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根據《世説新語》某條疏證晋、齊、楚區域之學術、文化記憶與分歧
文化絶非一成不變的,此在時間和空間之兩端,俱可體會中國文化與時俱進,它在各個時代分别借用不同區域的文化資源,而匯總起來就形成整體的中國文化。中國古代任何時期士人或政治人物都具有兩面性,他既是傳統的,又是現實的,所謂傳統就指他受某種區域或學派的思想學術之熏染,所謂現實乃指其人現實處境中的具體反應,而此種人生際遇下的現實表現又必然與其文化傳承存在著某種關聯,或者説其人所受文化觀念之影響又鮮活地體現在其人生應對之間,尤其面臨巨大挑戰時候,其言行舉止必然與其人知識結構、學術積累及思想意識保持一定程度的契合,而《世説新語·言語》某條所記述王坦之、伏滔和習鑿齒三者之間的對話,恰好牽涉三晋、齊地與荆楚的歷史文化之歧異和衝突,而此三者又與秦、漢、魏晋三個時代依稀有著對應關係,所以既是時間的流轉,又屬空間理念之此消彼長,由此入手,揭示此三地文化歷史之記憶與分歧,亦涉獵中國文化版圖之犖犖大端,或藉以呈現朝代更替間的必然性邏輯,而此種分析和研究也既屬歷史的推流溯源,又可一窺接受文化路徑依賴的王、伏、習三者之不同的現實處境和内心世界。
Chinese culture advances by drawing cultural resources from different regions at different times, which come together to constitute its totality. Scholars and officials in ancient times were both traditional and realistic: the former meaning that they were influenced by the scholarship of a certain region or school of thought; the latter referring to their responses to their immediate realities. In life’s twists and turns, the choices they made were necessarily linked to cultural lineage or reflected the influence of cultural ideas vividly, and their writings and behaviors were in sync with their knowledge structures, intellectual cultivations, and ideologies, especially when they faced huge challenges. A passage that records the dialog between Wang Tanzhi 王坦之, Fu Tao 伏滔, and Xi Zuochi 習靈齒 in the “Sayings” chapter of A New Account of Tales of the World, and Xi Zuochi concerns the divergences and conflicts among the Three Jins, Qi, and Jinchu regions and further loosely correspond with the Qin, Han, Wei Jin periods. The temporal and spatial transformations therein reveal the memories and divergences of the cultural histories of the three regions, present the vast landscape of Chinese culture, and demonstrate the necessity of the dynastic cycle. The analyses and research in this article not only trace the historical sources but also appreciate the outer realities and inner worlds of Wang, Fu, and Xi who accepted the reliance on their respective cultural paths
明代注杜對朱熹賦比興結構解《詩》法的繼承與改造
談到明清詩歌結構分析理論,學界或著眼於起承轉合的研究,或集中討論時文作法與詩歌結構分析法的相互影響,還未注意到宋代朱熹的賦比興結構解《詩》法同樣是明清詩歌結構分析的重要來源。明人借鑒朱熹解三百篇的模式來注釋詩歌,雖被四庫館臣批爲“至每篇仿《集傳》,注興也賦也比也字,尤多所牽合矣”,但細究其體例卻不乏可取之處,在某種意義上,甚至可稱爲動態的意脈解詩法之開端。以明代注杜本爲例,探討明人在詩歌結構分析上對朱熹賦比興結構解《詩》法的繼承與改造,及其對清代解杜詩的影響,能夠豐富明清結構解詩發展的不同維度。
When discussing the theories of structural analysis of Ming and Qing poetry, scholars have either focused on the progression from introduction to climax or the mutual influence between prose techniques and poetry structural analysis. However, the Song-dynasty influence of Zhu Xi’s method of analyzing poetry based on narrative, analogy, and association has been overlooked, even though it also serves as a significant source for structural analysis of poetry in the Ming and Qing dynasties. Although Ming scholars borrowed Zhu Xi’s model to annotate poetry and were criticized by the officials of the Complete Library of the Four Treasuries 四庫全書 for “imitating the Collected Commentaries excessively, with excessive use of narrative, analogy, and association, often extending their interpretations.” A closer examination of their methods reveals valuable insights. In some respects, it could even be regarded as the beginning of a dynamic method of analyzing poetry based on semantic coherence. Taking Ming-dynasty annotations of Du Fu’s poetry as an example, this article explores Ming scholars’ inheritance and adjustment of Zhu Xi’s method, as well as its influence on Qing-dynasty analysis of Du Fu’s poetry. This article enriches the understanding of the various dimensions in the development of poetic structural analysis during the Ming and Qing dynasties
長者健康理財素養訓練指南
此書冊為一本為社工及教學人員而設的健康理財素養教材套,內附各單元的活動流程設計及附加資料以供活動設計者參考。https://commons.ln.edu.hk/lujchfep/1000/thumbnail.jp
From academic burden reduction to quality education : a case study of students\u27 and parents\u27 perceptions and experiences under the double-reduction policy in China
Research confirms the debilitating effect of academic stress on Chinese students. Excessive academic stress not only causes physical and mental problems for students but also affects the overall development of their abilities and literacy. This form of stress also exacerbates social problems, such as increased educational involution and deteriorating parent–child relationships. Therefore, the Chinese government has introduced the Double-Reduction Policy in 2021 to reduce the academic burden and out-of-school trainings for students in compulsory education. This study aims to explore high school students’ perceptions and experiences related to this policy and provide implications for its improvement. To this end, this paper examines junior high school students’ perceptions and experiences of changes under this policy by conducting a case study in Shenzhen, Guangdong Province. A mixed methods design is employed. A questionnaire survey is conducted to understand the students’ perceptions and feelings about the policy, and in-depth group interviews are organised to collect additional data on these students’ and their parents’ views. Results show that the Double-Reduction Policy somewhat reduces the academic burden of students. However, some students expressed mixed feelings about the policy, commenting that it did not reduce the pressures coming from their tests, competitions and parental expectations. Students’ learning status is either improved or impaired due to individual differences. Their problem-solving ability and creative thinking have both improved. However, some students show a decline in their academic performance due to their limited practice. Their independent learning abilities have increased due to changes in their learning methods. The extent of the academic burden reduction due to the policy also needs to be considered. Meanwhile, the parents observed that their children’s attitudes towards completing their homework have become positive as a result of the policy, but they were uncertain the quality of their homework. Some parents were worried about whether their children have actually mastered their school knowledge, whilst others thought that their children spend too much of their free time playing games and using electronic devices instead of studying. They had no idea who to ask for help with regard to their children’s education problems, so they demanded for schools to organise out-of-school trainings. Nevertheless, their relationship with their children was changed by the policy, and their financial pressures were reduced due to the prohibition of off-campus. The policy also introduced great challenges to family education. Parents started imposing higher requirements and more responsibilities on their children. Whilst the policy also created many benefits for students, some of them felt that their academic pressures have increased and that their learning status has slackened. They do not know who to ask for help in case they encounter study problems, and the pressure of competition in exams persists. Parents show different levels of confidence in the effectiveness of the policy. The main innovation of this study lies in its linking of academic burden reduction to the changes in students’ competency and spirit, which can help inform the development of a quality education system in China
論惠儋時期蘇軾以尺牘參政
蘇軾(1037–1101)被貶至惠州、儋州,再被詔北還,即自紹聖元年(1094)南遷至建中靖國元年(1101)七月這一段時間被視為惠儋時期。蘇軾在惠儋時期創作的參政尺牘是北宋士大夫私人書信與政務溝通的絕佳案例。本文著眼於以下幾個問題:蘇軾在惠儋時期的參政尺牘有何獨特之處?蘇軾利用尺牘討論政事、抒發政見,是寫作習慣還是刻意為之?公書寫作對蘇軾的參政尺牘有何影響?在這一時期,他創作了約65封參政尺牘,以尺牘感慨時政、推薦人才、參與政務。蘇軾的參政尺牘大多寫於惠州,至儋州數量減少,這一變化與蘇軾在惠州、儋州的生存境遇變化有關。在這一時期,蘇軾任散官,無職事,幾乎沒有寫作公文,而他的參政尺牘部分卻呈現出公書寫作的格式與習慣,一方面體現了公書寫作對私書寫作的影響,另一方面也是蘇軾面對處境刻意為之的選擇。
Su Shi’s (1037–1101) was banished southward to Huizhou and Danzhou from 1094 (the first year of the Shaosheng era) to July of 1101 (the first year of the Jianzhong jingguo era) when he was summoned back north, which has been known as his Hui-Dan period. Su Shi’s canzheng chidu (personal letters that discuss politics) written during this period became examples of Northern Song dynasty literati getting involved in political affairs through personal correspondence. This article tries to answer the following questions. (1) How were Su Shi’s canzheng chidu special? (2) Was Su Shi’s canzheng chidu merely his writing habit or a deliberate move? (3) What influence official writings might have had on his canzheng chidu? Su Shi wrote approximately sixty-five canzheng chidu during his Hui-Dan period, commenting on political matters, recommending talents for official appointments, and participating in political affairs. He wrote most of his canzheng chidu in Huizhou and less frequently in Danzhou because of the changes in his life. Although his insignificant posts rarely required writing official documents, Su Shi’s canzheng chidu show the format and habit of official writing, illustrating the latter’s influence on the former and the writer’s deliberate choice when confronting the circumstances of his life
One chinoiserie, two series : a comparative study of the French \u3ci\u3eL\u27histoire de l’empereur de la Chine\u3c/i\u3e and the English \u3ci\u3eIndian Manner\u3c/i\u3e tapestries
This thesis investigates two chinoiserie tapestries that appeared in Europe in the 1680s and 1690s to discuss the relationship between the diversity of early chinoiserie artistic styles and the Eurasian cross-cultural interaction, as well as the general interest of Europeans in China and Asia. Both produced by French weavers, chinoiserie tapestries appeared in France and England, namely L’histoire de l’empereur de la Chine (The Story of the Emperor of China), manufactured by the Royal Factory in Beauvais, France, around 1685, and Indian Manner, manufactured by the tapestry workshops in Soho, England, around 1690. The former has received greater attention in scholarship, whilst the latter remains largely unstudied. This study addresses a research gap by comparing these two chinoiserie sets. A comparison reveals that they are distinct in style and very different in all aspects of themes, compositions, motifs, sources of reference, production, sales, and customer reception; the former is more closely associated with the European pictorial tradition, the latter with the Asian visual idiom. Further digging into the historical and material cultural contexts, I found that the reason why these two series of chinoiserie tapestries have different visual styles is that they actually represent different views and interpretations of China in France and England, which are determined by the different political systems, religious beliefs, and trade relations with China in the two countries. France saw China more as a political and cultural equivalent, getting to know it through missionary work, while England mainly regarded China as a profitable trading destination and obtained information about it through commercial activities. It was their different ways of interacting with China and their different expectations of the Asian countries that led to vastly different interpretations of the same chinoiserie theme in almost the same period. Therefore, I argue that chinoiserie, with its rich variety of forms and contents, was not born out of European ignorance or pure imagination of China and Chinese culture but was directly related to a specific cultural and historical context. It is evident that chinoiserie tapestries had to adapt to the cultural environment of their birthplaces but were also constrained by the degree of knowledge and acceptance of China or Asia. Chinoiserie is not only Europeans’ fascination with Chinese objects but also a localized adjustment, and in the process, it reflects cross-cultural hybridity and creativity
Transcultural sonic encounters and knowledge production in Africa-China
China’s engagement with the world is shaped by how China understands itself, the world, and China’s place in the world. In this talk, I explore media not only as material and cultural products, but as sites of knowledge production and circulation in China. By focusing on the social lives of media products and how they contribute to understandings of Africa in modern China, I argue that knowledge production and circulation of Africa contributes to how China understands itself since the 20th century when China sought to (re)define itself and its place in the world. I pursue this argument by examining the life and works of Zhu Mingying- an influential Chinese folk musician in the 20th century, tracing the circulation of her artform into twenty-first century classrooms, and its implications for transcultural learning in modern China
《十三經注疏》的匯集、校刻與整理
《十三經注疏》是儒家核心文獻。南宋初期,越州先刻八行注疏合刻本,後福建建陽刻“附釋音注疏本”,即宋十行本。元泰定間,翻刻宋十行本爲元十行本,遞經修補,形成元刻明修十行本《十三經注疏》,或稱十行本、正德本。元刻明修十行本板片壞缺,明嘉靖間,李元陽據以刻閩本,這是第一部名實相副的《十三經注疏》,監本、毛本、殿本、《四庫》本翻刻抄寫,校正是非,限於條件,仍有缺陷。清嘉慶間,阮元據元刻明修十行本,彙校眾本,補脫正訛,撰寫校記,於南昌府學刊刻阮刻本《十三經注疏》,兩百多年,風靡學界。近二十多年,《十三經注疏》數次整理,不無遺憾,方向東教授點校本以阮刻本爲底本,參校眾本,甚便閱讀。然欲整理出超越或代替阮刻本的《十三經注疏》,學界同仁,尚需努力!
Shi San Jing Zhushu is one of the core classics of Confucianism. In the early Southern Song Dynasty, the Ba Hang Ben version was first carved in Yuezhou, then the Fu Shiyin Zhushu Ben version was carved in Jianyang, Fujian province, under the name Song Shi Hang Ben. During the Tai Ding Period of the Yuan Dynasty, the Yuan Shi Hang Ben version was carved as a reprinted edition of the Song Shi Hang Ben. Because Yuan Shi Hang Ben was repaired during the Zhengde Period of the Ming Dynasty, it was also called Shi Hang Ben or Zheng De Ben. Based on it, Li Yuanyang carved Min Ben, during the Jiajing Period of the Ming Dynasty. The Min Ben was a veritable Shi San Jing Zhushu. the Jian Ben, Mao Ben, Dian Ben, and Siku Ben corrected many errors, but they were still defective due to the circumstances. During the Jiaqing period of Qing Dynasty, Ruan Yuan based on the Yuan Ke Ming Xiu Shi Hang Ben version, corrected more mistakes, wrote the collation records, and engraved in the prefectural school of Nan Chang; this is the Ruan Ke Ben Shi San Jing Zhushu. In the past 20 years, Shi San Jing Zhushu has been modified several times. Professor Fang Xiangdong, based on the Ruan Ke Ben, proofread by referring to numerous versions, punctuated it, and published the new edition. This makes it very convenient to read. In order to successfully improve on or replace the Ruan Ke Ben, a great deal of academic work needs to be done
Toward a new international monetary order : how a synthetic unit of account can lead to an inclusive international payment regime
Robert Shiller, in his The New Financial Order: Risk in the 21st Century, spent a number of pages on the concept of Indexed Unit of Account. He realized that there does not exist anything naturally that has the most important quality to serve as a monetary anchor. The challenge then is to design a synthetic unit of account that represents a unit of stable global purchasing power. Trade, contracts, as well as commodity trading and bond issuance can then be denominated in this unit. A unit of account, however, is not money. Settlement will need to be carried out in a currency. The use of an international unit of account complemented with currencies that are in the same footing once and for all settles the Triffin Paradox. Robert Triffin notes that the supply of liquid USD-denominated assets which the world’s central banks use as reserves, depends on the US running current account deficits, but growing external debt undermines confidence in the USD. Today no other currency can challenge the supremacy of the USD because no other country has such massive external debt. A synthetic indexed unit of account is key to building a fairer, inclusive, and sustainable international monetary system
Critique of modernity and major challenges of a century
Moderator: YAN Xiaohui (Lingnan University, Hong Kong, China)
Speaker: LU Qiyuan (World International Consulting Limited, Hong Kong, China