Journal Phasis - Greek and Roman Studies

Kobakhidze, Ekaterine

Phasis 13-14, 2010-2011
Ekaterine Kobakhidze (Tbilisi)
THE TRADITION OF FOSTER ADOPTION IN ANCIENT 
MEDITERRANEAN AREA AND GEORGIA
(TYPOLOGICAL SIMILIARITIES)
One Etruscan mirror found in Volterra and dated 350-325 BC, shows 
Etruscan supreme goddess Uni, who is the equivalent of Roman Juno and 
Greek Hera, suckling adult bearded Hercle (Roman Hercules and Greek 
Heracles). The inscription on the picture says that Hercle is Uni's son –
unial clan.1 Two gods and two goddesses attend the scene. Such a scene is 
not the only one ever found.2
Such a theme is unknown to Greek mythology. However, there is one 
myth about Hera and Heracles, which is somehow linked to this version 
depicted on the Etruscan mirror. The legend is preserved in works by 
Diodorus of Sicily and Pausanias. The story is as follows: Fearing jealous 
Hera, Alcmene left newborn Heracles in the field beyond the walls of 
Thebes. Instructed by Zeus, Athena called Hera to have a stroll there. The 
goddess of wisdom made Hera pity the crying and hungry baby 
abandoned by his mother and asked her to feed the child. Hera breastfed 
Heracles, but the latter sucked so hard that the embittered goddess flung 
him aside. Breastfeeding Heracles, Hera made him immortal and, as the 
myth says, the spilt milk was transformed into the Milky Way.3
According to another version, Hermes took baby Heracles to Olympus 
and Zeus laid the newborn at Hera's breast while she was sleeping. The 
                                                
1 TLE (39) – Pallottino M., Testimonia Linguae Etruscae, Firenze 1968.
2 Similar scenes can be found on Apulian and Felsinean mirrors (four in all) and a 
locket from Praeneste. Cf. Van Der Meer L. G., Interpretatio Etrusca, Greek Myths on 
Etruscan Mirrors, Amsterdam 1995, 124.
3 Diodoros Sicullus, Bibliotheca Historicae, IV, 9 – Pausania, Descriptio Graeciae, IX, 25, 2.
Ekaterine Kobakhidze56
baby sucked the goddess with such force that she woke up and flung him 
down and a spurt of milk flew across the sky and became the Milky Way.4
Despite similarity, there is an essential difference between the Etruscan 
and Greek themes. In particular, Etruscan Heracles has a beard and he is 
not a baby like in the Greek myth. It is also noteworthy that in almost all 
versions of the Greek myth, Hera is Heracles' wet nurse, not mother.5
The aforementioned makes it difficult to admit that the theme depicted 
on the mirror of Volterra was "borrowed" from Greek mythology.
We have devoted a special study to Etruscan Hercle, which made it clear 
that the image consists of two chronological layers. One of them originates 
from a later period and is indeed linked to the Greek mythology on Heracles. 
This layer took shape as Hellenic mythology became more popular after 
Greek colonists established first settlements in Italy in the 8th century BC. The 
second layer is more archaic and is linked to the Pre-Indo-European 
population of the Mediterranean region. Analyzing archaeological data and 
information from ancient sources, we drew the following conclusions:
1. Hercle is an organic deity for the Etruscan religion;
2. Hercle is the son or an adopted son of a supreme god (possibly Uni);
3. Hercle seems to be linked to the celestial world;
4. Hercle cannot be regarded as the Etruscan interpretation of Heracles.
It is noteworthy that Roman Hercules also proved not to be a simple 
copy of Greek Heracles.6
The etymology of the name – Heracles – also provides information for 
conclusions. The explanation by mythographers that "Heracles" is derived 
from "Hera" and "Cleo" ("Hera's glory") seemed unnatural back in ancient 
times. It is difficult to imagine that the glorification of Heracles through 
his rivalry with Hera could have contributed to the creation of his name. 
The "awkwardness" was sensed by authors of antiquity, who referred to 
the aforementioned episode of breastfeeding and other myths to "settle" 
relations between Hera and Heracles, noting at the same time that 
Heracles was called Alcaeus before Hera adopted him.7 In our opinion, the 
fact that the mother (Alcmene) and the son (Alcaeus) bore names derived 
from one stem points to the matriarchal and Pre-Greek roots of the cult of 
                                                
4 Eratosthenes, 44; Higinus, II, 43.
5 The only exception in this regard is the information that residents of Thebes regarded 
Heracles as Hera's son (Eratosthenes, 44; Higinus, II, 43, Diodorus Sicullus, 4, 10).
6 For details cf.: Kobakhidze E., "Italian" Heracles, Logos. The Annual of Greek and 
Roman Studies, 2, 2004, 178 (in Georgian; Summary in English).
7 Homerus, Ilias, XIX, 95 ff; Apollod., II, 4, 5; Plautus, Amph., 1096; Diod. Sic., IV, 10.
The Tradition of Foster Adoption in Ancient... 57
Heracles. Presumably, the mother of proto-Heracles was quite popular 
among the Pre-Indo-European tribes of the Mediterranean region. The fact 
that her name "disappeared" in the new name of her son and was replaced 
by Hera was probably a manifestation of Greek expansion. In particular, 
the recognition of Heracles as Zeus' son probably shows that the cult was 
incorporated in the Greek pantheon (cf. the canonization of Dionysius in a 
similar manner).
It is clear that the Greek religion and mythology accepted the step, because 
this cult was highly popular. However, the recognition of Heracles and 
Dionysius did not imply the recognition of their mothers, as they were mortal 
women. Moreover, Heracles acquired a new mother – unrivalled Hera. That 
was why Alcmene's son Alcaeus was called Heracles. At the same time, the 
same deity, who was believed to be Uni's son, continued its existence in the 
Etruscan world of ancient Italy. (It is noteworthy that the stem *cl-, *cle- means 
"son" in Etruscan. Correspondingly, Hera+cleos=Hera's son) As regards 
Etruscan Uni, the presence of her name on the Bronze Liver8 makes it clear 
that this deity belonged to Etruscan haruspices and worshipping and was 
organic for the Etruscan religion.
Given the aforementioned, what is depicted on the mirror of Volterra? In 
our opinion, it depicts the tradition or ritual of foster adoption, which was 
characteristic of the Pre-Greek and Pre-Italic population of the Mediterranean 
region and was preserved in the Etruscan tradition. An adult person 
(presumably, most frequently man) sucked the breast of his foster-mother 
(possibly in the presence of eyewitnesses), becoming her foster son.
Let us now consider the tradition of foster adoption from the 
ethnological viewpoint. Ethnography has established three types of 
kinship: blood kinship, marital kinship, and a third type of kinship created 
artificially. There is no single term in special literature to denote the latter. 
Such kinship is called "fictitious",9 "spiritual",10 "artificial", or "milk"11
kinship. Researchers regard as such kinship emerging on the basis of 
adopting and baptizing children, entrusting babies to wet nurses, 
entrusting children to other families, and becoming sworn brothers.
                                                
8 Maggiani A., Qualche osservazione sul fegato di Piacenza, SE, voll L, MCMLXXII, 
serie III 1982, 53-98; Van der Meer. The Bronze liver of Pianceza, Amsterdam 1987.
9 Ковалевский М. М., Современный обычай и древний закон: Обычное право 
Осетии в историко-сравнительном освещении, Т. II, Москва 1886, 311; 312; 314.
10 Зелинский С., Родство. Известия кавказского отдела императорского русского 
географического общества, т. XII, 1897, 153. 
11 Гардинов В. К., "Кормилице и кормилише" краткой редакции "Русской-правды". 
краткие сообщения Института Этнографии АН СССР, Вып. 35, 1960, 49.
Ekaterine Kobakhidze58
Artificial kinship can be found in traditions of many peoples of the 
world (for example, Ossetians, Armenians, Yugoslavs, Russians, Geor-
gians, and others). It is obvious that Hera's breastfeeding baby Heracles, 
which was mentioned above, is a reflection of such kinship. It probably 
corresponds to the tradition of entrusting babies to wet nurses.
The theme depicted on the Etruscan mirror is different from the types 
of artificial kinship found in Greek myths. The former is not linked to 
entrusting babies to wet nurses. It is rather an example of adoption (and 
the inscription on the mirror explains this). To be more precise, it is a 
specific type of adoption – foster adoption.
The tradition of foster adoption depicted on the Etruscan mirror is 
very specific. It has no analogues in the ancient world. However, it is 
interesting that it seems to be linked to the specific ethnic version of foster 
adoption widespread in almost all Georgian regions. Like the theme 
shown on the mirror of Volterra, it is about the adoption of an adult 
person by a family with no blood kinship to him. In this case, the mother 
of a family adopts an alien son, who has his own family.
As artificial kinship, the act of foster adoption implied, as a rule, 
specific relations not only between two people (in this case, between a 
foster mother and a foster son), but also between two families.
Let us now consider concrete examples from the Kartvelian world.
This tradition was quite widespread in Georgia's mountain regions, 
particularly in Khevsureti.12 It is noteworthy that this tradition was alive 
even in the 20th century, which is confirmed by an excerpt from well-
known Georgian writer Mikheil Javakhishvili. In his White Collar, a young 
protagonist of the story says: "A great event took place yesterday. The 
Tsiklauris made me Tsiklauri. The families of Mgelika and Totia adopted 
me. I touched Nanuka's, Iamze's, and Mzekala's breasts with my teeth".13
The same ritual is found in the Svan traditions.14
In some Georgian regions, specifically in Samegrelo and Lechkhumi, a 
family could adopt a son, because they had lost their own son. The ritual 
was almost the same as in Khevsureti and Svaneti. Specifically, in 
Samegrelo, "a mother, who had lost her son, would adopt a son in a ritual 
that created the full illusion of breastfeeding. A young man would visit his 
mother-to-be and touch her breast with his teeth, which was called 
                                                
12 Javakhadze N., Ethnic Specificity of Artificial Kinship in Khevsureti. Georgian-
Caucasian Ethnographic Studies (1987), Tbilisi 1990, 100-115 (in Georgian).
13 Javakhishvili M., White Collar. Selected Works in Six Volumes, vol. II, Tbilisi 1959, 509 
(in Georgian).
14 Ониани А., Сванские тексты на Лашхском наречии, С-Петербург 1927, 43.
The Tradition of Foster Adoption in Ancient... 59
dzudzush kibirish gedguma [touching the breast with teeth] in Megrelian. 
The foster son would then say an oath: 'You are my mother and I am your 
son' and behave like the son, who had just come back home... From that 
moment on, the mother, who had lost her son would become his 
dida(pu)chapili and he would become skuachapili. The sons of the family 
would become foster brothers and daughters foster sisters".1516
If in Lechkhumi, a woman adopted a son to replace her own son, the 
foster son would touch her breast with his teeth on the first anniversary of 
the death of the woman's son.17
Examples of foster adoption could also be found in Georgian folklore.
In the Georgian fairy tale Reed Girl, the prince tells the giant's mother: 
"Mother, I implore you to give me some water. I am thirsty". The mother 
of the giant adopts him as her son and helps him, explaining: "Had I 
wanted, I would have eaten you up immediately, but you called me 
mother and that saved you".18
We think it is also important that touching a breast with teeth as described 
in fairy tales is one of the means of sharing a mystery and a kind of oath. In 
particular, the protagonist in the well-known Georgian fairy tale Aspurtsela
finds it to be the only way to make his mother say the truth.19
As a conclusion, we can say that it is necessary to look deeper into the 
typological similarity between the traditions of foster adoption of 
Mediterranean and Kartvelian tribes. Numerous other parallel rituals that 
may be found during the research may provide an opportunity to draw 
reliable conclusions. It is of course impossible to make a universal 
conclusion at this stage of research, but it is obvious that the ethnographic 
and folklore materials, which ethnological studies are based on, are indeed 
important in studying relations between various peoples. A number of 
fundamental works have been created recently20 on Mediterranean-Geor-
gian relations and such materials may serve as an additional argument.
                                                
15 Sakhokia T., The Cult of the Dead in Samegrelo. Materials for Georgia's Ethnography, 
III, Tbilisi 1940, 180-182 (in Georgian).
16 Sakhokia T., Ethnographic Studies, Tbilisi 1956, 76-77 (in Georgian).
17 Savakhadze N., Op. cit., 111.
18 The Folklore of Caucasus Peoples. The author of the project and editor-in-chief –
Naira Gelashvili. Special editor Lia Chlaidze compiled the collection of works and 
wrote the Introduction and notes, Tbilisi 2008, 46 (in Georgian).
19 Aspurtsela. In: Beloved Fairy Tales. Planeta, Tbilisi 2001, 9 (in Georgian).
20 Rismag Gordeziani's study in four volumes – Mediterranea – Kartvelica, Logos, Tbilisi 
2007-2008 – is particularly noteworthy among the Works published on this issue over 
the past few years.


English

The Tradition of Foster Adoption in Ancient Mediterranean Area and Georgia

Alexidze, Lela

Orphische Theogonie und platonische Kosmologie in den Prokloskommentaren

Ugulava, Giorgi

Idee der Utopie in altgriechischer Literatur und ihre modernen Rezeptionen

Tonia, Nana

Time and Poetesses (Sappho, Cassia, Marina Tsvetaeva)

Pkhakadze, Manana

Chagunava, Raul

Medea and "The Description Of Megrelia" by Arcangelo Lamberti

Nikolaishvili, Sandro

Byzantine Imperial Ideology and Political Thinking: Model for the 12th-Century Georgian Kingship

Mtchedlidze, Magda

On the History of the Term μῆνις

Kiria, Ekaterine

Pneumatological Research according to the Third Homily of "De Oratione Dominica" of Gregory of Nyssa

Garibashvili, Manana

Ancient Motifs in the Works of Georgian Symbolists

Abulashvili, Medea

Phasis 13-14, 2010-2011
Medea Abulashvili (Tbilisi)
SOME REMARKS ON THE GENESIS OF GREEK AND GEORGIAN 
NON-RITUAL SONGS
The search for the common cultural and linguistic roots of various peoples 
is impossible without examining folklore. Georgian verse, with its 
vocabulary and symbolic images, sometimes accompanied by visual and 
emotive forms of expression (tune, dance, games, ritual), best of all 
conveys not only civil consciousness, moral norms and national identity, 
but also intercultural logic and even the encounter of civilizations and 
cultural migrations and integrations.
In this article, I will dwell on the folk lyrics, which now have lost their 
ritual significance, but may presumably have stemmed originated from a 
ritual. As time passed, along with the abandonment of customs, they 
broke off from their roots and were modified following the development 
of artistic vision. As the question is very subtle and cannot be covered in 
one article, I will only confine myself to several observations and 
hypotheses. The most expected theme to open the discussions obviously is 
immurement lyrics, so widespread among many peoples. However, I will 
not dwell on it as the topic has been covered in my earlier article Folk 
Fancy or Reminiscences Shaped as a Legend?, published in one of the issues of 
Phasis.1
In my opinion, a number of Greek songs known as allegorical songs2
must be associated with the archaic age. This assumption is prompted by 
their content, vocabulary and the conversational genre. I believe the 
allegories and metaphors found in the lyrics stem from old beliefs, pagan
cults and animal or bird totems. The most recurrent bird image found in 
                                                
1 Phasis. Greek and Roman Studies, 9, Tbilisi 2006, 7-13.
2 Πετρόπουλος Δ., Ελληνικά Δημοτικά Τραγούδια 1959, 83-101.
Medea Abulashvili116
the texts is partridge, while among the images of plants prevail role, 
dandelion, cypress, apple tree, bay tree and lemon bush, which can be 
found in allegorical, as well as in love, wedding, mourning and didactic 
songs.
I will dwell on the tree cult, as the respective examples are more vivid 
and illustrative.
A number of non-ritual Greek songs are devoted to a tree which is 
believed to be absolutely special:
Δέντρο έιχα στην αυλή μου,             I had a tree in my yards,
τι κλαράκι δεν το ξέρω, So thickly branched I never knew 
                                                            (can hardly be imagined)
πράσινα, ξανθά’ν’τα φύλλα             Green, fair leaves 
κι ασημένια τα κλωνάρια.3            And silver limbs.
Και δεν ξέρω τι δέντρο ’ να            And I do not know what tree it is,
πόχ’ ολόχρυσα τα φύλλα...              Whose leaves are gilt (golden) all over …,
και στη ρίζα κρύα βρύση…4             And there is a cold spring at its foot …
In one of the songs, the tree is decorated with a gold cross, which is 
worshipped: 
Στη Ρουμέλη ένα δέντρο In Rumelia5, one tree, 
πλατύφυλλο και δροσερό broadleaved and young, 
έχει στη ρίζα κρύο νερό Has a cold spring at its foot 
και στην κορφή χρυσό σταυρό, And a gold cross on its top
που πάνε οι ναύτες για νερό Where sailors go for water
κι ορκίζουντ’ όλοι στο σταυρό.6 And all swear an oath on before cross.
Some lyrics specify the species of the tree and even present a dialogue 
with it:
Μωρή κοντούλα λεμονιά με τα πολλά λεμόνια,
  low lemon tree bearing many lemons,
πότ’ άυξησες και πλάτυνες και απόλυσες κλωνάρια
When did you bloom and became large and grew branches
κι όλο τον κόσμο σκέπασες και όλην την οικουμένη...7
And covered the whole land and the whole world...
                                                
3 Ibid; 93, 112.
4 Ibid; 112
5 Continental Greece.
6 Πετρόπουλος Δ., 94, 113/1-6.
7 Ibid; 97, 122. 
Some Remarks on the Genesis of Greek and Georgian non-Ritual Songs 117
The tree of the Greek songs is distinguished not only by its appearance 
and by being an object of human respect8, but also because it can impose 
prohibitions to men. For example, in one of the lyrics, an apple tree would 
not give out its fruits to men: (Μηλία δεν αφήνει να πάρω μήλο).9
Another detail of no less significance is a tree standing in a yard or 
near a gate, which serves as a presentiment of the death of a close person:
Δέντρο είχαμε στην πόρτα μας και πύργο στην αυλή μας
We had a tree by our door and a tower in the yard
και ξεριζώθη το δένδρο και πλάκωσε τον πύργο…10
And the tree withered and the tower collapsed …
Είχα μηλιά στην πόρτα μας και κλήμα στην αυλή μας...
I had an apple tree by the door and grapes in the yard,
τώρα μηλιά μαράθηκε το κλήμαν εξεράθη...11
Now the apple tree and the grapes have withered …
Καήκανε τα δύο δένδρα που ήσαν αδελφωμένα12
Two trees have burnt down, which had grown together 
στη μέση του περιβολιού μας κάη το κυπαρίσσι,
In the middle of our yard, cypress is burning,
Που’χε στη ρύζα κρύο νερό και κρυσταλλένια βρύση...13
This had cold waters at its foot and a pure spring... 
In the Georgian folklore, the death of a close person is likewise 
associated with a damaged tree:
qalma sTqva: vnaxe sizmari damdegs enkenisTvisasa,
A woman said: I have dreamt a dream as September was coming in;
ca wiTlad-yviTlad elavda, setyvas isvrida qvisasa, 
The sky was glowing red and yellow, it was hailing stones;
ZilSi mimtvrevda xexilsa, dargulsa alvis xisasa...
I dreamt it was smashing down a tree in my yard, the poplar tree …
                                                
8 According to Greek songs, man has a special attitude to partridge, which, like the 
above-mentioned tree, is covered with gold. The hunter does not kill it, but feed it 
with sugar, showing particular respect. In some songs, it is referred to as “mother” 
(Πετρόπουλος Δ., 107, 114, 132). A similar image is dandelion, which is presented ex-
actly like the tree in the above-mentioned songs (wide-leaved, sprouting, covering the 
whole area). The songs also contain a call for treating a dandelion in a special way, 
while its stealth or disappearance from the yard causes sorrow (Ibid., 116, 117, 118).
9 Ibid., 99, 129.
10 Ibid., 243.
11 Ibid., 245.
12 Ibid., 65.
13 Ibid., 64.
Medea Abulashvili118
vnaxe da kidec Seveswar sikvdilsa Tavis qmrisasa.14
Having had such a dream, I indeed witnessed the death of my hus-
band.
According to Georgian scholars, the poplar tree of the Georgian 
folklore is a cypress. It obviously was a cult tree in Pre-Christian  Georgia 
and was later quite naturally adopted in Christianity.15
The following Greek song, which Greek scholars assign to the 
mourning cycle, seems especially interesting and relevant in this regard:
      Κυπαρισσάκι μ’όμορφο, που θές να σε φυτέψω ...
My beautiful cypress, where do you want me to plant you?16
Θε να σε βάλω φύτεμα μεσ’ στο νεκροταφείο,
I will plant you in the grave yard,
να απλώσεις κλώνους και κλώνια, κλώνους και περικλώνια,
So that you could grow boughs, branches, limbs and twigs,
και στα περικλωνάρια σου καντήλια θα κρεμάσω,
And I will hang an icon lamp on your branches, 
da Sens ganStoebebze kandelebs Camovkideb,
για να’ρχεται η μαννούλα σου, δάκρυα να τα γιομίζη,
So that you mother could come and fill it with tears,
raTa movides dedaSeni da aavsos cremlebiT,
νά’ρχοντα και τ’αδέλφια σου, για να το απογιομίζουν.17
And your brothers and sisters could come and fill it up to the rim.
The special attitude to a tree expressed in the beginning of the quoted 
song evidently reflects the ancient custom of worshiping a tree, which is 
characteristic of many peoples of the world. In the following lines, this 
repercussion of the pagan cult acquires Christian tints as they mention an 
icon lamp, an important church attribute. The text also conveys an ancient 
tradition of planting a tree on the burial ground, while at the end, the tree 
is identified with the deceased. This could be interpreted as an 
unambiguous expression of totemism on the one hand and as the starting 
stage of the metaphorization of flora on the other – i. e. the tree totem is 
the grounds that fostered the poetic symbolism of plants. An analogical 
example can also be found in Greek love songs, full of metaphors and 
similes. No one argues that in love songs a metaphor is the way of 
                                                
14 Kotetishvili V., Folk Poetry, 2nd ed., Tbilisi 1961, 70 (in Georgian).
15 Georgian Folklore, vol. 3, ed. By M. Chikovani, Tbilisi 1964, 158-176 (in Georgian).
16 Some versions of this song continue with reasoning on why the teller cannot plant the 
cypress in the yard, at the sea-side or in the river. 
17 Πετρόπουλος Δ., 245. 
Some Remarks on the Genesis of Greek and Georgian non-Ritual Songs 119
rendering emotions. However, if folk festivities and ceremonies are 
assumed to be the best environment for expressing the feelings, the traces 
of rituals and archaic beliefs can be discerned even in love songs, which
passed such a long way of evolution and modification that may appear 
somewhat detached when presented from this particular perspective. It 
can only be said that when looking for the genetic tie and the ritual import 
of love lyrics, one might find especially interesting the phrases inviting the 
listeners outdoors for some news (e. g. Ευγάτ’ αγόρια στο χορό, κοράσια, στα 
τραγούδια, να ιδήτε και να μάθετε, πως πιάνετ’ η αγάπη).18 Such phrases are 
obviously attuned to the content of Greek ritual lyrics, which must be 
indicative of the genetic ties between seasonal and love songs, with ritual 
serving as their common grounds.
Another genre of non-ritual folk lyrics is lullabies. As lulling children 
to sleep cannot be called a ritual, the accompanying songs cannot be 
considered ritual songs either. On the other hand, they undoubtedly 
contain the elements of blessing and magic. During child’s ailment, the 
Greek lullaby could be performed for ritual purposes. This assumption is 
suggested by one of the versions of the song:
Κοιμήσου με την Παναγιά και με τον Άι-Γιάννη
Go to sleep (together) with Virgin Mary and John the Prophet
και με τον Τίμιο Σταυρό και όπου πονεί να γιάνει...19
And the Holy Cross, and your pain will be relieved...
Words with nan stem, found in the lullabies of some nations (e. g. 
Georgian iavnana vardovanana, ias gik’reb, vards gik’onav, nana, nana, nana, 
bat’ono, nanaia, nana-shvilo, nanas ch’irime, nana, nana, nanisnana, iavnaninao, 
nana, nanas getqviana, nana nana mamasa, gazrda gakharebasa, etc.)20 are 
typical of the Greek lullaby as well:
Νάνι του και νάνα του, Nani to him and nana to him,
όσο νά’ρθ’η μάννα του...21 Till his mother comes ...
Νάνι το λέγ’ αυγερινός, Nani is said by the morning star, 
νάνι το λέγ’ η πούλια, Nani is said by a bird,
νάνι το λέγ’ η μάνα μου…22 Nani is said by my mother …
                                                
18 Greek Love Folk Songs, Tbilisi 1999, 10-11.
19 Μαγκλη Μ., Καπελλά Θ., Λαογραφικά Καλύμνου, Αθήνα 1997, 123.
20 Georgian Folk Treasury, vol. 1, Tbilisi 1991, 245-249.
21 Πετρόπουλος Δ., 1959, 147. 
22 Ibid., 150.
Medea Abulashvili120
Νάνι, που τό’ σπερνε αιτός...23 Nani to (him) who was con      
ceived by an eagle ...
Νάνι, νάνι, το παιδάκι Nani, nani to the child,
που κοιμάται σαν τ’ αρνάκι…24 Who is sleeping like a lamb …
According to the widely accepted theory, worlds with nan-stem must 
have denoted an ancient idol.25 If we share this assumption, we could 
argue that lullabies must have once had an unambiguously ritual import.
Greek akritic lyrics, genetically related to mourning songs, may also 
have been associated with rituals. As links between laments and the heroic 
poetry are quite common in folk art, the idea expressed in the present 
article cannot be considered as a test for methodological novelty. 
Therefore, I will only confine myself to highlighting that the songs of the 
klefts and armatoloi do not show any affinity with lamentations although 
they are reckoned among the Greek heroic poetry along with akritic songs. 
I believe this has a simple explanation: akritic songs are much earlier than 
kleftic and therefore, clearly convey the traces of genetic links established 
upon their creation or at the early stage of development. These links are 
sometimes so vivid that whole formulae repeat unaltered in songs and 
mourning lyrics related to Digenes Akritas and other akritians.26
Greek love songs have phrases that may suggest associations with the 
remote age of the sun cult:
Παρακαλώ σε ήλιε μου να γοργοβασιλέψεις...
Please, Sun, be late to set down …
να βρω ψωμί, να βρω κρασί και ρούχα για να βάλω...27
So that I could earn some bread and wine, and clad myself,
Έυγα ήλιε για να βγώ, να λάμψεις για να λάμψω...28
Come up, Sun, so that I could come out and light up so that I could 
light up …
Εγώ τον ήλιο αγαπώ, τον κουρνιαχτό ζυλεύω...29
I love the Sun and envy the cloud …
                                                
23 Σαρεγιάννη Φ., Νανουρίσματα, ταχταρίσματα, παιχνιδάκια, Αθήνα 1953, 92.
24 Ibid., 94.
25 Georgian Folklore, 99. 
26 Saunier G., Is There such a Thing as an Acritic Song? Problems in the Classiticution of 
Modern Greek Narrative Songs in New Approaches to Byzantine Heroic Poetry, ed., 
by Beaton R., Ricks D., London 1993, 12-16.
27 Πετρόπουλος Δ., 52.
28 Ibid., 48.
29 Ibid., 50.
Some Remarks on the Genesis of Greek and Georgian non-Ritual Songs 121
I believe these verses must be the vestiges of hymns to the Sun, which 
have nowadays lost the function of supplication. In this connection, it 
seems to be highly appropriate to remember the following Georgian folk 
verse:
mzeo, amodi, amodi, nu efarebi gorasa,30
Sun, rise, rise, do not hide beyond the hill.
Or a Pre-Christian  Georgian song, performed when child was going to 
sleep or had woken up:
mze Sina da mze gareTa,
The Sun inside and the Sun outside,
mzev, Sin Semodio!
Sun, come in!
... wiTel kabas Segikerav,
I will sew for you a red dress,
mzev, Sin Semodio!
Sun, come in!
sanatrelsa, frialasa,
A wonder dress, a wavy dress
mzev, Sin Semodio! 31
Sun, come in!
Here is another wonderful Georgian folk verse:
mze dedaa Cemi, 
The Sun is my mother,
mTvare – mama Cemi,
The Moon is my father
mocimcime varskvlavebi 
Twinkling stars are
da da Zmaa Cemi32
my sisters and brothers
The following Greek love song also reflects the animistic world view:
Ήλιε, γιατί’σαι κίτρινος, γιατί’σαι μαραμένος;
Sun, why are you yellow, why are you bleached?
Μάννα μ’, μιά κόρη που είδα γώ στον αργαλείο και υφαίνει...
My mother, a girl I saw by a loom weaving …
εκείνη με βαλάντωσεν, εκείνη με μαραίνει.33
                                                
30 Georgian Folk Treasury, 7.
31 Ibid., 10.
32 Ibid; 9.
33 Πετρόπουλος, 37 α΄, β΄.
Medea Abulashvili122
She tires me, makes me feeble.
Celestial bodies figure in Georgian love songs as well: 
caze mze dabnelebula, 
The Sun has eclipsed in the sky
mTvare ayrida Saqarsa,
The Moon was strewing sugar at her,
mTvare, nu ayri Saqarsa,
Moon, do not strew sugar,
aravin mogcems mag qalsa,34
No one will give you he lady (in marriage).
When discussing the sun cult, one should not ignore an extract from a 
folk verse about the personified sun deity called Barbol, who is attended 
personally by the Holy Virgin:
lamaria35 sefas giSlis,
Lamaria lays for you a table under the arbor branches
lamaria surnels gikmevs,
Lamaria burns incense for you,
Segvewie barbol dolaS,
Come to our help, Barbol Dolash,
ra gamolevs, vidre gvwyalob,
Until your benevolence rests with us,
saRmrTo qvevrSi wminda Rvinos,
We will not run out of the holy wine in the divine jar
sasxverploze _ wminda zvaraks36
And the sacred offering on the sacrificial alter.
Here is another Svan prayer to the Sun, called Lile:
dideba Senda, dido RmerTo,
Glory to you, great God, 
dideba Senda, zeciero! 
Glory to you, the heavenly being.
oqrosi gidgas sra sasaxle, 
You have a golden palace,
zRude gavlia oqrovani37
With a gold wall around.
                                                
34 Georgian Folk Treasury, 8. 
35 Virgin Mary.
36 Georgian Folk Treasury, 11.
37 Ibid., 10.
Some Remarks on the Genesis of Greek and Georgian non-Ritual Songs 123
Though Greek and Georgian relations are attested at the latest from the 
age of colonization, I do not aim to assert that the cult texts found in 
folklore are the result of mutual influence. However, it should be noted 
that in the Greek mythological thought Colchian Medea is presented as 
the descendent of the Sun god, while etymological links between Helios, 
Lile and lelo – lelo being an ancient Georgian game related to the sun cult, 
the prototype of rugby – are beyond doubt.
I believe the cited texts provide enough grounds to assert that songs 
nowadays assigned to non-ritual corpora are rooted in ancient pagan 
beliefs and magic rituals. When the latter were forgotten, the songs, 
having lost their ritual function, reshaped the relics of the past and laid the 
foundation for new genres.


Some Remarks on the Genesis of Greek and Georgian Non-Ritual Songs

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