PROKLA - Zeitschrift für kritische Sozialwissenschaft
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The spatial dynamics of agrofuels: Transnational networks, re-scaling, places and territorial struggles
No full textThis article explores the spatial dynamics of agrofuels. Building on categories from the field of critical spatial theory, it shows how these categories enable a comprehensive analysis of the spatial dynamics of agrofuels that links the macro-structures of the global political economy to concrete, place-based struggles. Four core socio-spatial dynamics of agrofuel politics are highlighted and applied to empirical findings: territorialization, the financial sector as a new scale of regulation, place-based struggles and transnational spaces of resources and capital flows.This article explores the spatial dynamics of agrofuels. Building on categories from the field of critical spatial theory, it shows how these categories enable a comprehensive analysis of the spatial dynamics of agrofuels that links the macro-structures of the global political economy to concrete, place-based struggles. Four core socio-spatial dynamics of agrofuel politics are highlighted and applied to empirical findings: territorialization, the financial sector as a new scale of regulation, place-based struggles and transnational spaces of resources and capital flows
Zur politischen Ökonomie des Helfens.: Flüchtlingspolitik und Engagement im flexiblen Kapitalismus
Get PDFStarting out from the huge movement of aid to refugees in Germany, the article deals with the political economy of volunteering within its wider socio-economic and political context. The authors ask in how far civic engagement and volunteer involvement are not just appreciated as part of the new “Willkommenskultur” (‘welcome culture’), but explicitely exploited and co-opted as a productive resource in the context of welfare state cutbacks. The social and economic implications of the political economy of volunteering are discussed, i.e. the status of social rights in contrast to charitable help, the professionality and quality of services being provided by (non-trained) volunteers as well as the hierarchical interdependence between volunteers and refugees. At the same time, we take the specifics of the field “aid to refugees” into account since the anti-racist appeal of volunteers’ engagement should not be underestimated in times of new right-wing populist forces. The article finally deals with the question in how far practices of politically explicit “recalcitrant civic engagement” might prevent the co-optation and exploitation of volunteer involvement in contemporary capitalism with its restrictive border regime
Between neo-Fossilism and a „green economy“: Development trends of the global energy regime.
No full textCapitalism and the fossilist energy regime have been considered so closely interrelated that a crisis of the latter would inevitably raise a major threat for the former, resulting amongst others in growing geopolitical tensions. In critical (Marxist) debates such a crisis has been conceptualized as “peak oil” or “the end of cheap nature” ( Jason Moore). However, the recent boom of unconventional fossil energies particularly in the USA has put such diagnoses in question. The article analyses recent development trends of the global energy regime. Its main argument is that the crucial problem is not so much the peak of scarce fossil resources. Neither is there simply a rising tension between the capitalist core and its geopolitical competitors for reasons of energy supply. Rather, there are multiple energetic conflicts some of which criss-cross the line between the sphere of U.S. hegemony on the one hand and its competitors like China and Russia on the other. The major energetic threat arises from the socially and environmentally destructive power of the (neo-)fossilist patterns of production and consumption. This threat won’t be overcome by a “greening” of capitalism. Instead, overcoming it requires a fundamental transformation of the mode of producing and consuming energy.Capitalism and the fossilist energy regime have been considered so closely interrelated that a crisis of the latter would inevitably raise a major threat for the former, resulting amongst others in growing geopolitical tensions. In critical (Marxist) debates such a crisis has been conceptualized as “peak oil” or “the end of cheap nature” ( Jason Moore). However, the recent boom of unconventional fossil energies particularly in the USA has put such diagnoses in question. The article analyses recent development trends of the global energy regime. Its main argument is that the crucial problem is not so much the peak of scarce fossil resources. Neither is there simply a rising tension between the capitalist core and its geopolitical competitors for reasons of energy supply. Rather, there are multiple energetic conflicts some of which criss-cross the line between the sphere of U.S. hegemony on the one hand and its competitors like China and Russia on the other. The major energetic threat arises from the socially and environmentally destructive power of the (neo-)fossilist patterns of production and consumption. This threat won’t be overcome by a “greening” of capitalism. Instead, overcoming it requires a fundamental transformation of the mode of producing and consuming energy
Beyond citizens’ investment: Energiewende needs Degrowth
No full textThe German Energiewende (Energy Turn) in the electricity sector should be understood as ecological progress and as an example that current politics don’t necessarily all follow the neoliberal paradigm. However, the way of financing the Energiewende has lead to more inequality. Both the ongoing technological transformation following the idea of a Green New Deal and the paradigm „Bürgerenergiewende“ are not in danger with the new EEG regulation scheme. But in order to achieve a wider energy transition covering other important consumption sectors like housing or mobility as well as facilitating a decline of the energy demand, less economical and social inequality beyond citizens’ investment is needed.The German Energiewende (Energy Turn) in the electricity sector should be understood as ecological progress and as an example that current politics don’t necessarily all follow the neoliberal paradigm. However, the way of financing the Energiewende has lead to more inequality. Both the ongoing technological transformation following the idea of a Green New Deal and the paradigm „Bürgerenergiewende“ are not in danger with the new EEG regulation scheme. But in order to achieve a wider energy transition covering other important consumption sectors like housing or mobility as well as facilitating a decline of the energy demand, less economical and social inequality beyond citizens’ investment is needed
Middle Class as wishful thinking (Part 2). : The Present in the Light of Class Studies of the Past
No full textIn public opinion and the social sciences, German post-war society has been interpreted as a ‘society beyond classes’, regardless of the fact that the class structure had not changed to a significant degree since the times of the Weimar Republic. This positive self-image was scientifically confirmed by Theodor Geiger’s study Society in the melting pot (1949) and Helmut Schelsky’s concept of a Leveled middle class society (1953). Even though in the last decades the level of inequality has risen, the mainstream of social and economic research in Germany keeps focusing on the income, living conditions and ‘anxieties’ of a widened and vaguely defined middle class – instead of reflecting the class structure of contemporary society as a whole. This kind of research and sociological thinking tends to focus on the distribution of wealth rather the causes of inequality stemming from the capitalist mode of production. Criticizing the dominant conception of middle classes on the basis of current examples, the author underlines the importance of a classrelated concept of modern capitalist society. The main groups of employees, even the more qualified ones, belong to the majority class of wage earners, not to an opaque ‘middle class’ unduly mixed of small business people, freelancers and dependent labour force. What is needed is a closer look at the changes in class structure and the growing influence of gender, habitus, milieus and ‘ways of life’ – but not at all the ideological and political segregation between the allegedly ‘old’ working class and the allegedly ‘new’ middle classes.In public opinion and the social sciences, German post-war society has been interpreted as a ‘society beyond classes’, regardless of the fact that the class structure had not changed to a significant degree since the times of the Weimar Republic. This positive self-image was scientifically confirmed by Theodor Geiger’s study Society in the melting pot (1949) and Helmut Schelsky’s concept of a Leveled middle class society (1953). Even though in the last decades the level of inequality has risen, the mainstream of social and economic research in Germany keeps focusing on the income, living conditions and ‘anxieties’ of a widened and vaguely defined middle class – instead of reflecting the class structure of contemporary society as a whole. This kind of research and sociological thinking tends to focus on the distribution of wealth rather the causes of inequality stemming from the capitalist mode of production. Criticizing the dominant conception of middle classes on the basis of current examples, the author underlines the importance of a classrelated concept of modern capitalist society. The main groups of employees, even the more qualified ones, belong to the majority class of wage earners, not to an opaque ‘middle class’ unduly mixed of small business people, freelancers and dependent labour force. What is needed is a closer look at the changes in class structure and the growing influence of gender, habitus, milieus and ‘ways of life’ – but not at all the ideological and political segregation between the allegedly ‘old’ working class and the allegedly ‘new’ middle classes
Free-Market Religion: The Genealogy of Neoliberal Religiousness in the United States.
No full textThe paper starts with a critique of the common notion of a fundamental divide between right-wing evangelicals and libertarians,“ i.e. „value“ and „business conservatives.” It also problematizes the underlying return of Lukacs’ian/Frankfurt School type of theories of „false consciousness,“ which fall behind the achievements of Gramscian and post-Althusserian theorizations of ideology and points towards the lack of a religious/Christian Democracy cleavage in the U.S. and, as a consequence, the specifically particularistic nature of the U.S. welfare state. The article then proceeds by linking the regional specifics of right-wing evangelicalism in the South and bordering Mid-West to U.S. capital’s domestic spatial fixes during the late 1960s and early 1970s. Finally, challenging right-wing populism in the United States would necessitate a break with the neoliberal anti-discrimination approach professed by the liberal Democrats.The paper starts with a critique of the common notion of a fundamental divide between right-wing evangelicals and libertarians," i.e. "value" and "business conservatives.” It also problematizes the underlying return of Lukacs’ian/Frankfurt School type of theories of "false consciousness," which fall behind the achievements of Gramscian and post-Althusserian theorizations of ideology and points towards the lack of a religious/Christian Democracy cleavage in the U.S. and, as a consequence, the specifically particularistic nature of the U.S. welfare state. The article then proceeds by linking the regional specifics of right-wing evangelicalism in the South and bordering Mid-West to U.S. capital\u27s domestic spatial fixes during the late 1960s and early 1970s. Finally, challenging right-wing populism in the United States would necessitate a break with the neoliberal anti-discrimination approach professed by the liberal Democrats
India on the wrong track: the fundamental political change under Narendra Modi: Indiens fundamentaler Politikwechsel unter Narendra Modi
No full textWhy did Narendra Modi become the new prime minister of India? What are the consequences of his election for Indian society? After giving a brief overview over hindunational principles and history, the article focuses on two aspects: the alliance between neoliberal economy and right-wing Hindunationalism (Hindutva) and Communalism, which can be seen as the political strategy to organize majorities for this two-headed project. By shifting towards a Hindu state, India said goodbye to the secular and pluralistic columns of Nehruvianism. On the surface Modi appears to be a big reformer, but underneath one can clearly see that his economic growth agenda benefits only parts of Indian society, and that on a structural level the Hindutva movement is fighting for a cultural turning point concerning language, religion and nation, called Hindi, Hindu, Hindustan. Why did Narendra Modi become the new prime minister of India? What are the consequences of his election for Indian society? After giving a brief overview over hindunational principles and history, the article focuses on two aspects: the alliance between neoliberal economy and right-wing Hindunationalism (Hindutva) and Communalism, which can be seen as the political strategy to organize majorities for this two-headed project. By shifting towards a Hindu state, India said goodbye to the secular and pluralistic columns of Nehruvianism. On the surface Modi appears to be a big reformer, but underneath one can clearly see that his economic growth agenda benefits only parts of Indian society, and that on a structural level the Hindutva movement is fighting for a cultural turning point concerning language, religion and nation, called Hindi, Hindu, Hindustan. 
Citizenship by work? Arbeitsmarkpolitik im Flüchtlingsschutz zwischen Öffnung und Selektion
Get PDFThe paper discusses current changes of the German labor market for certain groups of refugees. On the one hand, we can observe a partial opening of the labor market. Especially the economy welcomes the idea of opening the labor market for refugees. On the other hand, this policy establishes a perspective that puts a strong emphasis on economical benefits, even in the field of refugee protection. This policy is inconsistent with the idea of human rights, which state a right to work. Some researchers argue that the access to the labor market will be a chance to get citizenship rights. In contrast to this view, I argue that the focus on labor market participation leads to a classification of ‘good’ and ‘bad’ refugees. At the same time, the partial opening is a gateway for ‘activation policies’ with different sanctions intervening into the refugee protection system
Der Tigersprung.: Überlegungen zur Verteidigung der „Gegenwart“
Get PDFModernity establishes an orientation towards the future and is expecting all solutions from forthcoming times. Arguing against Hegel and referring to Walter Benjamin’s concept of now-time the article argues for a radical immanence and defends a re-orientation (also in left politics) towards the presence
Nuit Debout: Frankreich gerät in Bewegung!
Get PDFFrance is in motion! In spring 2016, a huge movement against the French labor law reform formed and is since then protesting in the streets and squares all over France. The article examines these struggles and asks, why the movement is currently on the rise. It discusses the struggles in relation to the general crisis dynamics and focuses on the protests of trade unions and civil society (Nuit Debout). Furthermore, the labor law reform of the Valls-Government is being illustrated in the context of the recent French labor market policy and its continuities