmedia science-fiction as a territorial device: processes of territorialization in Star Wars worldbuilding
No full textIn this paper we aim to show how science-fiction as a medial genre can take on the function of a territorial device analyzing the construction of the fictional worlds of Star Wars, observing in it two trajectories of territorialization: an extradiegetic one, in which the narrative is developed on an ecosystem level; and a diegetic one, in which different planet-worlds are constructed by modulating the three configurations of territoriality (landscape, place, environment) in ecosystemic and transmedia terms. From the analysis emerges the construction of an exploration and scalar sci-fi territoriality, with different steps: the distinguishability of the worlds with respect to space, their landscape iconicization, the construction of social systems in which the different declinations of technology have an impact on an environmental and socio-political level, their positioning and the individualization for the spectators. The transmedia use of science-fiction in Star Wars thus assumes a territorial function that has contributed to imprinting the saga in the imaginary and making it a myth of mass culture, capable of intercepting different instances of our world thanks to the construction of territories that oscillate between the second and third order of simulacra
I Won't Give you a Story of Suffering: Queer Migrants' Everyday Resistance in İstanbul
Get PDFThis article explores how queer migrants' experiences reveal the complex dynamics of sexual and gender-based violence (SGBV) and everyday resistance. Utilising a socio-anthropological and geographical approach, it examines the intersections of migration, queerness, and resistance in Türkiye - a leading refugee-hosting country with diverse origins driven by various motivations. Focusing on queer migrants who navigate among political and gender boundaries that often homogenise migration narratives, the study draws on ethnographic fieldwork conducted in Türkiye from 2019 to 2024. It highlights the structural violence and oppression shaping their experiences and investigates İstanbul as a potential queer oasis for life experiences that have been positioned on the margins of dominant gender and racial norms. Furthermore, the article examines how vulnerability is transformed into everyday resistance, showcasing diverse narratives that subvert the prevailing portrayal of migrants as solely suffering. Based on firsthand accounts, it illustrates how people endure within heteronormative and oppressive structures through the types of tactics we suggest referring to as evasive, solidarity, belonging and claiming
Emigrazione italiana e influenze culturali negli Stati Uniti d'America. Alcune note su un recente contributo sulla presenza degli italiani a Filadelfia
Get PDFPolitica economica e sociale in Germania durante il quarto ministero Marx e i gabinetti presidenziali di Brüning: uno studio storico e storiografico
Get PDFItIl presente studio si focalizza sulle politiche economico-sociali dei governi Marx IV e Brüning I-II alla luce della grande crisi finanziaria che pesò sulla Germania dopo la Prima Guerra Mondiale. La necessità di arginare i gravissimi problemi economico-finanziari e sociali causati dalla sconfitta del 1914-18 e dalla crisi del '29, portò gli amministratori della potenza mitteleuropea all'adozione di severe misure di contenimento della spesa e tassazione straordinaria a tutto danno della ripresa del paese e del benessere della popolazione (specie dei ceti medio-bassi). Le rigorose ed impopolari manovre deflattive attuate da Heinrich Brüning, portarono al collasso un'economia nazionale già fortemente provata da anni di iperinflazione, svalutazione monetaria e aumento della disoccupazione e al quasi totale smantellamento dello stato sociale, fiore all'occhiello, quest'ultimo, delle politiche del quarto gabinetto Marx di blocco borghese, con conseguente e comprensibile diffusione di un grande malcontento sociale generalizzato. Ciò avvantaggiò politicamente i partiti estremisti come il partito nazista, il partito comunista e il partito popolare tedesco nazionale, i quali furono i soli a trarre beneficio dal punto di vista propagandistico ed elettorale da un'economia un tempo poderosa ma ora in stato di profonda prostrazione.EnThis study focuses on the economic-social policies of the Marx IV and Brüning I-II governments in light of the great financial crisis that weighed on Germany after the First World War. The need to stem the very serious economic-financial and social problems caused by the defeat of 1914-18 and the crisis of 1929, led the administrators of the Central European power to adopt severe measures to contain spending and extraordinary taxation to the complete detriment of the country's recovery and of the well-being of the population (especially the lower-middle classes). The rigorous and unpopular deflationary maneuvers implemented by Heinrich Brüning, led to the collapse of a national economy already severely tested by years of hyperinflation, monetary devaluation and increased unemployment and to the almost total dismantling of the welfare state, the flagship of the policies of the fourth Marx cabinet of the bourgeois bloc, with the consequent and understandable spread of great generalized social discontent. This politically benefited extremist parties such as the Nazi Party, the Communist Party and the National German People's Party, which were the only ones to benefit from a propaganda and electoral point of view from a once powerful economy now in a state of profound prostration
Il conflitto nelle congiunture critiche. Il repertorio del conflitto pandemico in Italia
Get PDFItLa pandemia da Covid-19 ha rappresentato una congiuntura critica che ha profondamente trasformato la vita sociale, politica ed economica. Questo articolo analizza il repertorio del conflitto pandemico in Italia, interrogandosi su come individui, gruppi e categorie sociali abbiano reagito alle misure di contenimento adottate dal governo tra il 2020 e il 2022. A partire dalla letteratura sui disastri, sui conflitti letali e sui movimenti sociali, la ricerca utilizza il dataset ACLED per mappare oltre 5900 eventi di protesta, con l'obiettivo di esplorare le dinamiche di mobilitazione in un contesto di emergenza. Il contributo mostra come, in assenza di legami di rete diretti, le proteste si siano diffuse attraverso canali culturali, emozionali e simbolici, delineando una forma di mobilitazione fortemente eterogenea e radicata nell'esperienza quotidiana. Particolare attenzione è rivolta ai repertori d'azione adottati - tra cui flash mob, azioni simboliche e disobbedienza civile - e alle motivazioni sottese, che spaziano dalla richiesta di diritti sociali alla contestazione delle restrizioni sanitarie. L'articolo propone di considerare la pandemia come un evento rivelatore, capace di far emergere nuove forme di conflitto e ridefinire le grammatiche della partecipazione collettiva. Infine, si riflette sulle potenzialità trasformative (e i limiti) di tali mobilitazioni, evidenziando il ruolo cruciale delle emozioni e delle narrazioni nella costruzione di nuove soggettività politiche.EnThe Covid-19 pandemic represented a critical juncture that profoundly transformed social, political, and economic life. This article analyzes the repertoire of pandemicrelated contention in Italy, investigating how individuals, groups, and social categories responded to the containment measures adopted by the government between 2020 and 2022. Drawing on literature on disasters, lethal conflicts, and social movements, the study uses the ACLED dataset to map over 5,900 protest events, aiming to explore the dynamics of mobilization in a state of emergency. The findings show that, in the absence of direct network ties, protests spread through cultural, emotional, and symbolic channels, shaping a form of mobilization that was highly heterogeneous and deeply rooted in everyday experiences. Particular attention is given to the repertoires of action adopted-including flash mobs, symbolic acts, and civil disobedience-and the underlying motivations, ranging from demands for social rights to opposition to public health restrictions. The article proposes to understand the pandemic as a revelatory event, capable of generating new forms of conflict and redefining the grammars of collective participation. Finally, it reflects on the transformative potential (and limits) of such mobilizations, highlighting the crucial role of emotions and narratives in shaping new political subjectivities
Possible fossil fish in amber
Get PDFThe author describes possible fossil fish remains trapped in amber. The remains were identified in fragments of amber from Cretaceous of Myanmar and from Pliocene of Madagascar. Although these remains leave margins of uncertainty in their interpretation, the reported discoveries nevertheless fill the gap represented by the absence of reports of fossil fish in amber, despite the fact that many recent evidences have definitively demonstrated the presence of inclusions derived from organisms living in aquatic habitat in many ambers of various origins and antiquities. The remains described here potentially indicate that the fish trapped in amber may have belonged to fish of both possible freshwater limnetic and possible marine littoral environment
ENNIO DE SIMONE, Scienza e pratica medica nel Salento (secc. XVII-XX). Percorsi bio-bibliografici
Get PDFI'd never seen a person like that. Studio della genesi e della performance dell'hater = "I'd never seen a person like that". A Study of the Genesis and Performance of the Hater
No full textThis essay intertwines literary analysis and sociological inquiry to trace the emergence of the contemporary hater as a figure shaped by accelerated rhythms, spectacle, and frustration. From Ellis's "American Psycho" to McCarthy's "No Country for Old Men", it reads Bateman and Chigurh as emblematic outcomes of a life-world driven by perpetual novelty and mediated exposure. The hater, born within the logics of late-television formats and algorithmic amplification, embodies a quest for visibility that oscillates between aggression and a confused resistance to social acceleration. Distinct from historical forms of enmity, this hatred arises from spectatorship itself, from the frictions of identity performed under constant public gaze. Through literary icons, the article explores frustration as a structuring force of contemporary life and reflects on the figure of the stranger as a latent presence within modern subjectivity
Illiberalism in Israeli Public Opinion
Get PDFIsrael has long identified as a democracy. However, scholars have expressed concerns that it is engaged in democratic backsliding (Kremnitzer and Shany 2020; Oren and Waxman 2022). Despite holding repeated elections, its liberal credentials are weakening, as the rule of law and judicial independence are threatened. Institutionally, then, it is fulfilling Dahl's (1971) contestation requirement for democracy but not the inclusiveness requirement. At the citizen level, there is questionable democratic culture (Inglehart and Welzel 2003). If the public supports electoral institutions but not liberal values, then the democracy's foundation is weak (Mounk 2018). This article analyzes recent Israeli public opinion data on political attitudes and regime preferences - the Israel National Election Survey (2022) and an original iPanel survey (2024) - with machine learning techniques. Both datasets demonstrate that while Israelis assert a preference for democracy, they are open to non-democratic alternatives and illiberal policies. The community is particularly divided on minority rights (i.e. Palestinian Citizen of Israel rights) and free expression/protest rights. As such, democracy is on shaky foundations in Israel in the face of the ongoing democratic recession