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Broder Jacob den Danske: Myter og realiteter
No full textSummaryFriar Jacob was the last Franciscan provincial in Denmark. After the reformation he went into exile in Germany, and later he sailed to present- day México, where he spent the rest of his life as a missionary to the Amerindians. For Danish scholars the existence of this friar was totally unknown until 1907, when an article about him saw the light. It was written by the Austrian born Father Steidl O.ss.R. Based on the information in Mexican sources that Jacob was of royal blood and that he called himself Gottorpius in some letters, written in Germany, Steidl assumed that he was an illegitimate son of Duke Frederik of Schleswig-Holstein (from 1523 king of Denmark). In the 1960s the historian Jørgen Nybo Rasmussen changed this assertion by making him son of Duke Frederik’s brother King John, who died in 1513. Furthermore, taking the other information in the Mexican chronicles for face value they both regarded him as one of the most brilliant missionaries ever seen in the New World, a fierce and passionate advocate of equal rights to the Indians.In the present article I investigate the information about this Danish friar – in Denmark, Germany, Spain, and Mexico. At the same time I evaluate the assertions and assumptions, made by Steidl and Rasmussen. The results can be described as follows: Friar Jacob is not mentioned in any Danish source, written outside the Franciscan order. What he did in Denmark, how he argued with the Lutherans, how he came to Spain, etc., depend solely on the reliability of the chronicles, written in México twenty to hundred years after his death. Analysing these narratives it seems, however, that the authors knew very little about him and what they actually did know was interpreted within Old Testamentparameters. Taking the assertion of his royal descent as a starting point the chroniclers presented him as a chocolate box cover: the perfect mendicant in whom all religious virtues were gathered.Totally without critique, Steidl and Rasmussen took over this idealization. Moreover, as many of the elements in their narratives is either pure invention or based on misinterpretation or a result of limited research, their beautiful construction collapses like a house of cards. Friar Jacob was just an ordinary Franciscan missionary – nothing more, nothing less
Hans Tausen og Calvin: Et hidtil utrykt fragment af Hans Tausens afhandling om præsteembedet
No full textDen overvejende del af reformatoren Hans Tausens bevarede skrifter er i dag tilgængelige som faksimiletryk. En række af hans tidligste reformationsskrifter samt en række småstykker fra tiden som superintendent i Ribe (fra 1541) er også tilgængelige i H.F. Rørdams Smaaskrifter af Hans Tavsen (1870). Rørdam gjorde dog enkelte undtagelser, og han optog bl.a. ikke et håndskrevet fragment om præsteembedet. Dette fragment er en del af et samlebind med Tausen-manuskripter i Karen Brahes Bibliotek. Nærværende artikels første del meddeler for første gang en transskription og en oversættelse af dette fragment. Ved at studere manuskriptpapirets vandmærker forsøger artiklen at tidsfæste fragmentet, og via en undersøgelse af den teologiske og historiske kontekst, tidsfæstes fragmentet til 1540’erne eller 1550’erne. I anden del følger en kommenteret gennemgang og en studie af fragmentets teologi om præsteembedet, hvilket fører videre til spørgsmålet om mulige inspirationer og forlæg. Tidligere forskning har påvist, at Tausen i netop denne periode benyttede sig af Calvins skrifter. Fragmentet om præsteembedet er sandsynligvis endnu et eksempel på dette. Hverken receptionshistoriens »danske Luther«, Hans Tausen, eller tidens danske teologi blev stående ved Luther alene, en humanistisk tendens gjorde sig gældende, og hos den sene Tausen viser det sig at være en tidstypisk tendens, hvori også Calvin hørte til inspiratorerne.
SummaryHans Tausen and John Calvin. An unpublished fragment of Hans Tausen’s tract on ministry.The article is both a study of a part of a relatively unknown handwritten manuscript as well as the first publication of this fragment. The fragment was written by the Danish reformer Hans Tausen (1494/98-1561). It is part of a treatise on the calling, education, and ordination of evangelical pastors, and a part of the Karen Brahe Collection, today situated at Roskilde Stiftsbibliotek.The article has two parts: The first part examines the fragment itself, its paper, watermarks, handwriting etc. The study dates one of the watermarks to have been used around 1543. At this time, Hans Tausen was superintendent in the Diocese of Ribe in Southern Jutland. Furthermore, the first part of the article gives a full transcription from the Latin manuscript and a parallel Danish translation. The second part of the article examines the theology of the fragment, theological inspirations and textual dependencies. The study shows that like other Danish theologians in the middle of the 16th century, i.a. Niels Hemmingsen, Tausen might have been informed by Calvin. Tausen’s most probable inspiration being Calvin’s commentary on The Apostle Paul’s Letters to Timothy, Commentarii in utramque Pauli Epistolam ad Timotheum, first printed in 1548. Tausen may also have read Calvin’s Institutes. Earlier research (by Martin Schwarz Lausten 1987, into Tausen’s writings from his time as superintendent) show that Tausen in his treatise Judicium de excommunicatione from 1557 actually did use and even copied part of the text from the Calvin’s Institutes. The fragment on the pastoral office may date from the same period. Like the fragment, Judicium de excommunicatione deals with the office of the pastors, however, the emphasis is placed on the ecclesiastical power of excommunication.Thus, the present article confirms the latest research in Hans Tausen. Tausen began as a humanistic city reformer in Viborg and Copenhagen. He read Luther under inspiration from Zwingli, and despite the official Danish theology becoming more specifically Lutheran-Melanchthonian after 1536/37, Tausen continued to be influenced by the humanistic reformation theology, which then included Calvin
Religiøs tolerance i praksis: Konfession og kontrovers på Nordstrand fra tiden omkring år 1700
No full textDenne artikel er en undersøgelse af et konfessionelt sammenstød på vadehavsøen Nordstrand ud for Husum i det vestlige Slesvig. Sammen med øerne Pelvorm og Nordstrand Mor samt i dag forsvundne landmasser udgjorde Nordstrand øen Strand. Efter en voldsom stormflod i 1634, der delte Strand i tre, inviterede den gottorpske hertug i et i historisk forstand tidligt tilfælde af religiøs tolerance nederlandske digebyggere til det vestlige Slesvig for at inddæmme naturens kræfter. Digebyggerne, kaldet participanterne, der tilhørte den romersk-katolske kirke, kom hurtigt ikke bare i clinch med de frisiske lutheranere, men også med hinanden, fordi nogle fulgte jansenismens teologi og kirkeforståelse, mens andre lå tættere på den romerske kirkeledelsessynspunkt.Affødt af digebyggernes tilstedeværelse på Nordstrand fandt i perioden efter 1634 og indtil 1868 en række konfessionelle sammenstød sted. Efter en introduktion til den kontekst, konflikterne på Nordstrand må forstås i lyset af, fokuserer denne artikel på ét af disse sammenstød fra tiden omkring år 1700: en uoverensstemmelse mellem på den ene side den lutherske sognepræst Otto Lorentzen Strandiger og på den anden side participanterne og den gottorpske øvrighed. Det belyste eksempel må forstås som et indlæg i en teologisk debat, der på trods af sin egen »intolerance« kun kunne finde sted i en »tolerant« kontekst.
SummaryIn 1698 the Lutheran pastor in Odenbüll on the North Frisian island Nordstrand, Otto Lorentzen Strandiger, was expelled from office bythe duke of Schleswig-Holstein-Gottorf. The reason for the duke to remove the pastor, stated in a mandate from Gottorf, was his strict implementation of ecclesiastical discipline, unapproved by the duke and the synod. However, one cannot explain the duke’s action simply by a dislike of Lorentzen’s administration of the church’s discipline. Since the 1650s Nordstrand had been controlled by a Dutch company of dike engineers that had bought the island from the duke. In contrast to the duke, the clergy, and the lay people, the Dutchmen were Roman-Catholics. A contract, or Oktroy, between the duke and the new rulers, the participants, specified that they obtained the right of patronage to the Lutheran parish of Odenbüll, and it also guaranteed freedom of religionfor all inhabitants on the island. Despite the Oktroy’s granting of freedom of religion on the island, Lorentzen felt that the participants prevented his execution of the official duties and that they sought to forcibly convert people to Catholicism by obstructing Lutheran piety. Attacking the authorities at Gottorf and the participants alike, Lorentzen launched an anti-Catholic campaign from the Odenbüll pulpit.
This essay examines the Lorentzen conflict through an analysis of a manuscript, Ein Buch, darin die gerechte Sache und Klagen der Gemine und ihres Pastorn Otto Lorentzen zu Odenbüll im Nordstrande, wider die Lügen, Gottlose practiquen und Verfolgungen der Röm.-Catholischen daselbst angezeigt warden, which Lorentzen finished after his dismissal and probably intended for publication. Further, it puts the conflict into context by discussing Nordstrand’s role in the history of religious toleration in early modern Schleswig-Holstein. In 1634, a flood desolated most of the island, and while the population turned to Gottorf for help in reclaiming flooded lands and rebuilding the community, duke and court instead chose to concession the island to the Dutch participants, seeking to increase and centralize the ducal power. The fact that the participants were co-religionists of neither duke nor the islanders played no role in the duke’s policies. It did so, however, to Lorentzen. The essay concludes that the duke’s primary concern behind the dismissal of Lorentzen was the pastor’s failure to comply with the policy of toleration. If this policy was brought into question, the ducal power itself would face severe problems.
Nordstrand’s early modern history is one of more examples of religious toleration in Schleswig-Holstein prior to the Enlightenment. However, as Lorentzen’s case shows, the ideas of toleration were not necessarily shared by those who lived with them. Ironically, the »intolerance« of Lorentzen’s Lutheranism could only take place in a »tolerant« context such as that of Nordstrand
Joakim Skovgaards altertavlemaleri til Mandø Kirke 1890: Et brev med kunstnerens egen forklaring
No full textIntet resumé
Kirkeminister Bodil Kochs betydning for Socialdemokratiets kirkepolitik og for den danske folkekirkes selvforståelse
No full textIntet resumé
Thomas Kingo 1703-2003
No full textThomas Kingo (1634-1703) was probably Denmark’s greatest baroque poet. After Kingo’s death his fame as a poet might have vanished, if his name had not been closely associated with the Danish tradition of hymnology. Kingo was appointed editor of the official hymn-book (1699) by the absolutist king Frederik V That book was to be used in the church for at least the next hundred years. Despite - and probably as a reaction to - the neo-classical aesthetics of the learned, the non-conformist and popular movements of the 19th century clung to Kingo’s hymns. N.F.S. Grundtvig as well as the pastors and laymen belonging to his circle held an ambiguous view of Kingo’s - in their opinion - obsolete penitential theology of Lutheran Orthodoxy. Grundtvig however appreciated the younger Kingo’s poetical and theological ability to express man’s natural relation to God and nature. On the other hand Kingo’s poetry was a challenge to Grundtvig, who fostered the idea of re-writing Kingo’s hymns in order to make them conform to his own theology. Grundtvig wanted to show himself a better poet than Kingo. The view that Kingo needed to be re-written actually coincided with the attitude to his works of the literary critics of the early 19th century. However as romantic criticism developed into a kind of historiography of literature later in the century, a new opinion emerged that Kingo’s texts should be restored and published according to their baroque originals. This led to a fight between academics and churchmen, between modernists and traditionalists. Both parties claimed to be preserving Kingo’s fame and his hymns as a traditional heritage in the contemporary Danish church. A central question was whether Kingo’s baroque poetical language should or could be translated into a modem language, and whether his theology may be modernized. The article examines the positions held by the combatants over the last 200 years. 300 hundred years after his death, Kingo’s hymns in their original versions belong to the national canon of literature. In the new Danish hymn-book (2003) his hymns are represented in versions that have continually been revised since the mid-19th century as a collective effort on the part of theologians, historians, and literary critics. The author asks the question as to which versions - the original or the modernized - may be regarded as the »real« Kingo
Pastor Ifversen og stiftsprovst Paulli: Danske teologer og blodskam 1680-1770
No full text1902 weigerte sich der Kopenhagener Pfarrer Julius Ifversen, die Trauung eines Maurergesellen durchzuführen, aus dem Grund, dass der Maurer, der geschieden war, das geschlechtliche Verhältnis zu seiner Verlobten vor der Scheidung eingeleitet hatte und somit nach dem Worte der Heiligen Schrift den Ehebruch begangen hatte. Dem damaligen Gesetz gemäß war die Zivilehe unmöglich, wenn beide Brautleute Mitglieder der evangelisch-lutherischen Landeskirche waren, weshalb in ähnlichen Fällen die Frage oft dadurch gelöst wurde dadurch, dass einer der beiden aus der Kirche austrat. Diesmal aber wurde die Frage der möglichen weltlich-rechtlichen Pflicht des Pfarrers auf die Spitze gesetzt, vor allem weil die sozialdemokratische Partei und deren Zeitung den Fall als Anlass eines veritablen Feldzugs besonders gegen den Pfarrer Ifversen benutzte. Der Maurer reichte deshalb eine Klage bei dem Kultusminister der regierenden liberalen Partei ein. Dieser befahl dem Pfarrer, die Trauung durchzuführen, Ifversen lehnte aber wieder ab. Während des Vorgangs wurde die Pflicht des Pfarrers, die Trauung durchzuführen kräftig von dem Dompropst Jacob Paulli, der zweiten Hauptfigur dieser Abhandlung, unterstrichen; da der zuständige Bischof Thomas Skat Rørdam verreist war, musste Paulli dem Minister die notwendige dienstliche Erklärung im Namen des Bischofs abgeben. Später drückte der Bischof Verständnis der Haltung des Pfarrers gegenüber aus und bezeichnete Verbindungen wie die beabsichtigte Ehe des Maurers als »etwas Böses«. Danach wurde der Pfarrer Ifversen der Verletzung des bürgerlichen Strafgesetzbuches angeklagt dadurch, dass er, obwohl Beamter im Dienste des Staates, sich weigerte, einen ihm gesetzlich auferlegten Befehl zu erfüllen. Der Prozess wurde in der ersten Instanz vor einem geistlichen Gericht, aus einem juristischen und einem geistlichen Richter bestehend, geführt; als der geistliche Richter wurde Paulli als der zuständige Propst berufen. Dem Urteil dieses Gerichts gemäß wurde Ifversen schuldig gesprochen, und eine Geldstrafe wurde über ihn verhängt. Paulli wurde von mehreren wegen seiner Teilnahme an dem Angelegenheit getadelt, der Meinung des Verfassers nach, zu Unrecht. Ifversen weigerte sich fortfahrend, die Trauung durchzuführen und legte bei dem Höchsten Gericht Berufung ein. Vor der Gerichtssitzung holte der Verteidiger rund 90 Erklärungen von hervorragenden Geistlichen, die so gut wie alle der Beschreibung des Bischofs derartiger Verbindungen als »etwas Böses« beistimmten, so wie auch mehrere selbst die Trauung Geschiedener abgelehnt hatten, ein. Durch das Urteil des Höchsten Gerichts vom 21. Oktober 1903 wurde Ifversen freigesprochen; auch wenn die Vollstreckung der Trauung als seine Pflicht anzusehen wäre - man beachte die Konjunktiv - habe er unter anderem im Lichte der unklaren Stellung der Landeskirche etwas Fug zu glauben, dass die Erfüllung des Gebotes mit seinem Ordinationsgelübde unvereinbar sei. Wie das Urteil abgefasst war, wurde der Pfarrer somit aus subjektiven Gründen freigesprochen, auf Grund mangelnden Vorsatzes. Nach den damaligen verfahrensrechtlichen Gesetzen wurden Meinungsverschiedenheiten im Gericht nicht der Öffentlichkeit mitgeteilt; die nähere Durchsicht des Beratungsprotokolls des Höchsten Gerichts zeigt aber, dass aus dreizehn Richtern sechs für die Verurteilung stimmten, fünf den Befehl als ungesetzlich ansahen und deshalb für die Freisprechung stimmten, während die letzten beiden Richter wie die sechs den Befehl als gesetzlich ansahen, zugleich aber befanden, dass der Pfarrer in gutem Glauben gewesen, oder juristisch ausgedrückt, in einem Vorsatzausschließendem Rechtsirrtum, die sträfliche Verantwortung aufhebend, befangen sei. Die fünf plus zwei bildeten somit die kleinste denkbare Mehrheit für den Freispruch. Erst 1922 wurde die Frage mit der Durchführung des ersten modernen Gesetzes über die Eheschließung und Scheidung gelöst. Jetzt wurde dem Pfarrer das absolute Recht, die Trauung Geschiedener abzulehnen, gegeben, aber auch die generelle fakultative Zivilehe eingeführt, d.h. dass auch Mitglieder der Landeskirche die Zivilehe wählen konnten, ohne aus der Kirche zu treten. Ifversen starb 1927 und erlebte somit den Freibrief des neuen Gesetzes. Der Maurer war längst aus der Landeskirche ausgetreten, um die Zivilehe einzugehen
Tabernes historie: Franciskanernes Uddrivelseskrønike: forfattere, datering, formål
No full textThe Losers’ Story -The Franciscan Chronicle of Expulsion: authorship, dating, and purpose
Since the publication in 1850 of the Cronica seu breuis processus in causa expulsionisfratrum Minoritarum, survived in the manuscript NKS 276 8vo in The Royal Library of Copenhagen, the narrative of the friars’ sufferings and expulsions during the Reformation Era has fascinated the historians. It is so rare to read the losers’ own story. The chronicle consists of sixteen chapters, each devoted to the suppression of one friary (only fourteen, actually, since despite their headings two of the chapters were never written). Up to now several scholars have dealt with the authorship, dating and purpose of the chronicle. The reason for re-examining these problems is the observation that the manuscript has only been rather superficial analysed by previous scholars, that the determination of the authorship has been tied down by old dogmas, and that the chronicle has not been sufficiently evaluated in a Franciscan context. First the present author analyses the manuscript palaeographically and codicologically. Survived with lacunae as it is, information about the form and content, given in the oldest apograph from the 1680s, has been included in the analysis. The conclusions are that the manuscript originally consisted of 78 or 82 pages (only 60 have survived), that it is a fair copy, and that the individual chapters have been entered in a discontinuous process. After that the article deals with the authorship. In two of the chapters the name of an author is mentioned. It is in the Viborg chapter, where Friar Jacobus gives the information that his knowledge goes back to the Guardian Niels, and in the Ystad chapter, where Friar Erasmus tells that his informer is the Guardian Anders. Thus, on the basis of verbal and linguistic analyses several scholars have tried to determine whether the two friars could have written other chapters in the chronicle. First Friar Erasmus, then Friar Jacobus have been regarded as the main and principal author of the chronicle. The present author raises serious objections to the linguistic analyses made so far and then carries out a new analysis of the language. It is done without regard for old dogmas. On the basis of similarities and dissimilarities he concludes that each chapter has its own individual author. Consequently, Friar Jacobus and Friar Erasmus are only the authors of the chapters in which they are named. The article rejects the existence of an editor. The scriptor seems to have copied without any changes what has been written locally in the still existing friaries and submitted to the provincial administration at Roskilde. Therefore, as a collection of these reports the manuscript NKS 276 8vo can be regarded as an original manuscript, not a copy, as hitherto asserted. Next come the problems of the production, dating and purpose of the chronicle. In opposition to previous scholars who have dated the composition of the original reports to 1528-1533 and the collection of these into a chronicle to the autumn of 1534 or later, the article argues for a composition and collection in the late spring or early summer of 1533 (after the death of King Frederick I April 10, 1533). It rejects not that the purpose was to get back the lost friaries, but that it should be achieved by legal action. The chronicle itself makes no claims for a restitution and has no formal legal structure. Therefore it seems more likely that it was intented to be handed over to the bishops, so that the reading could persuade them and the other chancellors of the realm to re-establish the friaries. As a conclusion the article reflects on the destiny of the friars. The Lutheran suppression is compared with the persecution of the Conventuals by the Observants twenty to forty years earlier. The argumentation against the Conventuals was exactly the same as those against the Observants during the Reformation. Identical were also the persecution and the friars’ reaction. So History seems to have repeated itself. The article is followed by four appendices: a codicological survey of the manuscript NKS 276 8vo, a list of words and expressions of biblical origin, a list of Franciscan words and expressions, and a survey of the use of conjunctions and other significant particles in the different chapters of the chronicle
Thorvaldsens Kristus i landsbykirkeme: Altertavle eller ej?
No full textThe article takes as its point of departure a work about Thorvaldsen’s statue of Christ, published in connection with an exhibition of sketches for the adornment of the cathedral of Our Lady in Copenhagen. The two chapters that deal with opinions of the Christ-figure are commented upon and supplemented. Furthermore, a couple of examples of opinions from the eighteen hundred and fifties are provided. One concerns a church owner who considered a copy of Thorvaldsen’s statue to be a fully satisfactory substitute for an altarpiece; but who met with refusal on the part of the supervisory authority. The figure was, however, deemed acceptable when it was combined with an altar-piece, on the ground that the right attitude of devotion must be supposed to be ”better attainable by means of painting than by means ofsculpture”. There follows a discussion of some of the many churches where copies were ”suitable combined” with an altar-piece; and mention is made of providers of copies in various sizes and materials: marble, plaster, zinc, or bronze. Finally, it is pointed out that in some places early in the 19th century eevn an altar-piece was dispensed with. Some pastors preferred the minister to face the congregation permanently, and they argued, not without success, for removing the altar-table to a position between minister and people