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    沈宜修李清照思念詞「對花月下雨中群景」意象研究

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    沈宜修(1590—1635),字宛君,為晚明閨閣詞人。宜修出身書香世家,自小富學識修養。十六歲時與同出身於文學世家的葉紹袁(1589—1648)成親,並先後誕下八男五女。雖遇相知的伴侶且兒女滿堂,宜修因丈夫官職調遷,夫妻總是聚少離多。晚年時親友與子女更陸續離世,家庭不幸使其滿腔愁苦,思憶難斷,悲痛不已。 沈宜修與有「千古第一才女」美譽的李清照雖身處兩個朝代,但在家族背景、婚姻情態、人生經歷上都有相似之處:首先二人均是書香門第出身,婚姻關係美滿卻夫妻離多聚少,歷盡生離之苦,人生晚期又經歷失去摯親之痛。本文有意探討中國女性詞人在人生苦境中經營詞作的心情和寫情方法,故以沈、李二人抒寫思念的詞作為研究對象,並從「花」、「月」、「雨」三種意象入手,設立「對花月下雨中群景」仔細分析及比較兩位女詞人如何運用意象抒發思念,因此設題為〈沈宜修李清照思念詞「對花月下雨中群景」意象研究〉。本文最後一章從王國維「要眇宜修」及「境界」詞學觀,討論沈、李二人於女性詞史的地位及意象運用高度,希望從詞體本質總結出兩人的繼承及同異

    「荒誕」背後的焦慮表達——韓少功小説中的「悖論」元素研究

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    「荒誕」似乎已經成為了形容韓少功1985年以後尋根文學作品的一個重要詞彙。不同於1985年前所呈現的作品,如《西望茅草地》、《飛向藍天》等充滿現實主義的創傷後感悟以及為民請命的「不平之鳴」,韓少功1985年以後的尋根文學創作,在內容、形式上都得到了全新而詭異的展現。不論是《爸爸爸》中畸形而恐怖的肉體與文明,還是《女女女》中無法捉摸的矛盾情感,其小說荒誕不經的情節和人物形象多年來被文壇視為作者對中國封建文明的諷刺與鞭撻,如劉劍梅所言,是一種類似「阿Q式的國民性批判話語的隱喻」1。然而,正如韓少功所言:「我從不把揭露醜惡看成唯一目標」2。在韓少功打造的荒誕可笑的元素背後,作者的本意是否僅停留在「揭露與歸咎」層面?亦或有其更深刻的基於歷史與個人經歷的情感寄託?本文試圖從韓少功文學作品中展現的荒誕元素——「悖謬」中入手,欲探究其在「揭露醜惡」背後更複雜的情感依託。筆者發現,韓少功在表現荒誕的背後,實則是一種基於歷史和個人因素的焦慮表達,而非單純的「揭露與歸咎」

    From more growth to better growth : the challenge and the way out

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    The Chinese economy’s meteoric rise has caused alarm in the West. An article published online on the CNN website states, “China’s rapid technological advances have also made it a strategic threat to the United States and its allies. It’s steadily pushing American rivals out of long-held leadership positions in sectors ranging from 5G technology to artificial intelligence.” This, in truth, is the nature of the “threat” perceived by politicians in the West. It was also pointed out that “Until recently, some economists were predicting that China would become the world’s biggest economy by 2030, unseating the United States.” If China is to continue to grow at three times the rate of the US on average, it will leave the US in the dust before long. This is basic to the fear that worries American politicians. Another strand of the fear, of course, is the apparent inadequacy of the western model of governance that is billed as democracy. American politicians, unable to address problems at home, turn to a strategy of “divide and rule”: dividing the world between the “democratic camp” and the “totalitarian camp”, creating fear among their constituents about an external enemy. All the talk about the China threat is in order that voters will turn their attention away from problems at home

    Long Song Lyrics (manci) of the Song Dynasty : Li Qingzhao : Singing her autumn sorrow

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    A master of tune and sense, Li Qingzhao knows how to bring out her almost unspeakable inner feeling through her skillful employment of the ci form, the music of words

    兩漢入繼帝王追尊私親述論

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    兩漢皇帝沒有子嗣的情況頻繁發生,皇位繼承人多從宗親藩王中擇選。外藩入繼不僅關係到禮法的依據和施行,還牽動著當朝的政治神經。由於漢初禮法多未定型,有關外藩入繼以及入繼者如何尊封本生父母,沒有明確固定的禮法規範。在入繼皇帝的尊親問題上,論者各執一詞,引發數次禮制論爭,甚至造成政治動盪,西漢政權的覆亡亦與此有所關聯;外藩入繼的禮法規範在光武帝劉秀的處理中才形成範式,在東漢後期逐漸定型。本文將就兩漢外藩入繼的情況加以論述,並聯繫政治角力和禮法爭議兩方面,就兩漢歷次外藩入繼事件的前因後果和複雜情況加以分析。 When Han-dyansty emperors deceased without any male offspring, a regnant-monarch was chosen as the heir to the throne. Adopting a regnant-monarch into the royalty bore association with the implementation of rituals and affected court politics. However, there were no institutionalized rituals for adopting a vassal king or conferring honorific titles to his biological parents in the early Han dynasty, which resulted in many debates over the ritual appropriateness. The confusion had led to political turmoil insofar as it contributed to the fall of the Western Han regime to a certain extent. Liu Xiu (Emperor Guangwu of the Eastern Han dynasty) finally institutionalized and confirmed such rituals. This paper discusses the adoption of a regnant-monarch into royalty in the Han Dynasty. It analyzes the causes and complexities in various such cases in history from the perspectives of political struggles and ritual disputes

    《梁書·劉勰傳》“家貧不婚娶”問題新探

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    關於《梁書·劉勰傳》所載“家貧不婚娶”問題,已有不少學者發表過頗有見地的意見。不過,如果重新細緻地研讀《梁書·劉勰傳》“家貧不婚娶”一段文字,並聯繫相關史料,類比旁推,似尚有值得進一步辨析、闡釋之餘地。譬如,從文義關係的角度出發,將《梁書·劉勰傳》所載劉勰“家貧不婚娶”一事與前後文句聯繫起來,或可得出新的認識——“家貧”問題與“勰早孤”相關聯;“不婚娶”以及“依沙門僧祐”問題則跟“篤志好學”一句相呼應,並最終落實於“遂博通經論”這一結果上。如此闡釋,“篤志好學”之說與“遂博通經論”之間,方顯得義脈貫暢,而“家貧不婚娶”問題亦可得更為合理之解釋。 Many have discussed the issue of jiaping bu quqi (the family is too poor [for him] to marry a woman) in the “Biography of Liu Xie” in the History of Liang. However, this paper re-reads it in association with relevant historical records, which suggests room for further analysis and deeper interpretation. For example, reading jiaping bu quqi with its syntactical context yields a new understanding. Xie zao gu (Xie was orphaned at an early age [by his father death]) resulted in his family’s poverty. Bu quqi and yi shamen Sengyou (attachment to Buddhist monk Sengyou) echo duzhi haoxue (wholehearted devotion to studies). These phrases were consolidated in sui botong jinglun (so [he was] well read in the classics). This reading provides a smooth semantic transition from duzhi haoxue to sui botong jinglun and a reasonable understanding of jiaping bu quqi

    Mr Patrick Wong Chi-kwong 黃志光先生

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    Talks on Happiness | 快樂講 : 誰偷走了你的幸福

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    圖書館有幸邀請到香港實踐哲學學會的盧傑雄博士於4月27日蒞臨分享他對快樂的見解。是次活動同時於網上進行直播,詳情於圖書館Facebook及Instagram專頁公布。 誰偷走了你的幸福 誰都想「活得幸福快樂,遠離煩惱痛苦」,但是活在這物質豐盛和科技發達的時代,患情緒病的人卻越來越多,生活總是苦多樂少。為何幸福快樂難以長久?生活中有什麼陷阱奪走了我們的幸福?本演講將會介紹幸福的哲學研究,讓學員增益對幸福快樂的認識,進而提升生活的幸福水平。 Photo Gallery: https://gallery.ln.edu.hk/lib/happiness-20230427

    精微之教 : 陳淳學術與《四書大全》徵引內容考察

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    陳淳,字安卿,號北溪,朱熹紹熙元年(1190)任漳州知府,陳淳入於門下,朱熹先指點“根原”,後又提醒“下學”,傳授達於性天的日用之學,道德既是日常中驗之有得的結果,也是於義理當中詳審分判得來,以道與學為核心,道以顯學,學以入道,從而體現學術完整架構。朱熹與陸象山鵝湖之辯,朱熹採取含容兼取立場,陳淳則勇於與辯,同樣言“心”,陳淳依從朱學思考,“心”之所在,由根原而達於下學,理氣一貫。四書作為朱學要籍乃是朱門共識,然而陳淳以《近思錄》作為四書楷梯,乃是重申朱熹學術承濂洛之淵源而達於洙泗之正學,四書意義於茲而顯,盡其精微之思,成為《四書大全》援以印證朱學地位材料,轉為彰顯朱注價值、深化工夫內涵,擴大性命之教的詮釋內容,對於朱學地位確立,饒有推進作用。 Chen Chun, named Anqing, also known as Beixi, served as the prefect of Zhangzhou in the first year of Shaoxi (1190) and became a disciple of Zhu Xi. In the study of knowledge, morality is not only the result of daily experience, but also the result of detailed judgment and the study of right or wrong. With the “Tao” and learning as the centre of fucus, The “Tao” invovles learning, and learning leads to the “Tao”, So they complement each other. In the Ehu debate between Zhu Xi and Lu Xiangshan, Zhu Xi based himself on a number of logical arguments, while Chen Chun was brave enough to use Lu Xiangshan’s word “heart” in support of Zhu Xi. It is the consensus of Zhu Xi and his students that The Four Books are the main books of the Zhu School. However, Chen Chun uses Jin Si Lu as the basis of The Four Books in order to stress that Zhu Xi\u27s school directly follows Lianluo and Zhu Si. This shows the significance of the Four Books. And it is obvious that, because of its subtle argument, the Four Books has become the basis of the Ming Dynasty’s Encyclopedia of Four Books, and confirmed the status of the Zhu School, and the way of doing research and interpretation

    惠周惕《詩說》的成書歷程

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    惠棟是清代經學典範轉向「漢學」的關鍵人物,而惠氏家學有著作傳世始於惠周惕之《詩說》。這篇論文考察京都大學藏書《研溪先生詩說》寫本,從寫本的流傳談起,進而比較這部寫本和傳世通行本的差異。《詩說》從不分卷到分為兩卷,最後定三卷,定稿成書的關鍵期大約在康熙十六年至二十二年間。從初稿本到三卷本,增加了許多條目,而《國風》增加的條目尤其多,或潤飾文字,或增補文獻資料,或加強議論,而撰述旨意在初稿時已大致確定。惠周惕的文學與學術受汪琬影響,強調文章應根柢於經,無論鄭玄或朱熹,漢儒或宋儒,率皆博徵而考證之。《詩說》解經無所專主,且多以己意發明經義,實以通儒自期,尚未專宗「漢學」。 Hui Dong was the key figure in the Qing Dynasty study of the Classics. And the writings of Hui\u27s family began with Hui Zhouti\u27s Shi Shuo(詩說). This paper examines the manuscript of Yanjixiansheng Shi Shuo(研溪先生詩說) in the Kyoto University Library book collection, starting with the circulation of the manuscript, and then comparing the differences between this manuscript and the popular version. The single volume of Hui Zhouti\u27s Shi Shuo was first divided into two volumes, and finally three volumes. The key period for finalizing the book was about the sixteenth to twenty-second years of the Kangxi reign. From the first draft to the three-volume edition, many articles were added, and the “Guofeng(國風)” added a particularly large number of articles, either to embellish the text, or to supplement the literature, or to strengthen the argument, and the purpose of the writing was roughly determined at the time of the first draft. Hui Zhouti\u27s literature and scholarship were influenced by Wang Wan(汪琬), emphasizing that the text should be based on Confucian classics. He studied and examined the Han Confucian Zheng Xuan(鄭玄)and the Song Confucian Zhu Xi(朱熹). In the “Shishuo” he interpreted the classics without following any special master, and most of the interpretations were his own opinion, in fact, he viewed himself as an Erudite Confucian, but did not yet view himself as the specialist in “Han Learning”

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