Otani University Academic Repository / 大谷大学学術情報リポジトリ

木越, 康

KIGOSHI, Yasushi

Japanese

Understanding Ryūkan’s On the Significance of Having the Three Minds (Part 2): Reading the First Section “A Comprehensive Clarification of the Significance of the Three Minds”

村上, 無量

MURAKAMI, Muryō

A Consideration of the Quotations in the Chapter on Teaching in the Kyōgyōshinshō: Focusing on the Quotations from the Nyoraie and Byōdōkakukyō

126
　
編
　
集
　
後
　
記
　
『
親
鸞
教
学
』
第
一
一
六
号
を
お
届
け
い
た
し
ま
す
。
発
行
が
遅
れ
ま
し
た
こ
と
を
会
員
の
皆
様
に
、
ま
ず
も
っ
て
お
詫
び
い
た
し
ま
す
。
ま
た
、
早
々
に
原
稿
を
お
預
か
り
し
て
お
り
ま
し
た
先
生
方
に
は
、
刊
行
の
遅
延
に
と
も
な
い
、
多
大
な
る
ご
迷
惑
を
お
か
け
し
ま
し
た
こ
と
を
こ
こ
に
お
詫
び
申
し
上
げ
ま
す
。
　
今
号
の
巻
頭
に
は
、
木
越
康
教
授
の
「
隆
寛
律
師
『
具
三
心
義
』
読
解
（
下
）
─
初
段
「
総
明
三
心
義
」
を
読
む
─
」
と
題
す
る
論
考
を
掲
載
し
ま
し
た
。
親
鸞
の
如
来
回
向
思
想
の
萌
芽
に
つ
い
て
、
吉
水
時
代
に
交
流
が
あ
っ
た
隆
寛
の
『
具
三
心
義
』
の
中
に
確
か
め
て
い
く
近
年
の
木
越
康
教
授
の
研
究
の
中
で
、
今
回
も
前
号
に
引
き
続
き
初
段
「
総
明
三
心
義
」
に
展
開
さ
れ
る
議
論
を
丁
寧
に
読
み
解
か
れ
て
い
ま
す
。
　
任
期
制
助
教
の
村
上
無
量
氏
に
は
「『
教
行
信
証
』「
教
巻
」
諸
引
文
に
関
す
る
一
考
察
　
─
『
如
来
会
』・『
平
等
覚
経
』
を
中
心
に
─
」
と
題
し
て
、
研
究
成
果
を
論
文
発
表
い
た
だ
き
ま
し
た
。
親
鸞
が
『
教
行
信
証
』「
教
巻
」
に
お
い
て
「
真
実
教
」
と
い
う
事
柄
を
顕
か
に
し
て
い
く
と
き
、『
大
無
量
寿
経
』
発
起
序
に
続
け
て
異
訳
の
『
如
来
会
』・『
平
等
覚
経
』
の
文
を
そ
れ
ぞ
れ
限
定
的
に
引
用
す
る
意
図
に
つ
い
て
、
丁
寧
に
考
察
さ
れ
て
い
ま
す
。
　
今
号
に
は
、
二
〇
二
一
年
度
真
宗
学
会
大
会
の
講
演
録
を
収
録
し
て
お
り
ま
す
。
本
学
の
藤
元
雅
文
准
教
授
に
「
誓
願
一
仏
乗
」
試
考
─
「
現
代
臨
床
」
と
い
う
視
点
に
む
き
あ
っ
て
─
」
と
題
し
て
ご
講
演
い
た
だ
き
ま
し
た
。
学
外
か
ら
は
、
早
稲
田
大
学
法
学
学
術
院
の
守
中
高
明
教
授
に
「
他
力
・
離
脱
・
信
─
親
鸞
と
エ
ッ
ク
ハ
ル
ト
の
あ
い
だ
─
」
と
題
し
て
ご
講
演
い
た
だ
き
ま
し
た
。
守
中
高
明
先
生
に
は
、
ご
多
忙
の
中
、
貴
重
な
ご
講
演
を
誠
に
あ
り
が
と
う
ご
ざ
い
ま
し
た
。
　
ま
た
、
安
田
理
深
先
生
の
講
義
「
願
生
論
」
の
筆
録
は
、「
名
号
に
つ
い
て
」
と
題
し
て
21
回
目
を
掲
載
し
ま
し
た
。
第
一
一
三
号
か
ら
始
ま
っ
た
大
谷
大
学
開
放
セ
ミ
ナ
ー
「
大
乗
の
歩
み
─
親
鸞
の
眼
を
通
し
て
─
」
の
講
義
録
連
載
は
、
七
高
僧
を
歴
史
順
に
た
ど
っ
て
い
き
ま
す
が
、
今
号
は
本
学
名
誉
教
授
の
加
来
雄
之
先
生
が
担
当
さ
れ
た
天
親
菩
薩
の
2
回
目
と
し
て
、
「
親
鸞
と
天
親
② 
荘
厳
と
回
向
─
教
え
を
生
き
る
」
と
題
し
た
講
演
録
と
な
っ
て
い
ま
す
。
 
（
文
責 
四
方
）


編集後記

Sueki, Fumihiko

REVIEW ARTICLE Chūsei Zenseki Sōkan and Issues in the Study of Medieval Zen

Sangyop, Lee

Lee, Sangyop

B O O K  R E V I E W S 97
Rikuch!, Zui, T! bukky! tenkaishi 六朝隋唐仏教展開史 (!e Evolution of Chinese 
Buddhism during the Six Dynasties, Sui, and Tang Periods). By Funayama T"ru 船山徹. 
Kyoto: H"z"kan, 2019. xxiii + 512 + 18 pages. Hardcover. ISBN 978-4-8318-7724-6.
S+%GE2L L))
On the surface, this book is a collection of twelve papers the author published between 
2000 and 2014 on various aspects of Buddhist thought and practice in China during 
the Northern and Southern Dynasties and the Sui 隋 and Tang 唐 periods, with some 
additional discussion newly written for the book (pp. vi–viii). !e merits of the indi-
vidual papers collected in this book require no further explanation. Since their original 
publication, they have come to constitute a foundational part of our current knowl-
edge of medieval Chinese Buddhism and have become a must-read for any scholar 
working in this 8eld.
However, it is also important to note that this book is more than a simple collection 
of revised versions of the author’s earlier publications, as the book brings them together 
coherently to put forth a consequential thesis about the history of medieval Chinese Bud-
dhism. !is thesis is aptly foreshadowed by the phrase “Bukky! tenkai shi” 仏教展開史 
(whose English translation is given as “the history of the ‘Evolution’ of Buddhism”) in 
the title of the book. As the author himself explains in the preface and the conclusion, 
this word choice represents his understanding that the history of Chinese Buddhism 
cannot be seen as being separate from the history of Indian Buddhism. !e phrase “ten-
kai shi” is thus meant to capture the dynamic development Buddhism went through in 
medieval China as it interacted with the cultural environment of the Sinosphere while 
maintaining strong historical and ongoing ties with Indian Buddhism (pp. ii–iii, 464).
Indeed, all of the chapters in this book, organized into three parts that focus respec-
tively on Buddhist scholarship, the systems of Buddhist practice, and the discourse 
surrounding individual Buddhist practitioners, have something to contribute to this 
overarching argument of the book. Below, instead of attempting to summarize each 
chapter comprehensively, I highlight the ways in which these chapters support the 
author’s continuity thesis that Buddhism achieved its unique expression in medieval 
China through the continuous “evolution” of Indian Buddhism.
!e 8rst part focuses on the development of doctrinal studies and hermeneutics in 
medieval Chinese Buddhism. !e 8rst chapter o3ers an introductory overview of Bud-
dhist scholarship during the Liang 梁 dynasty (502–557), when the author argues that 
the systematization of distinctively Chinese Buddhist scholarship can be said to have 
begun in earnest by digesting the Indian Buddhist texts translated until then. !e sec-
ond chapter shows how the development of the seminal philosophical categories of ti 
體 and yong 用 (substance and function) must be seen as the product of both traditional 
T H E  E A S T E R N  B U D D H I S T  2 ,  198
philosophical discourse in China and the resonance the two terms uniquely had in 
relation to translated Indian Buddhist texts. !e third chapter discusses di3erent ways 
of parsing and understanding the phrase “thus I have heard, at one time . . .” 如是我
聞一時 that were current in early medieval China (Does the phrase “at one time” here 
refer to the time of the event described in the sutra or the time of the hearing of the 
sutra by the reciter?) and disproves the earlier misconception that Chinese Buddhists 
departed from their Indian coreligionists on this matter by taking the phrase “at one 
time” only as the reference to the time of the event recounted in the sutra. !e fourth 
chapter studies the developments in the practice of authoring commentaries on Indian 
Buddhist texts by focusing on the now-lost Chengshi lun dayi ji 成實論大義記 by Zhi-
zang 智藏 (458–522), and shows how the Chinese Buddhist notion of the “three types 
of provisional existence” (san jia 三假) grew out of what were initially translated Bud-
dhist terms. !e 8fth chapter focuses on the 8gure of Param#rtha (Ch. Zhendi 真諦; 
499–569), whose scholarship, as the author persuasively demonstrates, de8es reduction 
into being either Indian Buddhist or Chinese Buddhist.
!e chapters of the second part deal with the ways in which medieval Chinese Bud-
dhists theorized the systems of Buddhist practice, with theories about Buddhist precepts 
being the central topic of the part. !e 8rst chapter of the second part gives an overview 
of the history of the introduction of Indian Buddhist precepts into China. !e second 
chapter then discusses the continuous development of bodhisattva precepts in India and 
China. For example, the author demonstrates how the Sinitic apocryphal bodhisattva 
precepts of the Fanwang jing 梵網經 (composed in the mid to late 8fth century) remedy 
a crucial de8ciency shared by the sets of Indian Buddhist bodhisattva precepts made 
available in China until then, and how another important Sinitic apocryphal text, the 
Pusa yingluo benye jing 菩薩瓔珞本業經, elevated the status of bodhisattva precepts in 
East Asia through a reinterpretation of the Indian Yog#c#ra notion of trividha&'laskandha 
(Ch. san ju jie 三聚戒; the three collections of pure precepts). !e third chapter studies 
the development in Chinese Buddhists’ perception of their Indian pedigree by focusing 
on the now-lost Sapoduo shizi zhuan 薩婆多師資傳 by Sengyou 僧祐 (445–518), and 
shows how this work in<uenced Chan 禅 Buddhist theories of the Buddhist patriarchal 
lineage. !e fourth chapter provides doctrinal context to what would appear to be <a-
grant violations of precepts by monks in China by examining Indian and Chinese Bud-
dhist discourse on precept violations, and also traces how Indian and Chinese Buddhists 
independently developed comparable theories for the justi8cation of such behavior.
!e third part of the book moves the focus to the discourse on the religious achieve-
ments and religious expressions of individual Buddhist practitioners in medieval 
China. !e 8rst chapter of part three treats the discourse on the sainthood of Bud-
dhist practitioners, and studies how this discourse developed in China in connection 
with translated Indian Buddhist sources, apocryphal Chinese Buddhist sources, and 
B O O K  R E V I E W S 99
Daoist and Confucian discourse on sainthood. !e second chapter discusses deathbed 
miracles typically depicted in the biographies of practitioners who were believed to 
have attained sainthood, and shows how these narrative elements draw widely from 
both Indian scholastic and traditional Chinese discourses of sainthood. !e last chap-
ter examines the theories and practices of self-immolation (she shen 捨身) in Chinese 
Buddhism and demonstrates that the religious signi8cance of various types of this 
practice in medieval China should be appreciated in the context of traditional Chinese 
ethical assumptions as well as in relation to the development of comparable practices 
in contemporary South Asian Buddhism. !is approach again complicates the earlier 
understanding that self-immolation practices were just another example of Chinese 
Buddhism’s departure from its Indian roots.
In this way, the chapters of this book reveal over and again the patterns of continu-
ity and innovation in the history of Buddhism across India and China that become 
clear only when we examine medieval Chinese Buddhism in close connection with not 
only the religious and cultural environment of the Sinosphere but also with that of the 
larger Buddhist world beyond medieval China. !e grand picture of medieval Chinese 
Buddhism that emerges from the author’s study is thus that of a truly international and 
transcultural religion whose historical evolution unfolded less through a passive and 
categorical assimilation into its host culture and more through an active and dynamic 
exploration of its theoretical and practical implications, albeit in a di3erent language 
and under constraints imposed by di3erent cultural presuppositions. !e author’s 
view of medieval Chinese Buddhism then echoes the view advanced by such recent 
monographs as A Distant Mirror: Articulating Indic Ideas in Sixth and Seventh Century 
Chinese Buddhism,1 whose chapters (one of which is contributed by Funayama him-
self ) also bring to our attention previously overlooked patterns of continuity between 
Indian and Chinese Buddhism.
However, the reader also wonders if the book’s treatment of the history of medieval 
Chinese Buddhism is at times limited by what could be termed as its Indo-centric 
premise regarding the possible origins of Buddhist practice and thought. For example, 
as the author himself writes, the book’s investigation is carried out under the assump-
tion that developments in Chinese Buddhism can be categorized into either one of two 
patterns: the faithful inheritance of Indian Buddhism or innovative adaptation of Indian 
Buddhism, both of which are based on a degree of “continuity” (renzokusei 連続性) 
between Indian and Chinese Buddhism (pp. ii, 464). Here, we might set aside the 
methodological issue often entailed by an approach such as this, as famously pointed out 
by Gimello,2 that a scholar’s decision to rule a new development in Chinese Buddhism 
1 Lin and Radich 2014.
2 Gimello 1978.
T H E  E A S T E R N  B U D D H I S T  2 ,  1100
as either a faithful continuation, or a Sinitic reinterpretation, of Indian Buddhism 
seems to hinge more on the “hermeneutical presuppositions” of the scholar herself 
than on anything that is objectively assessable. Nonetheless, a question may still be 
raised on the more naïve level of empirical evidence: Couldn’t there exist elements of 
Chinese Buddhism that emerged independently in China, neither as an inheritance 
from Indian Buddhism nor as a product of adapting Indian Buddhism? If such indig-
enous elements furthermore played roles in the development of Buddhism in China 
that the elements that were inherited or adapted from Indian Buddhism could not 
have played, the author’s continuity thesis would have only limited applicability and 
thus could not be used to generalize the history of medieval Chinese Buddhism as 
a whole. !is suggestion, however, is only to point to possible further directions we 
could explore by following the example of this book’s careful and detailed study of pre-
viously overlooked aspects of medieval Chinese Buddhism.
REFERENCES
Gimello, Robert M. 1978. “Random Reflections on the Sinicization of Buddhism.” Society for 
the Study of Chinese Religions Bulletin 5, pp. 52–89. 
Lin, Chen-kuo, and Michael Radich, eds. 2014. A Distant Mirror: Articulating Indic Ideas in 
Sixth and Seventh Century Chinese Buddhism. Hamburg: Hamburg University Press.
Ch#sei bukky! kaiga no zuz!shi: Ky!setsu emaki, rokud!e, kus!zu 中世仏教絵画の図像誌： 
経説絵巻・六道絵・九相図 (A Genealogy of Imagery in Medieval Buddhist Paintings: 
From Six Realms of Rebirth to Nine Stages of Decay). By Yamamoto Satomi 山本聡美. 
Tokyo: Yoshikawa K"bunkan, 2020. ix + 461 + xv pages. Hardcover. ISBN-13: 978-4 
-642-01663-6.
M/(/+D C,-./&
Images of the grotesque in medieval Japanese Buddhist paintings have long fascinated 
artists and viewers alike. !ese depictions depart from conventional representations 
of benevolent deities and instead pictorialize conceptions of Buddhist su3ering and 
the six samsaric realms of existence. While paintings of hell arguably comprise the 
largest and most diverse corpus of imagery dedicated to this theme, the other 8ve 
realms, including those of hungry ghosts, animals, ashura 阿修羅, humans, and celes-
tial beings, also found expression in Japanese visual culture. Yamamoto Satomi’s book, 
which is the culmination of decades of research, presents an expansive investigation of 


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