PROKLA - Zeitschrift für kritische Sozialwissenschaft
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The Energiewende under pressure of (scalar) shifting relations of forces: An analysis of the EEG 2.0
No full textThe article argues that there has been a transformation of the German Energy Turn (Energiewende) within the last couple of years. This transformation happens due to an offense of social forces that aim to slow down and push the Energiewende into another, more centralized direction. This push to reconfigure the Energiewende is articulated and strengthened through the contested environmental and energy aid guidelines on the European scale. The multi-scalar shift of relations of forces are materialized in the Renewable Energy Act from 2014 (EEG 2.0).The article argues that there has been a transformation of the German Energy Turn (Energiewende) within the last couple of years. This transformation happens due to an offense of social forces that aim to slow down and push the Energiewende into another, more centralized direction. This push to reconfigure the Energiewende is articulated and strengthened through the contested environmental and energy aid guidelines on the European scale. The multi-scalar shift of relations of forces are materialized in the Renewable Energy Act from 2014 (EEG 2.0)
Confrontation, Cooperation or Cooptation? State and anti-nuclear movement in repository search process
No full textThe establishment of a Commission for the Disposal of High-Level Radioactive Waste by the state puts the anti-nuclear movement into a new situation. In the past, the relationship between the movement and the institutions of the state was mainly characterized by confrontation. But the establishment of a Repository Search Committee changed the situation and raised the question of cooperation. Using the hegemony theory, the article analyses the developments and conflicts between the movement and the state in the case of the search process for a nuclear waste repository. Thereby the article mainly focuses on dynamics inside the anti-nuclear movement and the relationship between the different fraction of the movement and the state.The establishment of a Commission for the Disposal of High-Level Radioactive Waste by the state puts the anti-nuclear movement into a new situation. In the past, the relationship between the movement and the institutions of the state was mainly characterized by confrontation. But the establishment of a Repository Search Committee changed the situation and raised the question of cooperation. Using the hegemony theory, the article analyses the developments and conflicts between the movement and the state in the case of the search process for a nuclear waste repository. Thereby the article mainly focuses on dynamics inside the anti-nuclear movement and the relationship between the different fraction of the movement and the state
Middle class as wishful thinking (part 1): Class studies of the past in the light of the present
No full textThe public and scientific discourse about the social structure in Germany is characterized by an absence of class categories and a peculiar attentiveness towards the middle classes - even the misleading term ‘Mittelstand’ is in use. This mode of thinking ‘beyond classes’ is criticized in a historical perspective. We reconstruct how several important socials scientist of the ‘Weimar Republic’ (1919-1933) analyzed the socio-economic status and mentalities of the so called ‘Neuer Mittelstand’ (primarily consisting of private and public employees).These sociologists revealed the clear majority of white collar and service workers as ‘hidden class’. In economic terms they are an essential part of the wage-dependent working class, albeit employed under specific conditions. Their position in the hierarchy of organizations and their (often merely pretended) prestige are the main causes of ‘middle class’ mentalities and their ‘alienation’ from working class values, habits and orientations. Referring to the Marx-related, but modified class studies of the past, the second part of the essay – coming up in the next PROKLA issue - will discuss the shortfalls of theories and conceptions of German middle classes in current sociology and politics, criticising their scientific approach as ‘classignoring’ ideologies.The public and scientific discourse about the social structure in Germany is characterized by an absence of class categories and a peculiar attentiveness towards the middle classes - even the misleading term ‘Mittelstand’ is in use. This mode of thinking ‘beyond classes’ is criticized in a historical perspective. We reconstruct how several important socials scientist of the ‘Weimar Republic’ (1919-1933) analyzed the socio-economic status and mentalities of the so called ‘Neuer Mittelstand’ (primarily consisting of private and public employees).These sociologists revealed the clear majority of white collar and service workers as ‘hidden class’. In economic terms they are an essential part of the wage-dependent working class, albeit employed under specific conditions. Their position in the hierarchy of organizations and their (often merely pretended) prestige are the main causes of ‘middle class’ mentalities and their ‘alienation’ from working class values, habits and orientations. Referring to the Marx-related, but modified class studies of the past, the second part of the essay – coming up in the next PROKLA issue - will discuss the shortfalls of theories and conceptions of German middle classes in current sociology and politics, criticising their scientific approach as ‘classignoring’ ideologies
Venezuela: Die „bolivarianische Revolution“ in der Krise
Get PDFThree years after the death of Hugo Chávez, the “Bolivarian Revolution” in Venezuela has plunged into the deepest crisis in its 17-year history. After winning a two-third majority of Congress in the parliamentary elections late last year, the country´s right-wing opposition is now pushing for the ouster of President Nicolás Maduro via a recall referendum. The main reason for the election results is Venezuela´s deepening socio-economic crisis. Hyperinflation, food shortages, water- supply problems, electricity rationing and rising crime make everyday life increasingly burdensome for the majority of the population. The article argues that Venezuela’s two main economic problems – hyperinflation and shortages - need to be analyzed against the backdrop of the deepening of the extractive and export-oriented model of accumulation under Chavismo, the failure to develop an alternative, non-capitalist economy and the ongoing political destabilization campaign launched by the country´s oligarchy and its international allies
Editorial: Energy Struggles: Interests, Relations of Forces and Perspectives
No full textEditorial: Energiekämpfe: Interessen, Kräfteverhältnisse und PerspektivenEditorial: Energy Struggles: Interests, Relations of Forces and Perspective
Self-Reflection of Marxism: Fifty Years Negative Dialectics
No full textThe article argues that Adorno’s book Negative Dialectics is a major contribution to the Marxist debate. Adorno’s starting point is a critique of Marx’ eleventh Feuerbach-thesis that the world should not be longer interpreted but changed. After all the defeats that the left and Marxist theory had to experience since the middle of the 19th century Adorno argues for a renewal of theory by a self-reflexive turn of Marxism. As an important moment of this self-reflection a critical assessment of dialectics itself is necessary. Adorno criticized the traditional idea of the negation of negation and the expectation of a positive result as well as the notion of totality. Critically approaching Hegel, he sees him as the affirmative theorist of the tendency of the bourgeois society to totalize itself. In opposition to this – and in difference to any Hegel-Marxism – Adorno conceive of dialectics as negative i.e. it has itself a temporal index and is a form of intellectual appropriation of the world only under conditions of domination. To think in an emancipatory way then has as a consequence to develop a non-systematic theory and to be sensitive for the movements and contradictions of concepts that attract themselves and form constellations.The article argues that Adorno’s book Negative Dialectics is a major contribution to the Marxist debate. Adorno’s starting point is a critique of Marx’ eleventh Feuerbach-thesis that the world should not be longer interpreted but changed. After all the defeats that the left and Marxist theory had to experience since the middle of the 19th century Adorno argues for a renewal of theory by a self-reflexive turn of Marxism. As an important moment of this self-reflection a critical assessment of dialectics itself is necessary. Adorno criticized the traditional idea of the negation of negation and the expectation of a positive result as well as the notion of totality. Critically approaching Hegel, he sees him as the affirmative theorist of the tendency of the bourgeois society to totalize itself. In opposition to this – and in difference to any Hegel-Marxism – Adorno conceive of dialectics as negative i.e. it has itself a temporal index and is a form of intellectual appropriation of the world only under conditions of domination. To think in an emancipatory way then has as a consequence to develop a non-systematic theory and to be sensitive for the movements and contradictions of concepts that attract themselves and form constellations
The Heidi Complex: Gender, Feminism and the Disgust of „Egalitarianism“
No full textSince about 10 years we are experiencing a strengthening of conservative and right-wing parties and movements in Europe. Part of this development have been increasingly antifeminist politics: Constant attacks against feminist demands, activism and protagonists, while reclaiming traditional, biologistic familiy models and gender roles. More recently, the conservative targets have shifted from antifeminist assaults to a criticism of the concept of „gender“. This new form of attack does not argue against women’s rights or women’s equality, but rather against the so-called ideology of „genderism.“ They construe „genderism“ as a new dangerous ideology that – after the historical success of feminism – intends to destroy all gender-rules, including gender binaries and heteronormativity. The articles elaborates on this discursive shift.Since about 10 years we are experiencing a strengthening of conservative and right-wing parties and movements in Europe. Part of this development have been increasingly antifeminist politics: Constant attacks against feminist demands, activism and protagonists, while reclaiming traditional, biologistic familiy models and gender roles. More recently, the conservative targets have shifted from antifeminist assaults to a criticism of the concept of „gender“. This new form of attack does not argue against women’s rights or women’s equality, but rather against the so-called ideology of „genderism.“ They construe „genderism“ as a new dangerous ideology that – after the historical success of feminism – intends to destroy all gender-rules, including gender binaries and heteronormativity. The articles elaborates on this discursive shift
Religious metropolitan mainstream: On the contemporary relationship between cities, religion and neoliberalism
No full textContrary to assumptions in traditional urban theory that understand religion as external or peripheral to urban modernity, cities have by no means been secularized over the course of the rapid global urbanization processes of recent decades. Instead, the much discussed return of religion in the public sphere is primarily an urban phenomenon. At a global level, metropolises have become laboratories and arenas for new religious phenomena exercising a huge influence on urban spaces, cultures and societies. Current research in various world regions shows that religion does not represent some exotic reminiscence. Rather, its agency unfolds at the heart of contemporary metropolitan modernization. Based on the results of case studies that the transregional research project “Global Prayers – Redemption and Liberation in the City” has conducted in cities like Berlin, Istanbul, Lagos and Rio de Janeiro, the paper argues that the religious appears to be expanding in all other areas of the production of the urban in such a manner that it is increasingly difficult to say where religion stops, and where it begins. It shows how urban religions, generally interpreted as reactions to social relocations caused by global neoliberalism, can as well be understood as driving forces of contemporary urban capitalism itself. Contrary to assumptions in traditional urban theory that understand religion as external or peripheral to urban modernity, cities have by no means been secularized over the course of the rapid global urbanization processes of recent decades. Instead, the much discussed return of religion in the public sphere is primarily an urban phenomenon. At a global level, metropolises have become laboratories and arenas for new religious phenomena exercising a huge influence on urban spaces, cultures and societies. Current research in various world regions shows that religion does not represent some exotic reminiscence. Rather, its agency unfolds at the heart of contemporary metropolitan modernization. Based on the results of case studies that the transregional research project “Global Prayers – Redemption and Liberation in the City” has conducted in cities like Berlin, Istanbul, Lagos and Rio de Janeiro, the paper argues that the religious appears to be expanding in all other areas of the production of the urban in such a manner that it is increasingly difficult to say where religion stops, and where it begins. It shows how urban religions, generally interpreted as reactions to social relocations caused by global neoliberalism, can as well be understood as driving forces of contemporary urban capitalism itself
The practical test for the Connective Party: A discussion with Dario Azzelini (PROKLA 181/2015)
No full textThis article critically responds to Dario Azzelinis’ essay in PROKLA 181 and discusses new strategies to reorganize the relationship between left-wing political parties and social movements. It has always been a contested question how this relation should look like. Concepts about new types of party-movement relations like the Mosaic Left or the Connective Party try to rethink the tension theoretically while in practice, new developments in Greece and Spain seem to promise an important step towards building new connections. This article tries to analyze progress and problems, even failures, and to draw lessons for developing new theories and future political practises.This article critically responds to Dario Azzelinis’ essay in PROKLA 181 and discusses new strategies to reorganize the relationship between left-wing political parties and social movements. It has always been a contested question how this relation should look like. Concepts about new types of party-movement relations like the Mosaic Left or the Connective Party try to rethink the tension theoretically while in practice, new developments in Greece and Spain seem to promise an important step towards building new connections. This article tries to analyze progress and problems, even failures, and to draw lessons for developing new theories and future political practises