PROKLA - Zeitschrift für kritische Sozialwissenschaft
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Eigenverantwortung ohne Selbstbestimmung? Zum Verhältnis von „Autonomie“ und Heteronomie in der aktivierenden Arbeitsmarktpolitik
Get PDFSelf-responsibility without self-determination? Autonomy and heteronomy in the activating labor market policy. The concept of activation in German labor market policy is characterized by a contradiction: On the one hand people are considered as selfresponsible. On the other hand they are to be activated towards a predetermined goal in the intention to create exploitable individuals. However, people develop stubborn strategies for coping with these heteronomous demands
Revolutionäre ernten die Früchte selten: Der 17. Bouazizi 2010
Get PDFTo understand the current revolutionary situation in the Arab Middle East, the conditions of existence of state power have to be taken into account, i.e., neoliberal restructuring, restructuring of classes, transformations in the ruling parties, the imperialist embedding of the state, the brutal disorganization of the subordinate classes, and the shifts of weight among the state apparatuses. These developments have created new contradictions and conflicts of interest which erupted due to the accumulation of resistance on the one hand, and on the other, due to international and regional shifts (the geostrategic weakness of the U.S. and its allies in the region, economic crisis), and due to political mistakes of state parties, alienation of parts of the ruling classes and state actors. In times of global and national crises, and in the absence of a democratic socialist organization of the popular classes in the Arab region, fractions of the ruling classes and certain forces of the state apparatus with the assistance of international forces help promote the initiative for change. They appeal to the popular classes, who long engaged in multiple forms of resistance, in the struggle of these fractions against other dominant fractions in the power bloc
Atalanta: Militär gegen Piraterie
Get PDFThe author discusses the causes, the special forms and the consequences of piracy in the coastal waters of Somalia. She debates the reasons for the decision of the European Union to launch a military operation against piracy. In spite of the fact that the German constitution prohibits the use of armed forces for the prevention of criminal acts German naval forces are taking part in the European military operation „Atalanta“
Kritik der herrschenden ökonomischen Lehre: Der ökonomiekritische Diskurs des Cambridge-Ökonomen Piero Sraffa
Get PDFoai:d02a386b.www.prokla.de:article/2Hans-Peter Büttner: Critique of ruling economics. The discourse of Piero Sraffa. Neoclassicaleconomic theory and its apparatus of methodological individualism, subjectivism andmarginalism is the dominant paradigm within the field of economic science. Nevertheless theresearch program of Piero Sraffa and the neo-Ricardian school has shown that neoclassicaltheory is internally inconsistent and faced with serious problems with respect to its empiricalrelevance – as a concrete and well investigated example for empirical observation, I presentneoclassical cost theory, the fundament of standard neoclassical supply function. The textdiscusses three historical debates initiated by the neo-Ricardian school against neoclassicalecomomics and shows the importance of these results for critical economic approaches
Kritische Gesellschaftstheorie und die Vielfalt der Emanzipationsperspektiven
Get PDFSocial Movements have during the recent decades challenged the priority of the labour movement. Not only the liberation from wage labour is on the agenda of social movements and the left but also the overcoming of racism and sexism, equality of sexual orientations or the reconciliation of the social relation to nature. This is what Marx claimed when he spoke about the categorical imperative to overthrow all relations in which man is a debased, enslaved forsaken, despicable being. But the question arises as to how to bring these different perspectives together and whether the Marxian project of a critique of political economy is appropriate to its own claim or tends to reduce the whole of emancipation to only some limited goals. Demirovi? proposes making use of Marx’ conceptualisation of structure and superstructure and elaborating this distinction with further arguments from Althusser, Adorno and Gramsci in order to conceive of the superstructures as a strategic means of differentiating the bourgeois society as a complex whole of social relations
Prekäre (Kultur-)Kämpfe? Die Verhandlung gesellschaftlicher Verhältnisse im Diskurs zu Prekarisierung
Get PDFPrecarity became an issue in public discourse in German speaking media throughout 2006. In this article the author takes a closer look on the symbolic negotiations on precariousness/precarity and its references to neo-conservative reasoning undertaken in the public media discourse. Who is designated as the precarious subject -- and to what extent do discursive designations legitimate social inequalities? Public discourse is to be understood as an ambivalent and multifaceted field of negotiations on society and social justice. As such, it is a field where interpretations of societal changes try to gain a hegemonic position and where they are at the same time challenged, disrupted and irritated. Thus, the article points out some hegemonic and counter-hegemonic moments within the public discourse on precarity
„Ihr habt alle reiche Eltern, also sagt nicht, ‚Deutschland hat kein Ghetto!‘“: Zur symbolischen Konstruktion von Anerkennung im Spannungsfeld zwischen Subkultur und Mehrheitsgesellschaft
Get PDFGangstarap-images recently have become an important part of the German everyday entertainment culture. Underlying a mode of construction shaped by a current discourse about migrant masculinities and juvenile delinquency, these images derive from references to the speakers ethnic and class-background and their enactment of certain body norms. By approaching these cultural forms from an intersectional perspective, we show two (complementary) ways of interpretation: Thus they can be seen as a way to update hegemonic masculinity by the speakers, as well as references to be used in a scandalizing manner for the cause of a symbolic ‘class war’
Grenzen im Transit: Zur Konstitution politischer Subjektivitäten in transmigrantischen Räumen
Get PDFThis essay deals with the chances and problems of intersectionality and border feminism for empirical research on transnational migration. Empirically based on a qualitative research of the return movement of guatemalan refugees, the focus of the paper will be on the importance of borders and experiences of bordercrossings for the formation of political subjectivities within transmigrant communities. Parting from a postcolonial perspective the theoretical and methodical inputs and limits of the concepts of intersectionality and border feminism will be discussed. Secondly, the developed analytical framework will be applied to the return movement of guatemalan war refugees
Ich möchte kein Eisbär sein: Warum der UN-Klimagipfel in Kopenhagen die Welt nicht gerettet hat
Get PDF„Kopenhagen-Fiasko“, „Desaster Kopenhagen“, „Land unter in Kopenhagen“ – das waren die Schlagzeilen nach dem UN-Klimagipfel in Kopenhagen. Zwei Wochen lang verhandelten in der dänischen Hauptstadt im Dezember letzten Jahres 193 Vertragsstaaten darüber, wie ein neues völkerrechtlich bindendes Klimaschutz- Abkommen aussehen soll. Das alte, das sogenannte Kyoto-Protokoll, läuft 2012 aus. Unter anderem verpflichten sich die Industriestaaten darin, nur noch begrenzt klimaschädliches Treibhausgas in die Luft zu pusten (verglichen mit 1990 etwa fünf Prozent weniger). Das über allem stehende Ziel: Die Erderwärmung darf nicht mehr als zwei Grad über die Temperatur der vorindustriellen Zeit steigen. Das neue Abkommen, welches die Delegierten in Kopenhagen aushandeln wollten, sollte nicht einfach nur eine Fortschreibung des alten Kyoto-Protokolls sein, sondern es sollte auch weitergehende Maßnahmen und Verpflichtungen enthalten. Die Gründe dafür sind bekannt: Der Klimawandel schreitet schneller voran, als bisher angenommen. Auch die Folgen sind mittlerweile hinreichend apokalyptisch beschrieben: Abschmelzen der Polkappen, Steigen des Meeresspiegels, Dürren, Unwetter, Hungersnöte, Flüchtlingsströme, Kriege, etc. Der Klimawandel, so heißt es immer, komme als Problem nicht wirklich an bei den Menschen. Das Thema sei so „abstrakt“, so weit weg vom Alltag. Das mag vielleicht für den Bewohner von Halle, Heidelberg oder Hoffenheim gelten, für die Bewohner der Pazifikinsel Tuvalu ist „das Problem“ zum Greifen nah: Schreitet der Klimawandel voran, wird die Insel in einigen Jahren untergehen. Bereits in der ersten Woche der Konferenz probte Tuvalu einen aufsehenerregenden Aufstand. Der Inselstaat forderte, den Anstieg der globalen Durchschnittstemperatur nicht auf maximal 2 Grad Celsius zu begrenzen, sondern auf 1,5 Grad. Unter Tränen appellierte der Insel-Delegierte im Plenarsaal an die versammelten Delegierten: „Unser Schicksal liegt in Ihren Händen“..
Von der griechischen zur europäischen Krise
Get PDFMembership in the Euro-Zone did not help Greece to escape the global financial crisis. To be sure, Greek’s backward economic structure and its corrupt political culture of clientelism and taxevasion as well as an overblown incompetent administration drove the country into deep public debts and deficits. Nevertheless, the actual crisis started with several external shocks and was exacerbated by discord in the euro-zone. Afraid of abetting French ambitions towards an ‘economic government’, the German government delayed common approaches to fend of speculation against ‘deficit sinners’ and invited the IMF - thereby opening the window for speculative attacks against the euro-zone as a whole. It remains to be seen if the recently improvised European Stabilization Mechanism can be a first step towards an overdue economic complement to EMU or if it will generalize IMF-style structural adjustments inside the EU. The latter ‘solution’ of the European crisis would, as already observable in the Baltics, put heavy social costs on deficit countries and undermine the justifications given for European integration, namely to secure convergence, cohesion and solidarity between its members