PROKLA - Zeitschrift für kritische Sozialwissenschaft
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Haushaltsarbeit und affektive Arbeit: über Feminisierung und Kolonialität von Arbeit
Get PDFThe central topic of this article is the social devaluation of domestic work, especially focusing on its affective dimension. The question of reproduction as well as the productive character of care-work is constantly neglected in many socioeconomic studies. This counts also for Marxist analyses. Following enquiries in European countries on how domestic work is sensed, how this impacts the people delivering this work, as well as how these feelings linger in spaces and are transferred within relations, the results are interpreted in the context of processes of feminization and the coloniality of labor. Special attention is given to the situation of undocumented migrant domestic workers. As conclusion to these observations some thoughts on formulating domestic workers’ rights along the lines of the politics of affect are elaborated
Ein Epochenbruch: Die neuen globalen Proteste zwischen Organisation und Bewegung
Get PDFThe article works out common features among the new global movements that formed during the contemporary multiple crisis around the world, and traces back the beginning of this ‘anti-representative’ uprisings to a first wave of protest in Latin America since the late 1980’s. Content, focus and organizational forms of the new movements point at a historical break as 1848, the early 20th Century or 1968
Klasse und Gewalt: Anmerkungen zum Verschwinden des Klassenbegriffs in Kritischer Theorie und Post-Marxismus
Get PDFIn this essay I briefly analyze why the concept of class has disappeared in recent social philosophy, such as in the philosophies of Badiou, Negri/Hardt, and Honneth. I argue that a change in the foundations of their social ontologies has led to the dismissal of the concept of class and, in addition, I argue that these changes are unwarranted, since they lead to a loss of a critical concept of society. Then, in a second part, I argue that the concept of class deserves a systematic status within a theory of capitalist sociality, especially since the concept of class can be traced back genetically to violent social relations that are derived from the capitalist social order
„Wo Schmutz und Blut zusammenfließen“ Problemzonen eines linken Klassenprojekts
Get PDFOver the past few years socialist intellectuals and political activists have stressed the need for an alliance between middle-class groups, wage-workers, and the marginalised underclass. The article seeks to unfold the theoretical background of this rather difficult approach by checking out the lower limits of the claimed alliance. Starting with Marx and Engels’ downgrading of the lumpenproletariat, it examines two controversial lines in critical theory: on the one hand analyses of supposed shortcomings that regard marginalised groups as unable to become subject of social transformation, and on the other hand (e .g . anarchist or operaist and post-operaist) approaches that bring into focus the particular but coequal ways of the poor and excluded in struggling for change. The article argues for an integrated approach
Soziale Unruhen als nicht-normierte Konflikte Das Beispiel der englischen Riots von 2011
Get PDFIn August 2011, England experienced the most serious rioting since 30 years. The unrest started two days after the fatal police shooting of Mark Duggan in Tottenham and quickly spread to other cities. This article opens with a brief sketch of the recent history of rioting in England from 1980-2010 and a comparison of previous riots with the ones in 2011. Subsequently, a more extensive overview of the current state of research focusing on triggers and structural roots of the 2011 riots and a local case study of Greater Manchester are presented. It is argued that broader social reasons (e .g . deprivation), consumerism, policing, male behavior and racialised conflicts constitute the overall causes for the latest riots. Moreover, the article looks at the riots in the context of class. Unlike the well-known ‘underclass’ discourse, the article applies a non-pejorative understanding of class: From this perspective, the 2011 riots are interpreted as a symptom of an ongoing fragmentation of social conflicts. Wide ranges of people are no longer represented by organizations like unions nor do they trust in welfare or state institutions or organise in conventional ways. This results in non-normative collective action beyond established institutions as well as new forms of how class struggles and social conflicts articulate themselves
Kapitalistisches Wachstum und soziale Herrschaft Motive, Argumente und Schwächen aktueller Wachstumskritik
Get PDFCurrently, the discussion about degrowth is one of the most important debates in the context of the multiple crises of capitalism. Economic growth as a political orientation and a socio-economic practice has been transformed from a stabilizing factor in society to a de-stabilizer. This article gives a short and necessarily selective overview of the main currents in this debate, and highlights important points of consensus. However, it is argued, degrowth approaches could benefit from a more systematic theorization and consideration of the structures and processes of domination within capitalist societies, and of the manifold forms of domination over nature. Neo-Marxist and feminist perspectives provide good approaches for addressing these shortcomings, and also open the possibility for addressing the as yet not really well developed question of democracy within the degrowth debate in a more sophisticated and realistic manner
Klassismus: Theorie-Missverständnisse als Folge fehlender anti-klassistischer Selbstorganisation? Replik zu Christian Baron: Klasse und Klassismus, PROKLA 175
Get PDFChristian Baron formuliert in seinem Artikel „Klasse und Klassismus“ (Baron 2014) an bisherigen Klassismus-Analysen eine terminologische, methodische und handlungstheoretische Kritik. Bezugspunkte der Kritik sind jeweils von mir (mit)verfasste Texte. Alle drei Kritiken weisen sowohl Missverständnisse als auch inhaltliche Differenzen auf. In dieser Replik kann aus Platzgründen nur versucht werden, die Missverständnisse deutlich zu machen, eine Fortsetzung der inhaltlichen Diskussion bietet sich für spätere Ausgaben der PROKLA an. Grundlegend ist anzumerken, dass „Klassismus“ zunächst als Empowerment- Begriff in der links-emanzipatorischen Bewegung geprägt wurde und dass eine gesellschaftsanalytisch-theoriebasierte Schärfung des Begriffs nicht die praktische Verwendbarkeit einschränken sollte. Erschwerend kommt zu diesem Doppelcharakter der Funktion des Begriffs (Empowerment, Gesellschaftsanalyse) die doppelte Thematisierung in den unterschiedlichen Feldern von Klassen- und Diskriminierungstheorie hinzu. Zudem fehlt bislang ein eigenständiger Ort der Diskussion, so dass Klassismus in Zeitschriften diskutiert wird, die marxistische (PROKLA 175), antirassistische (ZAG. Antirassistische Zeitung 2014, Nr. 67) oder feministische (an.schläge 2014, Nr. 7), aber keine dezidiert antiklassistische Ausrichtungen haben. Hierdurch sind Missverständnisse wie die folgenden erklärbar
\u27Women\u27s questions\u27 and \u27social questions\u27 - an insurmountable contradiction? A Search for Traces in the Social Utopias of the 19th and 20th Centuries
Get PDFDie "Frauenfrage" und die "Sozialfrage" unterliegen den sozialkritischen Theorien der Emanzipation des 19. und 20. Jahrhunderts. Sie wurden nicht nur als antagonistisch angesehen, sondern auch als gemeinsam zu verhandelnde Themen. Ausgehend von der Kritik an den unerfüllten Versprechungen der Französischen Revolution wurden das "Recht auf Arbeit" und die Emanzipation der Frauen als nur gemeinsam lösbare soziale Fragen betrachtet. In diesem Artikel beziehe ich mich auf den französischen Frühsozialisten Charles Fourier und die russische Revolutionärin Alexandra Kollontai, die Frauenfrage und soziale Frage als in ihrer Sozialtheorie und ihren utopischen Ideen verbunden betrachteten. Darauf aufbauend entwickelten sie utopische Ideen zur Vergesellschaftung von Produktion und Reproduktion, bei denen die Reproduktion als gemeinsame Aufgabe betrachtet wird. Darüber hinaus standen Kollontai und Fourier für eine neue Idee der Liebe, die auch auf die Trennung von Privatem und Öffentlichem abzielt, als ihre Ideen für die Sozialisierung von reproduktiven und produktiven Aktivitäten.‘Women’s question’ and ‘social question’ are subject to the social critical theories of emancipation of the 19th and 20th Century. They were not just considered as antagonistic confronting issues, but as to be negotiated together. Starting from the criticism of the unfulfilled promises of the French Revolution, the ‘right to work’ and the emancipation of women was regarded as only together releasable social issues. In this article I am referring to the French early socialist Charles Fourier and the Russian revolutionary Alexandra Kollontai, who considered women´s question and social question as connected in their social theory and utopian ideas. Focusing on this, they developed utopian ideas for socialization of production and reproduction, in which the reproduction is considered to be a common task. In addition, Kollontai and Fourier stood for a new idea of love, which is also aimed at the separation of private and public, as their ideas for the socialization of reproductive and productive activities
Globale Krise – globale Streikwelle? Zwischen den ökonomischen und demokratisch-politischen Protesten herrscht keine zufällige Gleichzeitigkeit
Get PDFThe world wide economic crisis since 2007 is followed by a wave of protests, revolts, riots and movements. In many parts of the world strikes, expecially general strikes or political mass strikes, are part of these movements. But is this already an indication for a global strike wave? In a first step, the article describes the various statistical problems that are associated with this question. Beyond the quantitative question it also has to be asked if and how the different strikes and social movements are related to each other. The article differentiates economic strikes, political mass strikes and strikes with direct influence on the political and democratical protests. In conclusion, the article suggests to see a renewed relation between social and political protest claiming the traditions of labor movement and the new social movements since the 1970s that shows a new quality in the actual uprising against the consequences of the crisis
Ein kurzer Sommer des gesellschaftlichen Wandels? Die J14-Sozialproteste in Israel von 2011
Get PDFBetween July and September 2011, Israel was swept by unprecedented social protests against escalating housing prices, rising cost of living, the yawning social inequality and the deep neo-liberalization of the last decades. What started with a couple of protest tents on the Rothschild Boulevard in Tel Aviv, became in just two weeks a mass movement. While the Israeli Social Protest has propelled an important shift in public discourse, it did however not trigger any restructuring of the neoliberal rule regime entrenched since 1985. To explain why the J14-protest was not able to destabilize the existing power relations and to push forward a post-neoliberal mode of regulation, the article analyzes both the movement’s own failures and the dynamics of cooptation and repression that silenced and pacified the social struggles – at least for the time being