PROKLA - Zeitschrift für kritische Sozialwissenschaft
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The End of the French Political System: How We knew It.
No full textThe presidential and parliamentary elections were a political earthquake for the French political system. While the two big parties experienced massive losses of political support, the rise of new political formations took place. Emmanuel Macron is not only the youngest president of the V. Republic so far, he is also the first president not to be supported by either one of the two biggest parties. This article argues that the election results are an expression of a deep crisis of representation in France that is rooted in the economic transformations of the 1970s. The article analyses the political situation after the elections and tries to give an outlook on further political developments in France.The presidential and parliamentary elections were a political earthquake for the French political system. While the two big parties experienced massive losses of political support, the rise of new political formations took place. Emmanuel Macron is not only the youngest president of the V. Republic so far, he is also the first president not to be supported by either one of the two biggest parties. This article argues that the election results are an expression of a deep crisis of representation in France that is rooted in the economic transformations of the 1970s. The article analyses the political situation after the elections and tries to give an outlook on further political developments in France
Real subsumption and insubordination in times of the digital machinery: Co-research with the striking workers at Amazon in Leipzig
No full textThe article presents the results of ongoing co-research at the fulfilment centre of Amazon in Leipzig. It demonstrates exemplarily that despotic forms of labour are a central feature also of digital capitalism. Amazon is implementing various strategies of real subsumption to get the workers functioning as a senso-motoric part of the digital machinery in order to exploit their labour power. It is monopolizing the knowledge about the production process, setting up the FC as a panoptic factory and producing an internal public. This however encounters moments of insubordination resulting in daily micro-conflicts over working conditions and capitalist commands. Workers try to withdraw themselves from the despotism of the factory, use primitive forms of sabotage and develop a counter-public.The article presents the results of ongoing co-research at the fulfilment centre of Amazon in Leipzig. It demonstrates exemplarily that despotic forms of labour are a central feature also of digital capitalism. Amazon is implementing various strategies of real subsumption to get the workers functioning as a senso-motoric part of the digital machinery in order to exploit their labour power. It is monopolizing the knowledge about the production process, setting up the FC as a panoptic factory and producing an internal public. This however encounters moments of insubordination resulting in daily micro-conflicts over working conditions and capitalist commands. Workers try to withdraw themselves from the despotism of the factory, use primitive forms of sabotage and develop a counter-public
Does post-capitalism emerge from capitalism? A critique of Mason’s transformation strategy
No full textPaul Mason has delivered a compelling analysis in which he argues that digital technologies, knowledge work and the corresponding failure of mechanisms of capital valorisation would undermine capitalism while implying a gradual emergence of social relations beyond capitalism. In our view, however, this proposal for a new transformation strategy is flawed because Mason underestimates tendencies of marketisation that grasp new forms of labour and overestimates the possibilities. In particular, we first criticize Mason’s understanding that valorisation in a knowledge-based, digitized capitalism is impossible. Second, we reject the idea that digital commons and valorisation are mutually exclusive by tracing processes of commodification in this field. Third, we offer a critique of Mason’s strategy for transformation, which we deem one-sided. He does not undertake a sober account of societal power relations and overstretches post-capitalistic potentials. Subjectivities are perceived as inherently capable of being emancipated and universally educated, which neglects the mutual dependence of structure and subjectivities and the way in which class relations and class struggle affect their constitution.Paul Mason has delivered a compelling analysis in which he argues that digital technologies, knowledge work and the corresponding failure of mechanisms of capital valorisation would undermine capitalism while implying a gradual emergence of social relations beyond capitalism. In our view, however, this proposal for a new transformation strategy is flawed because Mason underestimates tendencies of marketisation that grasp new forms of labour and overestimates the possibilities. In particular, we first criticize Mason’s understanding that valorisation in a knowledge-based, digitized capitalism is impossible. Second, we reject the idea that digital commons and valorisation are mutually exclusive by tracing processes of commodification in this field. Third, we offer a critique of Mason’s strategy for transformation, which we deem one-sided. He does not undertake a sober account of societal power relations and overstretches post-capitalistic potentials. Subjectivities are perceived as inherently capable of being emancipated and universally educated, which neglects the mutual dependence of structure and subjectivities and the way in which class relations and class struggle affect their constitution
Widersprüche im langen Sommer der Migration.: Ansätze einer materialistischen Grenzregimeanalye
Get PDFToday, the analysis of migration and migration policy from a perspective of critical political economy is necessary, because of the dramatic conflicts surrounding the so-called “refugee crisis” of 2015/2016, but also because explicitly materialist analyses of these issues have been marginalized for years, with problematic effects. Thus, the article sketches a theoretical and methodological outline of a materialist border regime analysis. It first criticizes problematic aspects of the influential “ethnographic border regime analysis” approach and then, by relying on regulation theory, develops a materialist understanding of migration and border regimes. Starting from a discussion of the social and political conflicts around German migration policy in 2015/2016, the article then goes on to identify three migration-related structural contradictions that are regulated within migration and border regimes: accumulation by dispossession and the autonomy of migration;labour conflicts; and the structural chauvinism of national welfare states
Capitalist Crises With and Without Systemic Challenge: A Comparison of the Stagnation Periods of the 1930s and of Today
No full textThis article draws on Marxist theories of crises, imperialism, and class formation to identify commonalities and differences between the stagnation of the 1930s and today. Its key argument is that the anti-systemic movements that existed in the 1930s and gained ground after the Second World War pushed capitalists to turn from imperialist expansion and rivalry to the deep penetration of domestic markets. By doing so they unleashed strong economic growth that allowed for social compromise without hurting profits. Yet, once labour and other social movements threatened to shift the balance of class power into their favor, capitalist counter-reform began. In its course, global restructuring, and notably the integration of Russia and China into the world market, created space for accumulation. The cause for the current stagnation is that this space has been used up. In the absence of systemic challenges capitalists have little reason to seek a major overhaul of their accumulation strategies that could help to overcome stagnation. Instead they prop up profits at the expense of the subaltern classes even if this prolongs stagnation and leads to sharper social divisions.This article draws on Marxist theories of crises, imperialism, and class formation to identify commonalities and differences between the stagnation of the 1930s and today. Its key argument is that the anti-systemic movements that existed in the 1930s and gained ground after the Second World War pushed capitalists to turn from imperialist expansion and rivalry to the deep penetration of domestic markets. By doing so they unleashed strong economic growth that allowed for social compromise without hurting profits. Yet, once labour and other social movements threatened to shift the balance of class power into their favor, capitalist counter-reform began. In its course, global restructuring, and notably the integration of Russia and China into the world market, created space for accumulation. The cause for the current stagnation is that this space has been used up. In the absence of systemic challenges capitalists have little reason to seek a major overhaul of their accumulation strategies that could help to overcome stagnation. Instead they prop up profits at the expense of the subaltern classes even if this prolongs stagnation and leads to sharper social divisions
Capitalism as religion
No full textIn 1921, Walter Benjamin wrote his seminal essay on “Capitalism as Religion” stating that capitalism is purely cultic, while missing elements of dogmatics, transcendence, and salvation. In recent years this text has received renewed attention. In his article, Andreas Arndt presents a short review of the recent debate and, unlike other authors, emphasizes that Benjamin refers more to anti-capitalist literary work and apocalyptic visions than to a marxist notion of capitalism and a framework of political economy.In 1921, Walter Benjamin wrote his seminal essay on “Capitalism as Religion” stating that capitalism is purely cultic, while missing elements of dogmatics, transcendence, and salvation. In recent years this text has received renewed attention. In his article, Andreas Arndt presents a short review of the recent debate and, unlike other authors, emphasizes that Benjamin refers more to anti-capitalist literary work and apocalyptic visions than to a marxist notion of capitalism and a framework of political economy
Was ist wirklich dran an der deutschen Führungsrolle in der EU?
Get PDFThere was a common sense among the mainstream of the European Left that Germany has become the hegemon in the EU. The refugee crisis reveals that this narrative was premature. The article clarifies central concepts such as dominance, hegemony and leadership and analyses the German power behind its military, economic, political and soft power potential. It concludes that only on economic terrain Germany is ahead of its main rivals France and UK. But the country does not have a sufficient potential for a hegemon. Hence, the traditional power hierarchy in the EU prevails with the French-German condominium on top, while coalitions of opponents, such as the Visegrad Group, successfully resists any leadership in specific areas.There was a common sense among the mainstream of the European Left that Germany has become the hegemon in the EU. The refugee crisis reveals that this narrative was premature. The article clarifies central concepts such as dominance, hegemony and leadership and analyses the German power behind its military, economic, political and soft power potential. It concludes that only on economic terrain Germany is ahead of its main rivals France and UK. But the country does not have a sufficient potential for a hegemon. Hence, the traditional power hierarchy in the EU prevails with the French-German condominium on top, while coalitions of opponents, such as the Visegrad Group, successfully resists any leadership in specific areas
Editorial: State of Emergency: Barbarism or Socialism?
No full textEditorial: Ausnahmezustand: Barbarei oder Sozialismus?Editorial: State of Emergency: Barbarism or Socialism
Iran’s foreign policy between religion and power
No full textProtector of Shiites, export of Islamist revolution, fight against Israel and support of Palestine – the religious element plays an obvious role in Iran’s foreign relations. At the same time, several foreign policy actions and positions of Iran indicate the prioritization of material national interests (of geopolitical and economic nature): a recent example is the nuclear deal from July 2015. The article will first discuss theoretical approaches in the social sciences for the analysis of religion in international relations; subsequently, the ideological foundation and constitutional principles of the Islamist Republic of Iran are set out as the basis for empirical case analyses in the final section.Protector of Shiites, export of Islamist revolution, fight against Israel and support of Palestine – the religious element plays an obvious role in Iran’s foreign relations. At the same time, several foreign policy actions and positions of Iran indicate the prioritization of material national interests (of geopolitical and economic nature): a recent example is the nuclear deal from July 2015. The article will first discuss theoretical approaches in the social sciences for the analysis of religion in international relations; subsequently, the ideological foundation and constitutional principles of the Islamist Republic of Iran are set out as the basis for empirical case analyses in the final section
Die Ökonomie des Zwischenlandes.: Informelle Beschäftigungsfelder undokumentierter Subsahara-Migratin_innen im Norden Marokkos
Get PDFThe following article is based on my fieldwork in Morocco and represents anthropological data collected amongst undocumented sub-Saharan migrants in Morocco. They want to enter Europe in search for a better life for themselves and to provide financial support for their families. Due to heavy border security control and repression, they find themselves trapped at the gates of Europe, where they are trying to survive by engaging in various economic activities in the informal sector. The article begins with an overview of the European migration politics in Africa and the geopolitical and historical context of Morocco, in light of the externalization of European border control. I will then analyze the various economic sectors, in which sub-Saharan migrations are active, as well as smuggling networks, informal camps and remittances, on which they largely depend due to the exclusion from the national job market