Università del Salento: ESE - Salento University Publishing
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Le traduzioni italiane dei romanzi di Arkadij e Boris Strugackij. Il difficile destino editoriale di due scrittori non dissidenti
From the extensive literary output of Arkadij and Boris Strugakij (the complete works currently published in Russia comprise thirty-three volumes), Italian readers were already conversant with certain titles at the beginning of the 1960s, due to the efforts of the Russian-born journalist and French national Jacques Bergier, who proposed the inclusion of three short stories by the Strugackij brothers in the collection 14 Short Stories of Russian Science Fiction, published by Feltrinelli in 1961. This was followed by a series of novels published in the 1980s. The 1990s saw a paucity of publications by the Strugackij brothers, whereas the 2000s witnessed a resurgence of interest in the literary output of these two Soviet writers. This was evidenced by the appearance of new translations of previously published works and the release of titles that had not previously been available in Italy. The purpose of this paper is to provide an overview of the publication history of Strugackij's novels and short stories in Italy, situated within the cultural context of the period between the 1960s and the 2000s. In particular, the role of translation and the emergence of new literary media will be examined in depth
La tragedia como acto político. Variación de los actores sociales en Charles IX y Henri VIII de Marie-Joseph Chénier
The 18th century saw literature gradually become a battlefield for public opinion, while writers became judges of their nation and social role models. Consequently, when the French Revolution opened the doors of power to the Third Estate, men of letters were quick to make an appearance on the public stage, giving rise to a proliferation of writer-politicians. Among them, Marie-Joseph Chénier (1764-1811), the “poet of the Revolution”, stands out, mainly because his career was catapulted by the fact that the debut of his play, Charles IX, coincided with the events of 1789. A deputy in the Convention, the Council of Five Hundred and the Tribunate, Chénier set out to inaugurate a new era of the national tragedy, in which the theatre would become a tool to teach the people hatred of tyranny and love of liberty. In fact, the author converted his works into a political instrument, attacking enemy parties and promoting the world views of his coreligionists. Therefore, his plays should not only be read as literary works, but also as historically situated acts. This paper aims to offers a similar reading of Chénier’s first two tragedies of the revolutionary period, Charles IX (1789) and Henri VIII (1791), paying special attention to the social actors that appear in them, namely, the king and the court. In this way, it will be shown how the spectator ceased to be the noble patron in order to become the citizen, while analyzing the strategies that Chénier uses to desacralize the monarchy and destabilize the relationship between the sovereign and his entourage. In the end, while Charles IX tries to warn the king about the deceptions of the court, Henri VIII reminds the courtiers of the dangers hidden behind the whims of absolute power. However, since the audience has already changed, the effect of the attempt will be very different in each play
Hablar por la diferencia. Il corpo della loca di Pedro Lemebel
The body as an instrument, subject and object of resistance against Pinochet's dictatorship, but also against a democracy partly conditioned by the US model, is the fulcrum of Pedro Lemebel's work, who, first through his performances, then with his reflections on the radio and finally with his literary production he gave voice to those on the margins of Chilean society. Through the image of la loca, Lemebel traces the fate of those who are doubly marginalized within the system: the metamorphic, transvestite body, sick with AIDS and carnivalesque becomes the fulcrum of the author's reflection. The contribution aims to analyze the theme of the body in Lemebel to highlight how through it the author imposes the voice of not only political but also sexual subalternity, to undermine the pre-established order, the heterocratic society and the exclusionary hierarchies that have always condemned some subjects to a «precarious life» according to Judith Butler's definition
The Fourth Arena. Rethinking Political Participation in the Digital Age
The digital revolution and the rise of e-participation have led scholars to reconsider established definitions of political participation: their dimensions, modes, and arenas. Drawing on the theoretical framework proposed by Francesco Raniolo in his book 'La partecipazione politica. Fare, pensare, essere', this article examines the academic debate surrounding the various definitions of online participation and its intersections with long-standing disputes over the nature of political participation. Treating the media (and the Internet) as an arena for observing citizens' engagement and participatory acts enables to address the hybrid and expanding repertoire of what will be called Participation at Distance (PaD), which also sees the re-invention of traditional forms of participation. More than other arenas, the media arena constitutes a 'place' capable of hosting old and new, conventional and unconventional, institutional and non-institutional, instrumental and expressive, legal, a-legal, and illegal forms of political participation
Democratic Confederalism and the Theory of History: Historical Ontologies of Political Alternative in Bookchin, Öcalan, and Graeber
This paper aims to discuss the "historical ontology of political alternative" emerging from the work of Abdullah Öcalan by comparing it to the ones of two other authors: Murray Bookchin, who has notoriously influenced his thought, and David Graeber, whose interest for the Kurdish movement and the thought of Öcalan has been significantly overlooked so far. The analysis delves into how the three authors frame the conditions of possibility for the historical emergence of radical political alternatives. Special attention is given to the contrasts between Bookchin and Öcalan in this respect, with special attention to the couple continuity/discontinuity and archaic/modern, to their distinctive views of dialectics and of the articulation between the dialectical poles, and to the roles of consciousness and knowledge in their political and historical reflections. Additionally, it investigates the theoretical and political convergence between Öcalan and Graeber, focusing on the notions, respectively, of democratic civilisation and baseline communism
Constitutionalizing Abortion in France. A “civilizational imperative” to safeguard access and counter international backlash?
In March 2024, the French parliament enshrined the “guaranteed freedom” for a woman to terminate her pregnancy in the French Constitution. This article examines both the political trajectory that led to this constitutional change and the discourses employed by political actors to legitimize, contest, or influence the revision process. While the constitutionalizing of abortion was widely supported, the process through which the Constitution was amended hosted a series of critical debates on the relevance, necessity, and implications of such a move. We examine these debates to understand how these discussions reflect broader political and ideological frontlines. We identify and analyze the main discursive frameworks employed by political actors to justify the effort to constitutionalize abortion and influence the constitutional revision. We argue that underlying the move to constitutionalize abortion lies a “civilizational” imperative to safeguard access and counter backlash — a dynamic that reveals how abortion politics increasingly function as a core biopolitical issue leveraged by different political actors to articulate their identity and order their values