Revista Universitaria de Historia Militar (RUHM)
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Cecilia NUBOLA: Fasciste di Salò. Una storia giudiziaria, Bari, Gius. Laterza & Figli, 2016, 219 pp. ISBN: 978-88-581-2376-8
Get PDFReseña de la obra de Cecilia NUBOLA: Fasciste di Salò. Una storia giudiziaria, Bari, Gius. Laterza & Figli, 2016, 219 pp. ISBN: 978-88-581-2376-8. A cargo de Alberto Ausín Ciruelos
El armamento y sus innovaciones en el Aragón de la segunda mitad del siglo XIV
Get PDFIn this article armour and weapons in Aragon in the second half of the 14th century are analysed, making a comparison with the previous century to define their evolution and innovations. Up to now, no overall research has been carried out about this subject in Aragon, in contrast to other Spanish territories, such as Catalonia and Castile. In fact, many data about Catalonia is also valid for Aragon and can be taken, to a great extent, as a starting point or a comparative element. This study uses documentary (documents of the Archive of the Crown of Aragon, Aragonese medieval laws, municipal rules, inventories…) and iconographic sources (Aragonese and Catalonian gothic painting and sculpture).
It has been confirmed that the previous types of elements to protect the head, the neck and the body (mail defences) continued to be used but others were developed, such as the bascinet and the cuirasses with internal iron sheets; an attempt has been made to distinguish between other not well-known elements, such as suellas, espalderas, iubetes, jaques… It has been verified that the metal pieces of armour to defend the legs and the arms began to be used early in the 14th century and their use increased over the century. However, only in the last decade of the 14th century the use of an armour totally constituted by pieces of metal is detected, even the breastplate, as in other territories of the Iberian Peninsula. With regard to the arms, different references are shown about the use of spears, darts, crossbows and their types, etc.
Concerning the artillery, it has been confirmed the only use of counterweight war machines or engines and their division into three types: ingenios, trebuchets and cabritas. It has been deduced that all of them had the same basic components but different size and power. Firearms appeared around 1360, including not only canons (bombards) but also portable weapons.El estudio trata de analizar el armamento de Aragón en la segunda mitad del siglo XIV comparándolo con el utilizado en el siglo precedente para observar su evolución e innovaciones. Se ha partido de fuentes documentales (documentos del archivo real, fueros, estatutos municipales, inventarios, entre otras) e iconográficas (pintura y escultura, especialmente aragonesa y catalana). El estudio analiza el armamento defensivo (para la protección de la cabeza, el tronco y las extremidades) y el ofensivo, tanto de caballeros como de lanceros y ballesteros (lanzas, dardos, ballestas, puñales, etc.), así como las máquinas de guerra neurobalísticas y las incipientes armas de fuego (bombardas y armas portátiles
Manuela MARÍN: Testigos coloniales: españoles en Marruecos (1860-1959), Barcelona, Ediciones Bellaterra, 2015
Get PDFReseña de la obra de Manuela MARÍN: Testigos coloniales: españoles en Marruecos (1860-1959), Barcelona, Ediciones Bellaterra, 2015, 756 pp. A cargo de María Gajate Bajo
Número completo 6:11
No full textPara facilitar al máximo el acceso de los lectores a los contenidos de la Revista Universitaria de Historia Militar proporcionamos este enlace directo para la descarga del número completo. With the pourpose of making much more easier the access of our readers to the contents of the University Journal of Military History we provide this direct link in order to download the complete issue
La fuerza militar española en defensa de Pío IX (1848- 1850)
Get PDFThe European history of central years of the 19th century finds in the Spanish military action in Italy an interesting line of research in order to understand the political complexity of Isabelline Spain, within a context of war and revolution in Europe. In the case of the process of the Italian unification, it responded to a foreign policy based on moderate liberalism, which mediated internally between the most progressive tendencies and the Carlist opposition. Although this subject has been addressed from other standpoints, the impulse of the military studies taken place in Spain in recent years has aroused the interest of Spanish research on the creation of the Italian nation from a comparative perspective. Likewise, it has continued to contribute with new data to the debate on the presence of Spanish troops in the context of Italian unification, continuing an historiographical discussion that affects Spain and Italy. In this article we analyze these facts to reorder them and at the same time we contribute with a more heterodox interpretation than that which can be consulted in classical works, fruit of the knowledge produced on the subject at present, of a novel investigation made in the Vatican Secret Archive, and of the consultation of nineteenth-century Spanish newspapers and novels that opined and reported on the Spanish military force in defense of Pius IX, decanting public opinion in various ways according to its editorial policy line or the sensitivity of the author.
What we want to demonstrate here is that although the Spanish operation in Italy between 1848-1850 did not have the desired importance on the part of the government of Narváez, causing that a significant part of the Spanish public opinion to be disappointed and reinforcing the critical political positions with that external intervention, they were a remarkable success in several aspects. On the one hand, to resituate Isabel II’s liberal Spain between the great European powers of the moment, once the Carlism had been defeated in the civil war, and the military defeats in the American continent had diminished sensibly the nationalimperial idea of the Old Regime. On the other hand, it also helped to temper the internal moods between liberal liberals favourable to Italian unification and patriotic legitimists, who were addicted to the cause of the Papal States because of the reactionary sense the war had.La historia europea de mitad del XIX encuentra en la actuación militar española en Italia una interesante línea de investigación para entender la complejidad política de la España isabelina, en un contexto de guerra y revolución en Europa. En el caso del proceso de unificación italiano, respondía a una política exterior asentada en el liberalismo moderado, y que mediaba a nivel interno entre las tendencias más progresistas y la oposición del carlismo. Aunque este tema ha sido tratado desde otros puntos de vista, el impulso de los estudios militares acontecido en España en los últimos años ha despertado el interés de la investigación de este país sobre la creación de la nación italiana desde una perspectiva comparada. Igualmente, ha seguido aportando nuevos datos al debate sobre la presencia de tropas españolas en el contexto de la unificación italiana para continuar una discusión historiográfica que afecta a España e Italia. En este artículo analizamos estos hechos para reordenarlos y, al mismo tiempo, aportamos una interpretación más heterodoxa que la que puede consultarse en trabajos clásicos, fruto del conocimiento producido sobre el tema en la actualidad, de una novedosa investigación hecha en el Archivo Secreto Vaticano, y de la consulta de periódicos y novelas españoles del siglo XIX que opinaron e informaron sobre la fuerza militar española en defensa de Pío IX, decantando a la opinión pública en diversos sentidos según fuera su línea política editorial o la sensibilidad del autor.
Lo que queremos demostrar es que aunque los hechos de armas españoles producidos en Italia entre 1848-1850 no tuvieron la importancia deseada por parte del gobierno de Narváez, causando que buena parte de la opinión pública española se defraudase y reforzando las posiciones políticas críticas con esa intervención exterior, constituyeron un éxito notable al resituar a la España liberal del reinado de Isabel II entre las grandes potencias europeas del momento, una vez se había vencido al carlismo en la guerra civil, y las derrotas militares en el continente americano habían mermado sensiblemente la idea nacional-imperial del Antiguo Régimen. Por otro lado, también contribuyó a templar los ánimos internos entre los liberales progresistas favorables a la unificación italiana y los legitimistas patrios, quienes en todo momento se mostraron adictos a la causa de los Estados Pontificios por el significado de guerra reaccionaria que tuvo
Las cruzadas bálticas y del Norte de Europa (1100-1562): la expansión de la Latinitas
Get PDFThe purpose of this essay is to offer an overview of the Baltic and Northern European Crusades. To this end, first, we establish what is meant by \u27crusade\u27 and what are its characteristics; secondly, we propose a chronology and we relate these crusades with others; thirdly, we indicate the regions where they occured, how they were developed and the consequences they had for the inhabitants in the demographic, religious, political, social, economic, artistic and cultural levels; fourth, we establish who were its promoters and what their objectives; and, fifth, we value what they meant for the Europe of the Middle Ages. Likewise, and finally, we reflect on what could be the lines of study that should be done to advance their knowledge and understanding.El objeto de este ensayo es ofrecer una visión de conjunto de las denominadas cruzadas bálticas y del Norte de Europa. A tal fin, en primer lugar, se establece qué se entiende por \u27cruzada\u27 y cuáles son sus características; en segundo lugar, se propone una cronología y se ponen en relación estas cruzadas con otras; en tercer lugar, se indican las regiones en que se produjeron, cómo se desarrollaron y los consecuencias que tuvieron para sus pobladores en el orden demográfico, religioso, político, social, económico, artístico y cultural; en cuarto lugar, se establece quiénes fueron sus impulsores y cuáles eran sus fines; y, en quinto lugar, se valora qué supusieron para la Europa de la Edad Media. Asimismo, se reflexiona sobre cuáles podrían ser las líneas de estudio que deberían llevarse a acabo para avanzar en su conocimiento y comprensión
Ayelet PEER: Julius Caesar\u27s Bellum Civile and the Composition of a New Reality, Farnham, Ashgate, 2015
Get PDFReseña de la obra de Ayelet PEER: Julius Caesar\u27s Bellum Civile and the Composition of a New Reality, Farnham, Ashgate, 2015, 212 pp., ISBN: 978-1-4724-5307-8. A cargo de Christian Núñez López
Las murallas de Babilonia. Nueva interpretación de una maravilla del mundo antiguo.
Get PDFBabylon is one of the most famous cities of pre-classical Antiquity, whose memory has remained alive in Europe thanks to descriptions in the Old Testament and by Greco-Roman historians and geographers. The origin of the mythical and imagined Babylon lies on these ancient texts and on its later reading and interpretation. A good example of this is the city wall, recognized by Strabo and Philo of Byzantium as a wonder of the ancient world. However, facing this “dreamed eastern city” is the historical Babylon, which has been hidden under the myth.
A century after the end of archaeological excavations in Babylon, led by Robert Koldewey (1899-1917), the city walls required a renewed study free of preconceived ideas. The main conditioning factor to overcome is our dependence on what German archaeologists did (with more or less success), which is almost absolute when it comes to interpreting and reconstructing urbanism and the defense system of a capital with almost two thousand years of history. The historical sequence of the walls of Babylonia is based on cuneiform texts and not on stratigraphic data. In general, these documents are late copies, lack provenance, do not have an accurate dating nor were they found in situ.
Despite the limitations that affect the available documentation on the walls of Babylon, we are defending a new interpretative proposal of them. The three walls of the interior enclosure represented on the same plan by the German researchers have led to confusion, because they are not contemporary. The walls called in the cuneiform texts Imgur-Enlil and Nimetti-Enlil had to function as a single defensive wall of more than 17 m in total thickness, at least since the Kassite period (15th century BC), and not as two autonomous and independent walls. The third wall, the so-called moat wall, was later built, in Neo-Babylonian times (6th century BC), to reinforce and replace the old system.Babilonia es una de las ciudades más célebres de la Antigüedad preclásica, cuyo recuerdo permaneció vivo en Europa gracias a las descripciones del Antiguo Testamento y de los historiadores y geógrafos grecorromanos. El origen de la Babilonia mítica e imagina- da está en estos textos antiguos y en su posterior lectura e interpretación. Un buen ejemplo de ello son las murallas de la ciudad, reconocidas por Estrabón y Filón de Bizancio como una maravilla del mundo antiguo. Sin embargo, frente a esta “ciudad oriental soñada” se encuentra la Babilonia histórica, que ha quedado oculta bajo el mito.
Transcurrido un siglo desde el final de las excavaciones arqueológicas en Babilonia, dirigidas por Robert Koldewey (1899-1917), las murallas de la ciudad precisan de un estudio renovado y libre de ideas preconcebidas. El principal condicionante a superar es nuestra dependencia con respecto a lo que hicieron los arqueólogos alemanes (con mayor o menor acierto), que es casi absoluta a la hora de interpretar y reconstruir el urbanismo y el sistema de defensa de una capital con casi dos mil años de historia. La secuencia histórica de las murallas se basa en los textos cuneiformes y no en datos estratigráficos. En general, estos documentos son copias tardías, carecen de procedencia, no tienen una datación precisa o no fueron hallados in situ.
A pesar de las limitaciones que afectan a la documentación disponible sobre las murallas de Babilonia, estamos en condiciones de defender una nueva propuesta interpretativa de las mismas. Los tres muros del recinto interior representados en un mismo plano por los investigadores alemanes han dado lugar a confusión, pues no son contemporáneos. Los muros llamados en los textos cuneiformes Imgur-Enlil y Nimetti-Enlil debieron funcionar como una única muralla de más de 17 m de espesor total, como mínimo desde época kasita (s. XV a.C.), y no como dos muros autónomos e independientes. El tercer muro, el llamado muro del foso, fue construido posteriormente, en época neobabilónica (s. VI a.C.), para reforzar y sustituir el viejo sistema anterior.
Costi della guerra e forze in campo nel secolo XV, tra verità storiografiche e manipolazione dell’informazione
Get PDFHow can we nowadays quantify the costs of a medieval war? There is no clear answer, because there are too many factors to count on and not all of them can be expressed in figures: the acquisition of men and animals, weapons and supplies; and, together with them, the costs of maintaining a whole host of commissioners, ambassadors, informers, spies... The credibility of the available numbers also plays against us: data on money handled, men, weapons or the fleet were often consciously manipulated by those who used them, according to their own interests. Thus, when it was intended to dissuade the enemy, the potential of the own forces tended to increase; while, in order to get aid from the Allies, the tendency was to reduce the value of the own army. In the wars of the first Renaissance, the powers in conflict used to fight with propaganda and information, so it was in the diplomatic arena that conflicts were often resolved. Until Charles VIII of France declared on Italy a real war: cruel, quick and without intermediaries.
This paper offers an original view about how to generate, spread and perceive information related to the size and potential of the armies in southern Italy in the late Middle Ages. From a wide diplomatic and chronistic documentary collection, this work shows that the conscious manipulation of the information became a useful political tool and that, in fact, the success of the diplomatic missions depended, mainly, on the expertise of the intermediaries to operate successfully in this area. Depending on the context and, above all, on the interlocutor with whom contact was made at any moment, the message and the arguments held by the representatives of each of the opposing powers could vary substantially, although the underlying reality was essentially the same. The holders of political power and their ambassadors and intermediaries were aware that the content of the message depended, to a large extent, on the identity and pretensions of its interlocutor. Thus, there was a clear difference between addressing their subjects, an allied lord, or the enemy.Come possiamo, oggi, quantificare i costi di una guerra medievale? Una risposta non c\u27è, perchè sono troppe le variabili: uomini e animali, armi e vettovaglie, e dietro a tutti una pletora di commissari, messi, ambasciatori, informatori, spie.... La stessa credibilità delle cifre gioca a nostro ulteriore sfavore: i dati relativi al denaro disponibile, agli uomini, alle armi o alla flotta sono spesso alterati, volutamente gonfiati o sminuiti, a seconda delle convenienze. Lo si fa per apparire più forti e scoraggiare il nemico, oppure ci si mostra deboli, col chiaro intento di fare pressioni per ottenere aiuto dagli alleati. Nelle guerre del primo Rinascimento si combatte anche con la propaganda e un uso attento dell\u27informazione. È sui tavoli diplomatici che si cerca la composizione e si risolvono molti conflitti. Fino a quando Carlo VIII non porterà in Italia una guerra “vera”: cruda, rapida e priva di mediazioni.
Parole chiave: Quattrocento, Regno di Napoli, Guerra, Diplomazia, Politica.
[ES] Título: Costes de la guerra y ejércitos en campaña en el siglo XV, entre la realidad historiográfica y la manipulación de la información
[ES] Resumen: ¿Cómo podemos hoy cuantificar los costes de una guerra medieval? No hay una respuesta clara, ya que son demasiados los factores con los que habría que contar y no todos ellos se pueden expresar en cifras: la adquisición de hombres y animales, armas y vituallas; y, junto con ellos, los costes de mantener toda una pléyade de comisarios, embajadores, informadores, espías... La misma credibilidad de las cifras disponibles juega además en nuestra contra: los datos relativos al dinero manejado, a los hombres, las armas o la flota eran a menudo manipulados conscientemente por quienes los empleaban, en función de sus propios intereses. Así, cuando se pretendía disuadir al enemigo, solía incrementarse el potencial de las propias fuerzas; mientras que, para conseguir ayuda de los aliados, la tendencia era reducir el valor del propio ejército. En las guerras del primer Renacimiento, se combatía también con la propaganda y con la información, de manera que era en la arena diplomática donde se resolvían, a menudo, los conflictos. Hasta que Carlos VIII de Francia inicie en Italia una guerra “de verdad”: cruel, rápida y carente de intermediarios.
Palabras clave: Baja Edad Media, Reino de Nápoles, Guerra, Diplomacia, Política
Uomini d’arme nel territorio estense alla fine del xv secolo
Get PDFThrough the analysis of several accounting books and correspondence, this paper analizes the composition of the armies mobilized in the service of the Este Household (Duchy of Ferrara) and it specially focuses on the presence of foreign contingents and their relationship with the non-combatant population in the second half of the 15th Century.
This work analyzes, firstly, the categories of combatants within the ranks of the armies mobilized at the service of the Dukes of Este, as well as the social profile of the individuals integrated in them during the last two decades of the fifteenth century. Thanks to the preservation of important accounting sources, the author shows how a good part of the forces placed under command of the Dukes of Ferrara came from the military potential of the regional aristocracy, linked to the household of the Duke through vassalage formulas or other personal links. This system of military organization achieved a greater development in those states in which the feudal aristocracy power over the whole political field was stronger.
Secondly, this paper also describes the logistic needs of the armies of the Duchy of Ferrara and the public order conflicts they generated. In relation to this aspect, it is observed that the existence of direct links between the majors of the army and the ducal household did not serve, in practice, to discipline the behavior of the combatants. In fact, conflicts unleashed among them and, above all, between them and the population were frequent. According to the documentation handled, this problems derived from cases of robbery and extortion over the non-combatant population. The accused justified themselves by alleging all kinds of negligence in the payment of their wages. As a reaction to all these forms of institutionalized depredation, it is noted a clear social response articulated around the duchess Leonor de Aragon, who run the complains issued by the municipal authorities and, in general, by the victims of the ducal army.[IT] Riassunto: Preambolo di uno studio più ampio d’ambito sia sociale, sia politico-economico, il testo, attraverso l’analisi di alcuni libri contabili e carteggi, si propone di fornire un breve quadro sulla consistenza degli armati al servizio degli Estensi, sulla presenza di eserciti “forestieri”, e la loro relazione con la popolazione, nella seconda metà del xv secolo.
Parole chiave: Quattrocento, Stato Estense, Guerra, Esercito, Governo.
Título: Hombres de armas en el territorio de la Casa de Este a finales del siglo xv
[ES] Resumen: Avance de un estudio más amplio, de carácter social, político y económico, el artículo, a través del análisis de varios libros de contabilidad y correspondencia, se propone elaborar un cuadro general sobre la composición de los ejércitos movilizados al servicio de la Casa de Este (Ducado de Ferrara), sobre la presencia en ellos de contingentes extranjeros y su relación con la población no combatiente, en la segunda mitad del siglo XV