Journal Phasis - Greek and Roman Studies

Tsanava, Rusudan

English

Odysseus: A Modern Discourse of an Epic Hero

Dimasi, Maria

Manelidou, Ilona

Λογοτεχνικές μεταφράσεις του έργου του Ακάκι Τσερετέλι στην ελληνική γλώσσα και διαπολιτισμικός διάλογος. Το αυτοαναφορικό στοιχείο ως σχόλιο διακειμενικότητας στην ανάγνωση ποιήματος του Τσερετέλι και του Οδυσσέα Ελύτη

Burjanadze, Rusudan

Phasis 13-14, 2010-2011
Rusudan Burjanadze (Tbilisi) 
ANTIQUITY IN MODERN GEORGIAN LITERATURE
“Homo homini lupus est” – says Latin proverb. “Man is a bridge for 
another man” – responds Georgian. If we transfer those two proverbs into 
an interrogative form we’ll get two philosophical questions and almost as 
many answers as much people live in this world, people who are 
separated from each other by time, centuries and space and humans of 
different nationality, age and intellectual potential accept worse as a tool 
of achievement in a search and rush of better tomorrow.
Antique world for modern human besides some delighted epithets 
first of all is a world of myth and legend. World, where divine passion 
rages on the verge of impossible and wakes up modern consumers 
sleeping soul, and unbelievable diversity of irrational colors effortlessly 
conquers ones mind and when it happens, he or she doesn’t even want to 
return in real world. May be that’s the reason what made K. 
Gamsakhurdia to say, that losing the hero is not just a crises for a writer, 
but nonexistence. “Myth was the utmost intension of human-god and art” 
– he says. His three best novels are based on mythology: Tabu, Bold Gakhu
and Khogais Mindia.
Search for mythological topic serves to reveal irrational world at one 
hand, and helps to describe reality at another. Thing is, myths had been 
created in certain environment, under certain conditions, been influenced 
by various religious or everyday life’s circumstances, describing and 
explaining those reasons creates base for realism in writer’s work. 
Comparison of those three novels highlights and explains the mission 
which writer defines for myth during the period of his philosophical and 
creative maturity.
Tabu is an expressional novel and most vividly brings out a trail of 
fantasy and mirage in form and in content. Family feud between 
Antiquity in Modern Georgian Literature 141
Karbedia’s and Biskaia’s ends when, Akumi Khvaramze gives a birth to 
scorpion. That’s the plot of the novel, but in this plot there is hidden idea 
mixed with mythology – human’s cruelty, destiny’s inevitability, 
helplessness of man’s will. Modernism in whole and expressionism in 
particular case often uses myth and legend in literature to develop the 
theme. The depth of emotional experience in this novel, highlighted naked 
reality is very typical for expressionism. Khvaramze’s dream about 
reddish man and the scene of birth of the scorpion is so vivid and horrific, 
that it could be compared to Kafka’s novels horrifying expression.
Bold Gakhu is built on mythological plot although in this novel there 
are some imaginary scenes, it is most realistic picture of ‘had been mans’ 
tragic comedy. 
Tagu Samugia and bold Gakhu – ugly break offs of Manuchar Dadiani 
remained in new reality as an unattractive shadows of the past. Tagu is a 
cruel sign of feudalist class, bold Gash is a symbol of degradation of same 
society. Deep inside of their soul settled strict irreconcilability, unbroken 
stubborn spirit, huge internal pain and revenge directed against their own 
self. In some of Gamsakhurdia’s novels we wouldn’t find defined 
character, because the writer needs particular character just to bring up an 
issue or to illustrate his ideas. Those characters are not active; they are not 
engage in conflict with events and therefore are not reveal their nature.
In Bold Gakhu we have two marvelously defined characters. Tagu 
Samugia – adventurer from romantic days stuck in “our time” is flexible, 
crook, predator with fine manners. “Long, aristocratic hands” – are 
Dadian’s heritage. “Scar from knife on his longish, prince like face”-
remainder of his unknown, violent past. Despite duality of this character 
his personality is strictly monolithic: full of hate toward modern life and 
silenced because of fear.
Not less interesting is Gakhu’s character, he is called village’s moron 
and nobody suspects that stupidity is just a tool, mask to save Temra. Very 
moving the scene of Temra’s death, where Gakhu mourns, cries quietly, 
tears ran down on his face, this huge man becomes tiny and repeats tender 
words … After that day he doesn’t care any more about anything, he reaps 
off the mask of moron, life becomes senseless and he hangs himself.
In novel Khogais Mindia mythological plot carries highest ideas of 
humanism. The novel is based on adventure of snake eater Mindia, which 
earlier became the foundation of Vaja-Pshavela’s famous poem, but in 
difference in Vaja’s poem Mindia’s wisdom became reason and defining 
factor of his loneliness and tragedy, in this poem we see whole severity of 
estranging low, deep pain as a result of isolation from society. In 
Rusudan Burjanadze142
Gamsakhurdia’s novel Mindia deliberately isolates himself from humans, 
they couldn’t understand the necessity of kindness, love, compassion and 
unity. Gamsakhurdia’s character is a lone fighter for the highest human 
kindness and ideals and as every loner doomed for defeat. But I have to 
note, the existence of this type of people defines progress of humanity. 
Unfortunately, their life and effort becomes appreciated only after they 
pass away and like most geniuses usually never end with natural death. 
May be because, that life resilience of mankind hugely depends on 
existence of myth and legend, which are fed by misfortune and personal 
tragedy of “different” people. That’s how was created myth about Medea, 
who killed her own kids, Mozart and Salieri, Tsvetaeva and Rilke, Jana 
and Modigliani, Galaktion and Olga and etc.
Galaktion Tabidze wrote beautiful prayer in verse to save his love one. 
Sadly, this prayer couldn’t protect her, the addressee of this poem –
Galaktion’s only love and friend, candid supporter of his poetry, lifeline 
and connection to outside world. Olga Okujava as many other singled out 
person from grey crowd, fell victim of ugly punishing machine, but 
remained myth about Soviet reality and it would take long time for 
researchers to separate lies of that period from truth.
In my opinion, Galaktion fell there, when only connection to the world 
was cut off and began exhausting, mechanical wander in the desert, where 
blade of grass wouldn’t grow … And don’t forget, even his dreams were 
“not like ours”…
In different periods of human history mankind was loosing, regaining 
and loosing again antique world, it’s myths and legends, values which 
were main force and feeding source for philosophy, psychology, art and 
literature, values which already had become so organic for civilization that 
it is impossible to erase it from human memory and mind. 
That’s why it is little bit naïve to ask or discuss if it still up to date, do 
we still need to keep alive myths and legends? Would modernized forms, 
steps or streams of literature recognize and join what existed before? The 
answer is simple: what existed before is still exists and there is no way to 
get rid off it, and some conventions, which we, humans created, keep 
creating and often becoming victims of our creation – will pass by, like so 
many others past by. 
In the beginning of 20th century antique themes and mythology in 
general once again became topical in Georgia. Modernism for a while 
grew more popular than realism and some of its trail and representatives 
could be found in today’s literature.
Antiquity in Modern Georgian Literature 143
When Gamsakhurdia pointed out that “being without a myth means 
nonexistence” modernistic literature directions and streams were already 
widely using antique world’s symbols and outlooks as in poetry, as well 
in prose. Often, of course, usage of those themes and ideas were 
mechanical and wouldn’t add any value or importance to literature.
It wasn’t rare when modernistic tendencies would mix and tangle with 
different creative methods sometimes even with same authors (for 
example: symbolism – impressionism – expressionism – naturalism –
realism).
That’s natural if we consider that to search and establish new forms of 
expression at certain stage of development was kind of risky, especially in 
literature where flexibility of word is inferior to resources of color or 
musical sound. But still, different writers would search and find the word 
or fraise, which would come in conformity with musical sound or with 
bright or pale color.
One of directions of modernistic literature was impressionism and 
relationship with beauty of its followers reminds us antique world’s 
admiring stare at revelation of beautiful in art and in nature. 
Understanding the beauty with impressionists is very unique and doesn’t 
require searching for reasons of its creation.
“I don’t know how to take care of flower and don’t like that kind of 
activity, I just admire color of flower, the smell, especially velvet of leafs” 
(Coffee Shop of Artists, N. Lortkipanidze, Federation, 1934, 257).
Characters of miniatures of Jaju Jorjikia are antique Creek mythological 
heroes migrated in modern days.
Venera noticed that her beloved one, powerful Marce stood near the 
lake, overwhelmed by a beauty of unknown woman, kept motionless and 
stared at her.
“Don’t you have any shame?” – asked Venera, “Why? I was staring 
from far … far”, Marce stumbled and looked down. “That’s exactly the 
point you really were enjoying the beauty of her – nervously said Venera, 
grabbed his hand and forever took him away from those places” (Jorjikia 
J., Staring from Far, Etudes, Kutaisi 1919, 85). 
The beauty for impressionists is goddess, real and unreal both deserve 
to be admired, it’s unique, and “everything compare to it is nothing” 
(Portrait of Dorian Grey).
Cult of beauty is so big with impressionist writers that even biblical 
plot and themes get different realization in their work. In his novel Judas
Aristo Chumbadze explained Judas hater ness toward Christ with judas 
admiration to Maria from Magdalene (same motivation gave little earlier 
Rusudan Burjanadze144
Shio Aragvispireli in his novel Judas). The desire to conquer the beauty 
made Judas to commit a crime. Even in final minutes of his life only thing 
he regrets about is beautiful woman, who became the reason of his 
horrible sin and instead of enjoying life he ended up dead.
“Swinging traitor’s beautiful body and beyond tender music of leafs, a 
grey world left somewhere far behind seems to him pink” and still: “Oh, 
so sweet, sweet her love” (Chumbadze A., Judas, Novels, Tbilisi 1960, 29).
Omnipotent of beauty is main idea of Jaju Jorjikias miniature Beautiful 
Woman. In this miniature is described how change and become alive tired 
and exhausted crowd when they see beautiful woman walking down the 
street.
Same theme is developed in miniature Beauty of Wife, written with light 
humor. Woman of striking beauty approached crowded and congested 
trolley, her beauty and smile made crowd to move away, create some 
space, somebody even offered his seat and she set down, then pulled head 
out of window and called little boy to get on the board, the boy apparently 
was her son, he was followed by a large man, who appeared to be her 
husband and the “owner of the beauty”.
“Have a seat somewhere, please” – asked somebody to him and the 
husband got a seat next to her. After they brought up a goat with them 
and still, nobody protested. All those men in the trolley who appreciated 
her beauty ended up traveling with goat.
Same kind of approach impressionists had to love, art and we could 
bring lots of examples, but I’d like to bring to your attention the main 
theme, what unites best representatives of antique world with Georgian 
writers: attitude, common feeling toward motherland and human being.
Because European modernism mostly cosmopolite by its nature, 
national feelings regarded as backwardness. Knut Hamsun’s characters 
wander around the world and the place, where they feel good becomes 
their home. Alitenberg never had home but never been bothered because 
of it. When asked where his home was, to set up an interview, he named 
certain café and his motherland was bohemia. 
The Love of family, homeland, national pride, personal honor those 
are traits which makes common ground for Antique-Georgian space. May 
be because, that intelligent man understands simple truth – each of our life 
and story reflected in countries history, and explanation of word 
“nostalgia” in dictionaries defined as following: “Serious decease caused 
by inability to return to homeland”.
Infamous Marcus Aurelia wrote: “I call perfect man one, who during 
his life recognized fakeness and vanity of all sins and turned his back to 
Antiquity in Modern Georgian Literature 145
them. Intoxicated air kills cattle, intoxicated soul threatens human” 
(Aurelia, Thoughts, 24).
He had every possibility, condition and temptation to satisfy his 
passions and desires instead he is thankful to gods for giving him kind 
ancestors, parents, friends, relatives and teachers. He is thankful for father 
– emperor, who pulled out vice from his soul and planted simplicity and 
humbleness instead. He taught that even the ruler in the palace doesn’t 
need guards, rich cloth and fireworks, he could lead simple life only under 
condition, that his simplicity wouldn’t hurt obligations people and state 
assigned to him. For Marcus Aurelius the most important things were 
state interests and person’s individual traits.
Plutarch wrote about Hercules, who has been known as “Olympus of 
Athens”, “Despite of his great power and influence he stayed very 
dignified, humble and unsoiled person, which was reflected on countries 
interests too”.
Mostly, main motive of Hellenistic space is history of individuals or 
fictional characters, who dedicated their lives to motherland and state. 
That’s what defines great respect toward this diverse and unique world.
20th century is an era of masses, philosophers say, so called non heroic 
time, where heroism loses its value. But heroism is spiritual condition, 
way of life, and when it disappears something very important and 
valuable vanishes too. Human being grows and influenced by examples 
and ones spiritual, intellectual and moral development heavily depends 
on time, heroes, society and family values.
21st Century the heir of 20th century, which was full of global ca-
taclysms, social, political and economical changes continues downgrading 
an individual and this process even more obvious throughout post soviet 
space, and already painful process of birth of something new from 
histories depth became so complicated that it threatens to completely 
destroy national identity and person’s individuality. 
Literature always brings out and establishes epoch’s moral and ethical 
norms. That’s why literature’s main concern is to take inner conflicts to a 
new light and to search for solutions for rebuilding. 
There is one novel Unnamed Marathoner, the theme and idea of this 
novel fits content of our lecture and in particular general feeling of 
motherland. T. Chkuaseli describes a parallel between two equally 
exciting and moving events. One had happen centuries ago in Athens, 
another some thirty plus years ago in Tbilisi.
Greek troops won the battle on Marathon field and sent a runner to 
Athens to deliver the news of victory. He ran forty two kilometers, 
Rusudan Burjanadze146
reached his destination, fulfill the mission and fell dead. The Joy for free 
motherland had killed him, not exhausting distance he covered, explains 
writer and tells us second story to prove his point.
One participant of 1924 rising escaped abroad to avoid harsh 
punishment from Bolsheviks, and returned back only in 1970s, already 
aged man had lay down and stayed in bed for 10 years, nobody saw him 
walking. In 1981 soccer team from Dinamo Tbilisi won European club’s 
cup. Ocean of people rushed out on Tbilisi streets to celebrate, crowd was 
chanting “Georgia! Georgia!”
Nobody knows what has happened, what kind of strength an old man 
had gotten, but he got up, brought out his old suitcase, took out old 
Georgian national cloth and dressed up, put on silver belt and dagger and 
came out on balcony, smiled at chanting crowd, raised right hand and fell 
down. That’s how he was found: all dressed up, with smile on his face and 
raised arm.
The greatness of feeling killed both marathoners, concludes writer. 
“Georgia is for sale’ – complained N. Lortkipanidze in the beginning of 
20th century – it is selling everywhere, sells everyone who wants to, and 
only mourner is helpless, sees everything what’s happening to his country 
and unable to do anything for help, but write about it.
“You’ll become refugee in your own country”, professed Javakhishvili, 
but nobody heard him. For sure, Marathoners has extinct. And Soviet 
ideology destroyed every intelligent patriot and there was nobody who 
would come for their help, the world was blind and deaf. Ironically, 
around the same time Lortkipanidze wrote that one human being values 
as much as whole humanity.
Character of Grishashvili fills up a cup with wine and before drinks it 
makes a speech: “Let’s drink for the moon, which brightens the road in the 
dark for a man who got lost and tells him: hey, move here, don’t go there, 
there is a ravine, don’t fall!”
So, at the end which is right? Man for man is a wolf, or man is a bridge 
for another man? Which of this proverb would suit human history – first 
or second? May be both.


Antiquity in Modern Georgian Literature

Tarkhnishvili, Tamar

Phasis 13-14, 2010-2011 
 
 
Tamar Tarkhnishvili (Tbilisi) 
THE POPULAR ASSEMBLY IN GREECE 
AND GEORGIA'S HIGHLANDS 
It is known that Greece was the cradle of democracy as a form of rule, 
which reached a condition that was quite developed for that time. From 
today's viewpoint, this is not surprising for the leading country of 
Antiquity. However, scientific research has shown that elements of 
democracy can be found in ethnic groups at a lower level of social 
development, including patriarchal societies. 
The popular assembly played quite an important role in the life of 
society in Georgia's highlands. Of course, it was not a form of governance, 
but it enjoyed highest possible authority and had a decisive say in 
resolving problems. 
Since the popular assembly implied people's participation, it bore signs 
of democracy. Given this, I believe it is interesting to see whether there is 
any similarity between the so-called democracy of Georgian highlanders 
and Greek democracy. We intend to use the comparison to show to what 
extent people could participate in public life in a society far removed from 
principles of democracy. 
The popular assembly was regarded as the supreme governing body, 
which consisted of Athenian citizens, who had full rights and were at least 
20 years old. In Aristotle's times, men aged 18, who had served two years 
in the army, could also become members of the assembly and obtain the 
rights of a citizen. It is difficult to establish the number of the members of 
the popular assembly in Athens. According to scientific assessments, it 
could be between 20,000 and 30,000. Some people could be banned from 
membership in the popular assembly for various reasons like debts to the 
treasury, elimination from the registry of the demos, prostitution, 
disrespect for parents or refusal to sustain them, and so forth. 
The Popular Assembly in Greece and Georgia's Highlands 
 
379 
As regards Georgia's highlands – Mtianeti, Svaneti, or Khevsureti, the 
age of members was not defined. When the assembly of a community was 
to be held, one man from each household was obliged to attend it no 
matter what personal affairs they might have. Unlike the popular 
assembly in Athens, where women were barred from political life, they 
were allowed to attend assemblies in Svaneti. Moreover, if a woman in a 
family was believed to be wiser than men, she would be given preference. 
However, this is true only of Svan women, as the situation with Khevsur 
women was quite grave and there could be no talk about giving them any 
rights (for example, it was prohibited for Khevsur women to ride a horse. 
No matter how old they might have been, they had to follow on foot their 
men mounted on horseback1). In mountainous Racha, it was embarrassing 
for women to attend a gathering of men. However, there were no 
restrictions in Higher and Lower Racha and even children could be 
allowed to attend. 
The popular assembly in Athens was traditionally held in the open air 
on the top of the Pnyx hill. On the day of a meeting, specially appointed 
officials placed barriers at the foot of the hill to divide members of the 
assembly and the citizens, who had assembled to watch the meeting. 
Professor Gordeziani wrote that "today, nothing but the tribunes for 
orators can remind us of an arena for holding the popular assembly. At 
least 5,000 citizens had to assemble to secure a quorum. It is difficult to say 
for sure now, where thousands of the participants of meetings were placed 
and how."2 In some cases, the popular assembly was held in the temple of 
Dionysius. 
There was no single place for the popular assembly in Georgia's 
highlands. People assembled in squares of the villages. They were called 
sanakhsho in Racha, saanjmno or bekhvne in Tusheti, sapikhvno in Khevsureti, 
saerobo in Khevi, jamikari in Ajaria, and svipi in Svaneti. Village squares 
seem to have been important elements of rural life in the highlands of the 
Caucasus as a whole. They were called jamaat in Dagestan and nykhas in 
Ossetia. 
Svipi was an indispensable component of every village in Svaneti. It 
was always situated on an elevated place in the centre of the village. The 
square was circular with circularly positioned stone benches. There were 
                                                 
1  Khizanishvili N., Ethnographic Writings, Tbilisi 1940, 33 (in Georgian). 
2  Gordeziani R., Greek Civilization, I., Tbilisi 1988, 122 (in Georgian). 
Tamar Tarkhnishvili 
 
380 
large rocks in the middle of svipi with places for the elders of the village.3 
According to ethnographic materials, people gathered there to resolve all 
important problems. As regards problems of the whole of Svaneti, they 
were resolved at lukhor/luzor (large/community assembly). There were 
three locations in Svaneti, where such assemblies could be held: Lalveri, 
Lalkhori, and Simoni. A union of individual communities formed a valley 
community, which held its own assembly attended by makhvshis – 
prominent people – representing individual communities. In special cases, 
representatives of all communities attended the assembly. 
In Khevi, leaders would assemble in a kind of building called sabcheo 
("place for discussions") next to the Trinity Church. In Pshavi and 
Khevsureti, discussions were held in riverside copses or hills outside 
villages. Discussions seldom lasted for more than a couple of days. In 
Khevsureti, sapikhvnos were on elevations at the entries to villages (as a 
rule, almost all places of assembly were half-open buildings). 
In Racha, there were sanakhshos in every neighbourhood, but villages 
also had a common sanakhsho, where people assembled from every 
neighbourhood. The council, where all public affairs of villages were 
raised and resolved, was called soploba (/village community), which was a 
body governing communities. Some respondents said that soploba was 
previously called eroba, and there were places where it was called 
tavqriloba.4 Soploba was the institution that assembled in village squares 
and governed public life in villages. 
In Tusheti, the locations of assembly were called bekhvne and saanjmno. 
The fact that saanjmno means "assembly" is confirmed by the term itself. In 
Old Georgian, anjmnoba, anjamani and saanjmno denoted what was to be 
publicly announced to people. Later, the terms anjmnoba and saanjmno 
became obsolete and were replaced with Sheqra (gathering). 
In Athens of the 5th century BC, prytaneis convoked the popular 
assembly. If voting was necessary to resolve a problem, prytaneis distribu-
ted ballots. Chairman of the assembly – epistates  – was then elected from 
among prytaneis. He was to act as chairman for only one day, as new 
chairmen – epistates – were elected at every assembly. In the times of 
Aristotle, the procedure for convoking and holding the assembly became 
more complicated. The chairman of the boule – epistates – appointed nine 
proedri for each assembly. They were selected from those members of the 
                                                 
3  Gujejiani R., From the History of Mentality of Mountineers, Svaneti, Tbilisi 2008, 19 (in 
Georgian). 
4  Chikovani., ibid.  
The Popular Assembly in Greece and Georgia's Highlands 
 
381 
boule, who did not serve as prytaneis at that moment. Chairman of the 
assembly was then elected from among proedri, who managed the 
assembly, deciding how to vote on specific issues and when to end 
discussions. Grammatei, who were to read out documents, were also 
elected at the assembly. 
As regards Svaneti, scientists have found several types of the popular 
assembly there. The assembly in individual villages was called soploba and 
was led by the makhvshis of the villages. Problems of specific villages were 
resolved at the assembly. However, in R. Kharadze's opinion, a village 
elected a kheistau for three years to bring in order affairs within the village 
and expose crimes. Depending on the size of a village, one or more 
kheistau was elected. If necessary, kheistaus could meet and elect a council 
of five people called morual.5 It was also elected for three years. In 
addition, there was the community assembly that united several villages 
and was governed by community makhvshis. If necessary, a community 
makhvshi would convoke the community assembly. He selected 
experienced, smart, and honest people and held consultations with them 
before drawing conclusions on specific problems and familiarized the 
assembly with the conclusions. The assembly, in turn, was authorized to 
confirm his conclusion, amend it, or disagree and violate it. 
It is noteworthy that Strabo also noted that Svaneti was governed by 
the council of 300 people. S. Janashia and R. Kharadze think that Strabo 
meant the popular council and assembly created at the tribal level. In later 
periods, the council consisted of representatives elected by village 
communities for a certain period. It was called lgtish mare (prominent 
people) and led the assembly of communities. Its decisions were 
obligatory for fulfilment. Once in three years, all members of a community 
swore an oath that they would be loyal to the community and trust 
decisions taken by elected representatives. The latter were responsible for 
administering justice and resolving family disputes and other problems. 
The morual selected from among lgtish mare or councillors was to make 
appropriate decisions. 
According to resident of Ienashi village Shavkhan Parjiani, son of Piri, 
the community assembly was held once in three years.6 Researchers differ 
on how regular the assembly met. Modern scientists think that meetings 
were not held regularly and that makhvshis did not lead them. They believe 
                                                 
5  Kharadze R., The System of Governance in Svaneti, MSE VI, Tbilisi 1953, 185 (in Geor-
gian). 
6  Kharadze R., Op. cit., 168. 
Tamar Tarkhnishvili 
 
382 
that the assembly was held when necessary and aged or experienced and 
smart people, including women, were tasked to lead it. 
In other regions of Georgia, the popular assembly was held when ne-
cessary. Offenders were tried at the assembly led by a khevisberi (commu-
nity head) in Pshavi. 
Pekhoni (sapikhvno – place, where pekhoni was held) had no concrete 
head in Shatili. Pekhoni was the assembly of adult men, where problems of 
everyday life of the village were raised. Along with the resolution of 
disputes and problems of the community, people did public or family 
work in sapikhvno (leather working, making shoes, processing lime-tree 
bark for ropes, producing gunpowder, and so forth). When enemies 
threatened the village or the village intended to go for a campaign, they 
would assemble in the sapikhvno and produce gunpowder together. 
According to G. Chachalashvili, "a kind of 'military democracy' or a 
transitional stage to a class society was preserved in the shape of pekhoni."7 
Soploba in Racha did not have leaders elected for a certain period. At 
the assembly, people would select a reasonable man to head it and the 
man would speak on behalf of everyone. A specially selected young man, 
who was called "caller" informed people that the assembly was to meet. In 
Svaneti people were summoned to the assembly with bugles and 
trumpets. 
Khevi was governed previously by the council that comprised elders. 
The council itself was led by community leaders (bches). The Khevi council 
bore signs of self-government and enjoyed a certain amount of 
sovereignty. In the tribal governance system, communities were led by the 
council of elders of the tribe. Later, the council consisted of representatives 
of territorial communities, who established order within the community in 
accordance with norms introduced by people. The representatives in the 
council often referred to traditions when administering justice. 
As tribal governance weakened, the tribal community council ceased 
to exist and the popular assembly no longer elected community represen-
tatives for a certain period. In spite of such changes, residents of Khevi 
and Svaneti, as well as other Georgian highlanders, continued to resolve 
everyday problems on the basis of traditions. Correspondingly, commu-
nities continued to have their leaders, who were no longer regarded as 
members of the permanent council, but assembled if necessary in accor-
dance with the demands of the community. The popular governance 
                                                 
7  Chachalashvili G., From History of the Form of Public Government in Khevsureti 
(Sapikhvno in Shatili), T. 7, Tbilisi 1955, 237. 
The Popular Assembly in Greece and Georgia's Highlands 
 
383 
effectively had a certain amount of sovereignty and was subordinated to 
the authorities only partially. Only the community could change traditions 
extant from the ancestors. 
The popular assembly in Athens elected the council of 500 men, which 
was an important body directly linked to the assembly that approved all 
decrees. In special cases, it could act independently of the boule. However, 
the popular assembly and boule acted jointly. The popular assembly could 
not vote on issues prytaneis had not put on the agenda, but on the other 
hand, prytaneis were also unable to submit specific problems for 
discussion. The Boule approved a probouleuma – a resolution, which was to 
be submitted to the popular assembly. In that case, the probouleuma 
became a psephisma, which was to be voted on. 
The annual work of the assembly was divided in 10 cycles – prytaneas. 
Every prytanea consisted of 36 days and four meetings of the assembly 
were held in each cycle, one of the four being called the supreme assembly 
(kur…a ™kkles…a). The approval of magisters, food supplies, defence, and 
other issues were discussed at the meeting. The assembly also elected 
treasurers, naval architects, supervisors, people responsible for sacrifices 
and so forth. Some of the meetings were earmarked for the resolution 
concrete problems. The role of the assembly was very important. It was 
possible to consider all issues pertaining to war and peace, finances and 
justice or others. Voting was secret for the exception of the cases, when 
people were elected to military positions. Every citizen had the right to 
express his opinion, propose a draft law or revoke one if it ran against 
democracy. 
The assembly defined the state's foreign policy, elected envoys, and 
discussed the results of negotiations with other states. It also made deci-
sions on starting war and concluding a truce. The assembly was autho-
rized to grant citizenship to foreigners and exempt citizens from taxes. The 
assembly also considered issues pertaining to religion and finances. There 
was a separate organ – Heliaia – that considered legal cases. 
As regards Georgia, the assembly of communities was a full-fledged 
lawmaking, judiciary and political body, which made final decisions on 
public affairs and was not accountable to anyone. 
In Svaneti, the assembly of communities resolved issues affecting the 
whole of Svaneti: declared war, mobilized the army, appointed 
commander of the army, discussed conditions of a truce, levied taxes from 
the population and so forth. The assembly of the communities enjoyed 
unrestricted authority. It could evict a household from their land and 
order to deprive a traitor of the community of his property or execute him. 
Tamar Tarkhnishvili 
 
384 
The decisions of the assembly could not be appealed against. However, 
the assembly did not interfere in internal affairs and every community 
was free to make decisions independently. 
The community assembly made decision on attacking a neighbouring 
tribe or establishing relations with neighbours or other communities. The 
assembly was responsible for the payment of tsori8 and sakhsari.9 Those, 
who left the community for another region without the assembly's 
permission, were punished, because they could import diseases. In 
accordance with the decision of the assembly, the community provided 
shelter to people fleeing other communities and protected them from 
enemies. 
The assembly was authorized to punish thieves, bribe-takers, and 
other offenders. It could also remove from their posts clerics (bapis) caught 
on wrongdoing. It was the function of the members of the assembly to 
reconcile those involved in blood feuds. They passed sentences and none 
of the community members dared to resist. 
As regards Pshavi, the popular assembly was authorized to order 
capital punishment by stoning or exile. However, ordinary civil disputes 
were resolved in Pshavi and Khevsureti through the mediation court or 
persons selected by mediators. 
The popular assembly had similar important functions among other 
Georgian highlanders. Young people could also attend its meetings, but 
without the right to vote. This was supposed to be a good school, where 
they could become familiar with traditions and moral norms. It is also 
noteworthy that meetings of the popular assembly were mostly held in 
church courtyards or close to some buildings of worship in order to raise 
the legitimacy of the former. 
The aforementioned facts make it clear that the popular assembly had 
a leading role in the highlands of Georgia. Democratic principles of 
governance were widespread in the whole of Greece, but in Georgia, the 
popular assembly existed only in highlands, where the population enjoyed 
more freedoms than in lowlands. 
                                                 
8  Tsori – material fee for blood feud killing, which the whole community paid, if one of 
its members killed a common enemy. 
9  Sakhsari – a kind of fee a community paid for a person captured when doing public 
work. 


The Popular Assembly in Greece and Georgia\u27s Highlands

Darchia, Irine

Greek Mani and Georgian Svaneti

Pkhakadze, Manana

Chagunava, Raul

Phasis 13-14, 2010-2011
Manana Pkhakadze, Raul Chagunava (Tbilisi)
THE MYTH OF ARGONAUTS AND COLCHIAN METHOD OF 
GOLD PRODUCTION
From ancient times, Greek authors paid much attention to one of the 
cycles of Greek mythology – the legend of Argonauts and the story about 
the Golden Fleece. Information and comments about the myth regularly 
emerged in the written sources of the Hellenic, Hellenistic, and Byzantine 
eras. It is noteworthy that they are numerous and, at the same time, the 
main object in the myth – the Golden Fleece – is presented in the sources 
in various manners.
In the text of the early period, the Golden Fleece is identified with 
golden wool. Back on the verge of the 8th and 7th centuries BC, Hesiod, 
who systematized Hellenic mythology, mentioned a ram that "had golden 
skin".1 It helped Phrixus to travel to Colchis, where he "sacrificed the ram 
and offered the Golden Fleece to Zeus".2 Authors of the later Hellenic 
period provide similar information. For Pindar the Golden Fleece is "a skin 
with shining golden wool";3 for Euripides it is "a skin of pure gold",4 and 
so forth.
The aforementioned views proved to be so reliable and viable that they 
were shared even by authors of the Byzantine era. For example, John 
Tzetzes effectively repeated Hesiod's story and wrote: "The skin with 
                                                
1 KriÒj … e…ce de crusÁn dor£n, Fr. 68. Pseudo-Eratosth. Catast. 19, Fragmenta Hesio-
dea, ed. R. Merkelbach et M. L. West, Oxford 1967.
2 "Phrixum autem perlatum Colchos arietem immolasse pellemque eius auream Iovi 
sacrasse", op. cit., Schol. Sangerm. Ad Germ. Arat. 224 et Schol., P. 79 sq.
3 "Κwὰς αίγλaὲν χρυσέω/ θυσάνω", Pindari Carmina aim Fragmentis, ed. Bruno Snell, H. 
Maehler, Pars Prior, Epinicia IV, Leipzig 1964, IV, 203-250.
4 "πάνχρυσον δέρας", Medeia, 1-11, Euripidis fabulae, vol. I, ed. J. Diggle, Oxford 1981.
Manana Pkhakadze, Raul Chagunava74
golden wool belonged to a ram that Phrixus took to Colchis. It is said that 
Phrixus sacrificed it to Zeus there".5
It is noteworthy that as time passed, a different opinion was elaborated 
in Greek literature by Euhemerist authors. Old Greek philosopher of the 
4th century BC Euhemerus and his followers searched for rational elements 
in every myth, story or legend, providing rational explanations. Old Greek 
author of the 4th century BC Palaephatus was the first among Euhemerists 
who regarded as unrealistic the events linked to the ram described in the 
myth of the Golden Fleece. In his opinion, it was impossible for this ram to 
carry someone on its back to Colchis across the sea and Phrixus could not 
have been so ungrateful as to kill the ram that saved him and sacrifice his 
skin to Zeus. He though that in reality, the Golden Fleece was presumably 
a golden statue, which Phrixus, who travelled to Colchis by boat (not on 
the back of the ram!), presented to the King of Colchis Aeëtes. The last 
sentence by Palaephatus is quite categorical in this regard: "As a dowry, he 
gave the king a golden statue of Cos, not skin. This is the truth".6
Euhemerist authors of the 2nd and 3rd centuries put forward theories 
different from that of Palaephatus. They believed the sheepskin was for 
writing – a parchment – and drew appropriate conclusions. In particular, 
the anonymous author of a collection of myths written in the 2nd century
wrote that in reality, the Golden Fleece was a book written on a skin, 
which gave a description of chemical rules for producing gold. That is 
why, as the author wrote, "due to the action to be made according to it", it 
was called Golden Fleece.7 At that time, chemistry was first and foremost 
regarded as the art of producing metals, particularly gold.8 Therefore, it is 
quite natural that the author linked the name that encompassed the 
notions of skin and gold – Golden Fleece – to a book and chemistry: a book 
                                                
5 "το; δe; χρυσόμαλλον τοὺτο δέρας h\ν τοὺ κρiοὺ, o}ς το;ν Φρίξον είς Κολχίδα
διεπόρθμευσεν", Lycophronis Alexandria, ed. L. Mascialino, Lipzig BT 1964, Ad.v. 175.
6 "…δοu;ς e{δνον τ h;ν χρυσh̀ν εijκόνα τhς̀ Κὼ. u{στερον δe; j ̉Αθάμαντος… τελευτήσαντος
jIάσων πλεὶ τh` 'Aργοὶ επ̀ι; τοὺτον το;ν χρυσο;ν τhς̀ Κω,̀ ajλλ’ οujχi; δέρμά κριοὺ. Οu{τως
ε {χει η J ajλήθεια. Palaephati Περι; αjπίστων, ed. N. Festa, Mythographi Graeci, XXXI, Leipzig 
BT, 1902.
7 … βιβλίον εν δέρμασι γεγραμμένον, περιέχον οπως δει γινεσθαι δια; χειμείας χρυσόν, 
εικότως οὺν οiJ τότε χρυσούν ωνόμαζον αυJτο; δια; τη;ν ε jξ αυjτοὺ ε jνέργειαν, Mythographi 
Graeci, III, 2: Experta Vaticana (vulgo Anonymus De incredibilibus).
8 It is noteworthy that chronologically, the anonymous collection of myths is the earli-
est work that mentions the word "chemistry". Chagunava R., Gold Mining in Ancient 
Georgia, Science and Technologies, 10, 1974, 18.
The Myth of Argonauts and Colchian Method of Gold Production 75
as a source of information written on a parchment and chemistry as the art 
of producing gold.
Charax of Pergamon also identified the Golden Fleece with a book, 
noting that it contained rules for chrysography. Taking into account the 
fact that Pergamon was regarded as the birthplace of parchment 
(‘pergamon’ in Greek) and an important centre of art, it is no surprise that 
the local man considered the issue in connection with writing. Since skin is 
connected with writing as a material, on which people wrote (parchment), 
and gold as a means for writing (golden ink), Charax provided such an 
explanation: "The Golden Fleece is a method for chrysography written on 
parchment and it is trustworthy that it was the reason for organizing the 
Argo campaign".9
In the following centuries, John of Antioch repeated the information of 
the anonymous author10 and later, Souidas quoted the explanation by 
Charax of Pergamon in his dictionary.11
The Euhemeristic explanations of the Golden Fleece were based on 
rational logic, so the mythic elements were replaced by real objects (a 
statue and books about chemistry and rules for writing). In spite of that, 
none of the explanations reflected the truth. However, at the same time, all 
of them said that gold was extracted and processed in Colchis, which 
undoubtedly had certain grounds.
One of the written sources that have come down to us and that 
provide direct indications to the practice of gold-mining in the country of 
Medea is Geography by Strabo. Unlike other authors, Strabo knew Colchis 
well and it is quite possible that he received certain information about 
Argonauts and the Golden Fleece directly from Colchians.12 Some frag-
ments from his Geography make this quite clear. We will concentrate on 
                                                
9 καίτοι ο χάραξ tÕ χρυσοὺν δέρμα μέθοδον εὶναι λέγει χρυσογραφίας μεμβράναις 
εμπεριειλημμένην, δι; ην̀ wJς λόγου αjξίαν το ;ν της̀ jΑργου;ς καταρτισθὴναι στόλον φησί. 
Eust. Dion. Per. 689, FGr. Hist-Die Fragmente der griechischen Historiker von Felix 
Jacoby, II, 482-493.
10 …βιβλίον εjν δέρμασι γεγραμμένον, περιέχον οJπως δεὶ γιvνεσθαι δια; χημείας χρυσόν, 
FHist. Gr. IV, 548.
11 …αjλλα; βιβλίον ε jν δέρμασι γεγραμμένον, περιέχον οJπως δεὶ γι vνεσθαι δια; χημείας
χρυσόν. ειjκότως οὺν οi; τότε χρυσοὺν ωjνόμαζον αυjτο; δέρας, δια; τη;ν ε jνέργειαν τη;ν ε jξ
αυjτου,̀ Δέρας, Suidae Lexicon, ed. G. Bernhardy, I, 1-2.
12 The following fact points to the author's close links to the Colchian world: when Mith-
ridates the Eupator conquered the country, he dispatched Moaphernes, his mother's 
uncle, as the "ruler and governor" of Colchis. Strabonis Geographica, I-III vol., ed. F. 
Meineke, XI, 2, 18, Leipzig 1877.
Manana Pkhakadze, Raul Chagunava76
two of the fragments. The first contains some interesting information: "The 
city of Aea is still shown on the Phasis, and Aeëtes is believed to have 
ruled over Colchis, and the name Aeëtes is still locally current among the 
people of that region. Again, Medea the sorceress is a historical person; 
and the wealth of the regions about Colchis, which is derived from the 
mines of gold, silver, iron, and copper, suggests a reasonable motive for 
the expedition".13
Aea could be ‘shown’ on the Phasis only on the spot – on the territory 
of Colchis and the person, who showed it was obviously Colchian. The 
fact that Strabo regards the name Aeëtes as local is an unequivocal 
indication to the fact that in Colchis of his time, the name was widespread. 
Later, historian Agathias Scholasticus confirmed this by referring in his 
work to a Laz nobleman with this name.14
The quoted fragment makes it clear that Colchians remembered Medea 
too (unfortunately, their stories comprising local theories of the daughter 
of the Colchian king have not come down to us). However, it is interesting 
that on the basis of the Colchian narrators' or Greek eyewitnesses' stories, 
Strabo managed to explain the real reason for the Argonauts' arrival in 
Colchis ("the mines of gold, silver, iron, and copper, suggests a reasonable 
motive for the expedition").
Along with the reason for the campaign of the Argonauts, Strabo also 
explained the centuries-old secret of the Golden Fleece. This becomes clear 
from the second fragment of his work, which also seems to be written on 
the basis of Colchian narrators' or Greek eyewitnesses' stories. According 
to this description, gold was extracted from mountain rivers in Svaneti, a 
historic province of Colchis, with the help of fleeces. Strabo describes this 
process in such a natural manner that the description seems to be made on 
the basis of information supplied by an eyewitness.15 Here is the fragment: 
"In their country the winter torrents are said to bring down even gold, 
which the Barbarians collect in troughs pierced with holes, and lined with 
shaggy fleeces; and hence the fable of the golden fleece".16
This fragment is noteworthy in many respects. It unequivocally 
confirms the existence and extraction of gold in one of the mountain 
                                                
13 Strabonis Geographica, I, 2, 39.
14 Georg., T. III, Tbilisi 1936, 63-65.
15 Cf. Note 12.
16 Παρa; τούτοις δέ λέγεται καi; χρυσο;ν καταφέρειν τοους χειμάρρους, υJποδέχεσθαι δ’
αυjτο;ν τοu;ς βαρβάρους φάτναις κατατετρημέναιςFκαi; μαλλωτaiς̀ δοραις̀ ajφ’ ουj δη;
μεμυθεὺσθαι καi; το; χρυσόμαλλον δέρος, Strabonis Geographica, I-III, ed. F. Meineke, 
Leipzig 1877, XI, 2, 19.
The Myth of Argonauts and Colchian Method of Gold Production 77
regions of Colchis. It follows that torrents brought down gold in Svaneti 
and it was not extracted from mines. This means that the precious metal 
was dispersed in the water of rivers and torrents in the shape of small 
particles. And the troughs lined with fleeces were used to obtain precisely 
these particles. Having familiarized himself with this method, it would be 
quite natural for Strabo to identify the Golden Fleece with ordinary fleece 
used to obtain gold particles.
Many centuries later, prominent German metallurgist Georgius 
Agricola followed Strabo and identified the Golden Fleece with sheep's 
skin used to obtain gold. In his fundamental work in 12 books entitled On 
the Nature of Metals, he specially dwelt on the Colchian method of 
obtaining gold. He wrote that this method was known much earlier in 
Colchis than in Europe, where cloths or other skins (bull's or horse's) were 
used instead of fleece.17
According to Agricola, after crushing and washing gold ore, Colchians 
spread sheepskins in the bed of flowing water to collect gold particles. 
Since flowing water was always enclosed by masonry, water flowed 
through the only exit – over the surface of the fleece, leaving gold particles 
on it.18
Together with verbal explanations, Agricola also provided graphics. 
Argonauts in Colchis: A – exit from a mine; B – part of the fleece visible; C
– Argonaut.19
It is known, however, that Colchians did not collect gold from water 
washing gold ore. Agricola has certainly ascribed this method to them 
being under the influence of European practices. Although the details 
described by the German specialist are not true, it is noteworthy that he 
identified mythical Golden Fleece with real sheepskin.
Unlike written Greek sources, there is no information about gold 
mining in ancient times in Georgian sources. However, the lack of 
information from sources is fully compensated by ethnographic materials, 
which makes it clear that nowadays, people in Svaneti collect gold 
particles in rivers on the basis of the rule described by Strabo back in the 
1st century AD. Ethnographer L. Bochorishvili obtained the materials in 
the 1940s, recording the narrations of gold seekers in Svaneti, who 
described their method. Here is a fragment from the text, which comprises 
a full description of the method: "Sheepskin stretched or spread in some 
                                                
17 Агрикола Г., О горном деле и металургии, 12 книг, Москва 1962, 318.
18 Ibid., 318.
19 Ibid., 318 or 319.
Manana Pkhakadze, Raul Chagunava78
other way on a board would be put into water (according to Samsiani, 
close to the bank and according to Khvistani in the middle of the river) 
and fixed with the wool up to prevent it from being swept away. 'The 
wool would keep gold and let water flow'. 'Gold pebbles would stick to 
the wet fleece'. Since gold is heavier than sand, 'sand would remain on the 
top of gold'. After a certain time, the skin would be removed from the 
river and spread to dry. The dry skin would be winnowed to collect gold 
pebbles".20
It is clear that Svans searching for gold put sheepskins in riverbeds, 
which means that they collected small particles of gold that found itself in 
rivers after the main ore at the beginning of a river was washed by water. 
It is also clear that the Colchians searching for gold acted in precisely the 
same manner. The fact that they used ‘shaggy fleeces’ also points to this. It 
is clear that they should have stretched sheepskins on boards to increase 
the surface and productivity. It is also clear that other technical details 
were also identical. Colchians should have placed sheepskins with wool 
upwards and fix boards with sheepskins firmly to prevent rivers from 
sweeping them away. They would also have to dry the sheepskin and 
winnow it to easily remove gold particles.
Svans (and obviously their ancestors) collected gold in upper and 
middle reaches of rivers, where torrents are very fast. Therefore, skins of 
all animals were not useful for collecting gold particles. Both written and 
ethnographic materials suggest that ancient Colchians and modern Svans 
used only sheepskins to collect gold in rivers. The choice was probably not 
accidental, as sheepskins are best suited for collecting gold particles due to 
its wool, which is the main part of the external cover of sheep, while other 
animals have just short bristle. Unlike smooth skins with bristle, the 
surfaces of skins with wool are covered with scale like tiles,21 which is 
invisible, but makes the surface coarse. This increases the ability of 
sheepskins to collect golden particles. In addition, wool has a high 
potential of sticking things to itself due to the special nature of sheepskins. 
Compared with other animal skins, sheepskins have more sweat glands 
and are correspondingly, more porous. Sweat glands secrete lanolin, and 
are correspondingly, more porous. Sweat glands secrete lanolin, 
completely drenching wool with this glutinous substance.22 Since gold has 
                                                
20 Bochorishvili L., Goldsmithery in Svaneti, Bulletin of the Georgian Academy of Sci-
ences, VII, 5, 1946, 285 (in Georgian).
21 Вагнер Р., Химическая технология, СПб 1892, 431.
22 Химия и технология кожи и меха. Pед. Н. Стрихов, Москва 1979, 3.
The Myth of Argonauts and Colchian Method of Gold Production 79
a selective capability of sticking to glutinous substances,23 wool drenched 
with lanolin has a significantly increased ability of sticking gold to itself.
The effectiveness of fleece as a means for collecting gold in rivers 
created for Colchis the image of a ‘country rich in gold’, which is 
confirmed not only by ancient written sources and modern ethnographic 
data. Materials of archaeological research are even more impressive.
Otar Lortkipanidze, who has made quite a number of important 
archaeological discoveries, showed that ancient Colchis fully deserves the 
image. Numerous golden things have been found in various areas of the 
country both as accidental discoveries and in regular archaeological 
excavations. It was in one of such excavations that more than 1,700 golden 
things were found in a grave of a Colchian woman (5th century BC).24
Modern gold production methods also add to archaeological materials 
and information found in ancient sources. The modified Colchian method 
of obtaining gold has found its place also in modern technologies. Most of 
the gold obtained from sandy grounds is currently being collected by 
means of thick-pile fabric, particularly felt and broadcloth made of wool 
that have proved to be most productive.
                                                
23 Потемкин C. В., Благородный 79-й: Очерк о золоте, Москва 1978, 49.
24 Cf. for details: Лордкипанидзе O., Наследие древней Грузии, Тбилиси 1989.


The Myth of Argonauts and Colchian Method of Gold Production

Phasis 13-14, 2010-2011
Irine Darchia (Tbilisi)
FOR SYMBOLIC INTERPRETATION OF SOME PASSAGES OF 
PLATO’S PHAEDO
When we read or study Plato’s Phaedo we should find some veiled content 
hidden behind the artistic images and symbols. More so that Plato was 
aware of mystery religions and esoteric teaching.
A symbol is a key to the vast world of philosophy, mythology, 
literature, and art. It is a universal aesthetic category as ancient as a 
human mind. A symbol with the help of a figurative language reveals a 
mysterious implication of a literary work and makes it possible for us to 
understand it deeply. Shelling says that poetry is a permanent symboli-
zation.
From the point of view of symbolic-allegoric interpretation it is very 
interesting to mention an observation of C. Rowe. In Phaedo Plato tells us: 
“As he said this he lowered his legs to the ground, and then remained 
sitting in that position for the rest of the discussion“ (kai; ¨ma lšgwn taàta 
kaqÁke t¦ skšlh ™pˆ t¾n gÁn, kaˆ kaqezÒmenoj oÜtwj ½dh t¦ loip¦
dielšgeto (Phaedo, 61c10-d2).
To Rowe’s mind, “Socrates’ change of physical position parallels a shift 
in the discussion to more serious matters. He is no longer the poet, but the 
philosopher”.1
In one of the passages Phaedo, the personage of the dialogue, says: “I 
happened to be sitting to his right, on a stool beside the bed, while 
[Socrates] was a good way above me” (Ÿtucon g¦r ™n dexi´ aÙtoà
kaqhvmenoj par¦ t¾n kl…mhn ™pˆ camaiz»lou tinÒj, de; ™p ;̂ polÝ 
                                                
1 Plato, Phaedo, Rowe C. J. (ed.), Cambridge University Press 1993, 123.
Irine Darchia28
Øyhlotšrou À ™gè – Phaedo, 89b1-2). Plato deliberately notes that the 
philosopher was seated higher. Such allusion is not accidental. There is a 
symbol in sitting in a physically higher position. It reminds us the 
privileges of Socrates. He is spiritually superlative as well. In the present 
case spiritual is expressed by means of physical though physical itself 
derives from spiritual.
We would like to stress the peculiar function of silence in Phaedo. It has 
a symbolic meaning and at the same time it is a compositional device.
Ben Ioseb (III c.) says: “Silence is the fence of wisdom”. Isaac from Syria 
said that speech is the weapons of our everyday life, and silence is the 
mystery of the future life, of the next world. When people are silent they 
get absorbed in themselves, mobilize their spiritual power and focus their 
attention. It is the preparation to gain the Logos.
Socrates’ silence is meaningful too. It is not a mere pause, an automatic 
ceasing of the dialogue. It means that one of the stages of the dialogue is 
over and gives to the interlocutors a chance to think over the said… 
Silence makes it possible to begin the following stage of the reasoning.
Socrates told his friends the reason of a philosopher’s courage. “When 
Socrates had said this, there was silence for a long time. To judge from his 
appearance, Socrates himself was absorbed in the foregoing argument, 
and so were most of us“ (sigh; oân ™gšneto taàta e„pÒntoj toà Swkr£touj 
™pˆ polÝn crÒnon, kaˆ aÙtÒj te prÕj tù e„rhmšnw / lÒgù Ãn ÐJ Swkr£thj, 
æj „de‹n ™fa…neto, kaˆ ¹mîn oƒ ple‹stoi - Phaedo, 84c1-3). The renewed 
conversation concerns the theory – soul as a harmony.
After Simmias and Cebes had been sure that spirit was not harmony 
there came silence again. “Here Socrates paused a long time examining 
something in his own mind” (Ð oân Swkr£thj sucnÒn crÒnon ™piscèn kaˆ 
prÕj ˜autÒn ti skey£menoj – Phaedo, 95e7-8). And that was followed by 
“the account of Socrates’ intellectual history”,2 by seeking the reason of the 
things.
In the final passage Socrates “came and sat down, fresh from his bath, 
and there wasn’t much talk after that“ (™lqën d' ™kaqšzeto leloumšnoj 
kaˆ oÙ poll¦ ¨tta met¦ taàta dielšcqh – Phaedo, 116b7-8). He drains dry 
his cup without any hesitation; his look becomes blank and he is silent 
again. Now Socrates’ silence is infinite.
According to Olympiodorus’ statement, in Athens a condemned to 
death was punished only after the sunset. At the beginning of the work we 
                                                
2 Gallop D. (ed.), Plato, Phaedo, Clarendon Press, Oxford 1975, 169.
For Symbolic Interpretation of Some Passages of Plato’s Phaedo 29
learn that Socrates’ life will last till dusk. Perhaps, it is a tradition and a 
real fact, but we think there is a symbol in it as well.
Through the entire dialogue the reader is awaiting for the dusk and 
therefore, he unconsciously identifies it with Socrates’ death. The 
philosopher’s death is identified with the sunset, disappearance of the 
light, strength, and holiness. The sun is setting and Socrates’ life is coming 
to the end (Phaedo, 116b5-6).
Another passage of Phaedo has some symbols too. In the opening part of 
the work Socrates’ friends gather in front of the prison, they talk and wait 
for the door to be opened. They visit Socrates and spend the day talking to 
him (Phaedo, 59d4-5). 
Opening of the door is very important for Phaedo and his friends. The 
door opens; they enter and acquire the new spiritual experience. They 
ascend a new stage of the spiritual development. If much had been unclear 
and mysterious for them before, later, when the door was opened, by 
means of the philosophic conversation they obtained the divine wisdom.
In the world literature and art opening of a door, a gate, drawing of a 
curtain are the symbols of coming closer to the Divine World. They are 
familiar to the Old and New Testaments, the Christian Literature of the 
Middle Age.
The word “door” has something in common with the word of the Lord 
and heavenly wisdom. Jesus said: “I am the gate for the sheep” (John, 10. 
7). In Acts when Paul and Sila were praying, suddenly there was such a 
violent earthquake that the foundations of the prison were shaken; all the 
prison doors flew open and the preaching of the word of the Lord began… 
(Acts, 16. 25-32).
In Matthew’s Testament the curtain of the temple was torn in two, the 
earth shook and the rocks split. It was the sign of Jesus’ resurrection. The 
centurion and those with him who were guarding exclaimed that surely 
He had been the Son of God (Matthew, 27. 51-54). Tearing of the temple 
curtain is again connected with coming closer to Truth and ascendance the 
new stage of spiritual development. The symbol is present in the artistic 
world of The Knight in the Panther’s Skin. “The attendant drew back a fold 
of the curtains…” (342), and there comes a sudden change in Tariel’s life. 
He falls in love with Nestan and starts seeking for his lost “divine self”.
In Mark’s Testament Jesus healed the sick and demon-possessed people 
who had gathered at the door (Mark, 1.33-34). Socrates was not only a 
teacher and a friend for the rest characters; he was a healer as well. The 
philosopher healed („£sato) them of fright and cowardice that was the 
Irine Darchia30
result of their ignorance. All happened after the prison door was opened 
(Phaedo, 89a5).
The door opens… behind the visible veil of the phenomenon we should 
notice the meaning that is concealed for the physical sight.
The study of Phaedo from its artistic point of view has made it clear that 
the dialogue meets all requirements that the most refined reader claims to 
a true literature work. Various poetic and oratorical devices are skillfully 
and perfectly used in it. Due to his gifts, fantasy and flair, the author fills 
them with unique charm and thoughtfulness; but each artistic device used 
by Plato is a way to the expression of a philosophic idea.


For Symbolic Interpretation of Some Passages of Plato’s "Phaedo"

Shukhoshvili, Maia

Phasis 13-14, 2010-2011 
 
 
Maia Shukhoshvili (Tbilisi) 
FOR ANCIENT AND MODERN MEANING 
OF LIBERAL EDUCATION 
The humanity began to search ways and methods of knowledge transfer 
in very ancient times. From ancient times until today different educational 
systems were founded, some of which continued to operate and the others 
became part of history of pedagogic. One of the unique educational 
systems indisputably is so called Liberal Education, which takes its origins 
from Antiquity and, in particular, from Ancient Greece. The aim of report 
is to discuss several aspects related with ancient and modern meaning, 
concept and goals of Liberal Education. What did mean Liberal Education 
for ancient Greeks and what it means for people of the 21th century? 
The principles of Liberal Education first are introduced in works of 
ancient Greek philosopher Plato. Plato still is considered as a founder of 
concept of Liberal Education. So I‟ll shortly represent the basic concept 
and goals of Liberal Education in Plato‟s works. Plato describes education 
as an art to make perfect man. When Plato speaks about education he 
means liberal education.1 Liberal education is education the end of which 
is man himself. When men are trained vocationally we may expect better 
products, but we have no right to expect better men in the wide sense of 
this term. That‟s why this product may not be useful for society. The key 
for Plato‟s system of education is the Greek term mousik» , which had very 
specific meaning in ancient Greek and included within its comprehension 
of seven liberal arts. Greek mythology personified seven liberal arts 
making each one of them a Muse. 
                                                 
1  Maluf F. M., Plato and Liberal Education, from IHM School: 
http://ihm.catholicism.org/2008/12/plato-and-liberal-education-part-one/. 
For Ancient and Modern Meaning of Liberal Education 
 
375 
Plato organized educational plan – curriculum, which was designed 
for four epochs. 1. The first twenty years are concerned mainly with the 
body and the organic faculties. The children as early as age of three were 
introduced to mythology and then gymnastics, reading and writing, 
poetry, music and mathematics. From the eighteenth to the twentieth year 
military training was recommended. In the first epoch factual knowledge 
was not so important, but only skill of distinguishing good from bad and 
formation of right senses. 2. The second period, extending from the year 
twenty to the year thirty, is concerned with the sciences of geometry, 
astronomy and harmony. The fundamental knowledge transferred in this 
period prepared the way for philosophy. 3. The third period occupied the 
years thirty to thirty-five and is concerned with the arts of dialectics. 4. 
The fourth period, requiring fifteen years of life and terminating at the age 
of fifty, is a period dedicated to real experience in the world.2 
After Greek philosophy reached full flower in the 4th century BC 
scholars and teachers sought to establish curriculum to prepare students 
for the higher and more difficult studies. The outcome of this model is 
™gkÚklioj paide…a (educational circle). A first century BC scholar and 
statesman Marcus Terentius Varo codified this curriculum into nine 
disciplines and introduced it to Rome. This model became common for 
Roman “encyclopedists”. The next development of this curriculum is so 
called “canon of seven liberal arts”, which were adopted in Christian 
tradition (the architecture and medicine of Varo were dropped out).3 
In the context of liberal education the term “liber” doesn‟t refer to 
politics. It is derived from Latin word “liber” and means “free”. Thus in 
classical epoch liberal education is education which is appropriate for free 
human beings. In Classical epoch seven liberal arts formed the cycle of 
Trivium and the cycle of Quadrivium. The Trivium consisted of: 
Grammar, Rhetoric and Logic. The Quadrivium consisted of: Arithmetic, 
Geometry, Music and Astronomy (Cosmology). The share to philosophy is 
possible only after training in these seven liberal arts. The system based on 
Trivium-Quadrivium cycle considered that human being needs not to 
know technical skills, but to teach him “how to learn”. Each technical skill 
and experience can be used fair and unfairly. Liberal education teaches 
how to use technical knowledge fair. That was the concept and main goal 
of liberal education in classical epoch. 
                                                 
2  Maluf F. M., Plato and Liberal Education, from IHM School:  
 http://ihm.catholicism.org/2008/12/plato-and-liberal-education-part-one/. 
3  DNP Materials, Artes Liberales. 
Maia Shukhoshvili 
 
376 
With historical development of liberal education change its concept 
and goals. The medieval scholars of Paris and Bologna founded the first 
universities between 1100 and 1200 AD, were the seven liberal arts were 
taught. After 1800s the reformers of higher education decided that higher 
education must answer the problems based on the specific subjects and 
this was the principle of German model. In the middle of 19th century 
many American colleges and universities adopted the German model. 
Traditional liberal education became a much smaller part of the 
educational area. 
At the beginning of 21th century the great part of society rejected liberal 
education and subject-based education was established. The very small 
part of society recognized the importance of liberal education to frame 
cultural well-educated people.4 
From the 21th century liberal education has new defenders, but the 
concept and goals of liberal education are the same: to prepare human 
being to live responsible, productive, and creative, to be ready for lifelong 
learning. The liberal education means that we understand foundations of 
knowledge and inquiry about nature, culture and society, that we master 
core skills of perception, analysis and expressions, that we recognize the 
importance of historical and cultural context and that we explore 
connections among formal learning, citizenship and service to our 
communities.5 
We must underline that when we speak about modern liberal edu-
cation, first of all we mean American model of education. The American 
tradition is incorporated in some European countries with more or less 
success. The main purpose of the liberal education which is established by 
the U. S. model is to promote more employment and to enhance academic 
and student mobility. 
In the modern statement on liberal education it is said that: liberal 
learning is not confined to particular fields of study, but it is rigorous 
methodology. The spirit and value of liberal education are equally 
relevant to all forms of higher education and to all students. Because 
liberal education aims to free us from the constraints of ignorance and 
myopia, it is global and pluralistic by its nature. It embraces the diversity 
of ideas and experiences that characterize the social, natural and 
intellectual world.  
                                                 
4  Conor W. R., Liberal Arts Education in The Twenty-first Century, New York 2008, 49. 
5  Conor W. R., Op. cit., 72. 
For Ancient and Modern Meaning of Liberal Education 
 
377 
The modern liberal education includes the disciplines of humanities, 
natural, social and political sciences. The curriculum of American liberal 
education is based on Trivium-Quadrivium cycle and includes 
propedeutical courses of arts and sciences.  
A. Bloom believed that when we discuss the concept of modern liberal 
education, the main misunderstanding is that we cannot derive modern 
equivalent of liberal education from the “classics”. We mustn‟t search the 
essence of the problem in past, but in present.  
What, then, is the modern equivalent of a liberal education? A. 
Bloom‟s suggestion is notable point: to be liberally educated one does not 
need to master the whole range of modern learning. This is why it is 
dangerous to compare closely ancient and modern models of liberal 
education.6 The key for curriculum of liberal education is curriculum 
which doesn‟t bombard student with facts. The liberal education 
curriculum ought to adopt only this structure. Liberal education 
curriculum tells a story to the student and then gives him chance to make 
conclusions. After this story student ought to try to dig deeper into the 
psychological dynamics of this story. The curriculum which is designed by 
connection of syllabi structured in this way creates the model for liberal 
education curriculum. 
What is common for ancient and modern models of liberal education? 
The common is that liberal education has always been to aspire 
to personal characteristics, critical thinking, skills and learning 
opportunities for future development. The main difference is that liberal 
education in the classical era was more accessible to small groups – free 
people, and in our era it is considered for wide range of people. 
And finally it is fairly notable one similarity between ancient and 
modern models of liberal education, which is covered by the essence of 
liberal education itself, but isn‟t declared neither by ancient nor by 
modern theorists of liberal education. The liberal education will be 
successful only in that case if it is combined with specific subject-based 
field. The liberal education considers this important and necessary. The 
liberal education is propedeutic and introduction for future learning. It 
prepares student to learn specific subject-based field and develops skills 
for such type of learning. Thus, the real outcome of liberal education will 
be useful and fruitful for society only after combining such kind of 
knowledge. 
                                                 
6  Bloom A., The Closing of the American Mind, New York: Simon & Schuster 1987, 44-
51. 


For Ancient and Modern Meaning of Liberal Education

Khintibidze, Zaza

Phasis 13-14, 2010-2011 
 
 
Zaza Khintibidze (Tbilisi) 
GREEK-GEORGIAN CULTURAL AND LITERARY DIALOGUE: 
PLATO, ARISTOTLE, RUSTAVELI 
The contacts between Greek and Georgian civilizations or the dialogue 
between cultures, as labeled in modern scholarship, is rooted in the depths 
of centuries. As known, the earliest stage of the dialogue is veiled in 
legends and survives in mythopoetic thought. Naturally, I refer to the 
Argonauts‟ campaign, Aeetes‟ Colchis, rich in gold, the story of Medea 
and Jason, and the legend of binding Prometheus-Amiran to the hills of 
the Caucasus, preserved in the Greek and Georgian tradition.  
More tangible manifestations of the contacts are the countless 
linguistic parallels vigorously studied by European and Georgian 
researchers for several decades. In this regard, the works by Professor R. 
Gordeziani are especially noteworthy. We should first of all mention Pre-
Greek and Kartvelian (1) published in 1985 and the most recent 
summarizing work Mediterreanean and Kartvelian Encounters, Tbilisi 2007-
2008 (2). 
Another material manifestation of the contacts are archeological 
excavations conducted in the Georgian Black Sea littoral, despite the fact 
that the full-fledge and intensive study of Greek colonies in the Black Sea 
basin is only starting up and the most important geographical locations, 
such as legendary Phasis and Kytaia, have not yet been specified. Hence, it 
is obvious that the mythical land of Colchis still has many secrets to 
reveal, in order to shed light on the contacts between Greek and Georgian 
civilizations. 
As known, the so-called second stage of Greek–Georgian relations 
spanning over almost the whole of the Middle Ages has been explored 
more profoundly. It conventionally lasts up to 1453, the actual end of the 
Byzantine Empire. The common Orthodox Christian past of the two 
Greek-Georgian Cultural and Literary Dialogue: Plato, Aristotle, Rustaveli 
 
277 
friendly nations has been studied intensively by Georgian researchers for 
many decades, covering a big number of highly diverse aspects, whose 
mere enumeration would take us too far. Therefore, in the present paper I 
will confine myself to Greek-Georgian literary contacts, which, without 
exaggeration, proved decisive for the development of Georgian culture to 
its present form. To illustrate the mentioned, I will only refer to several 
widely-known facts: 
1. Though the rudiments of the Georgian alphabet may date from 
pagan times, its ultimate, documented reformation known to us obviously 
took place in the Christian era – i. e. such a reformation of the Georgian 
written language must have been implemented with the knowledge and 
in consideration of the earliest European alphabet, the Greek one. 
2. The completed and revised Georgian redaction of the Bible, as 
applied in modern Georgian church, was developed in the 10th-11th 
centuries in Greece, in the Iveron Monastery on Athos, as a result of its 
multiple juxtaposition with the original text. 
3. The translation of the Bible and other theological works from Greek 
contributed to the development of Georgian language – its colloquial, 
literary and scholarly registers – which gradually laid the foundation for 
the development of modern Georgian language. 
Naturally, the Greek-Georgian cultural dialogue was not unilateral: the 
Medieval Georgian culture was not only fostered and enriched by the 
Byzantine culture, but to a possible extent contributed to its diversity. 
These relations have been dealt with in the works of several generations of 
Georgian scholars starting with Shalva Nucubidze. Exhaustive 
information about the works, corroborated by new ideas and arguments, 
has recently spread beyond the borders of Georgia – I am referring to 
Georgian-Byzantine Literary Contacts by E. Khintibidze, published in 
English in Amsterdam in 1996 (3). I will not further dwell on the point but 
will only recall the following fact, now widely known thanks to K. 
Kekelidze‟s works: many Byzantine literary pieces, whose Greek originals 
have not survived, or are available in later, modified redactions, have been 
preserved in medieval Georgian translations from Greek or sometimes 
Arabian sources. 
The Knight in the Panther‟s Skin, the immortal poem of Rustaveli, an 
epic poet of the end of the 12th century, has been rightly recognized as the 
peak of the Georgian literature and culture in general, and as the most 
brilliant manifestation of Georgian intellect not only of the Middle ages 
but of all times. 
Zaza Khintibidze 
 
278 
The relationship of the poem with Greek culture has been covered in 
many scholarly works. However, their overwhelming majority is focused 
on the study of Rustaveli‟s philosophical reasoning, his weltanschauung 
relative to the Greek philosophical thought and do not aim at examining 
literary parallels. This can be explained by the fact that the poem makes no 
direct reference to any Greek poet or Greek literary character, unlike 
eastern and specifically, Persian epic poetry. Moreover, Rustaveli 
mentions only two Greek philosophers – Plato and Dionysus the 
Areopagite, and each only once. This may appear even more surprising 
bearing in mind the findings of Georgian Rustvelologists who argue that 
in his reasoning, Rustaveli more often follows Aristotle as compared to 
Plato, especially his Nicomachean Ethics and Poetics. 
This may prompt the following question: how can we explain 
Rustaveli‟s mentioning of Plato by name and no nominal allusion to 
Aristotle? I found an answer to this elusive question in a recent 
publication called Reference to Plato in the Man in the Panther‟s Skin and Its 
World Purport (4), which also cites all relevant scholarly literature. 
The research revealed that the Platonic „wisdom‟, rendered through 
the words of a protagonist knight, Avtandil (KPS, 787, 3-4) (5) fully 
corresponds to the Greek Philosopher‟s ethical teachings about justice, 
expounded in his well-known dialogue The Republic or On Justice: Political, 
specifically, in several passages of Book II (363 e, 382 a-c) and at the end of 
the final Book X. However, Rustaveli does not give a rigorous account of 
any of Platonic statements but renders in his own words the main idea, the 
main thesis of Plato‟s entire teachings. Moreover, the antonymous concept 
injustice of the Platonic justice is substituted in the poem by its logical 
counterpart deceit and hypocrisy (“sicrue da orpiroba”). The 
substitution is compelled by Line 787 as well as by the overall context of 
the whole chapter, The Will of Avtandil. However, despite the change, the 
reasoning of the Rustavelian hero follows the logic of the Platonic 
teaching: a man who is deceitful and hypocritical according to Rustaveli, 
and unfair according to Plato, will first be appropriately punished in this 
world, in his life time (“avnebs xorcsa”, KPS, 787, 4), and then in the next 
world, after his death (“merme sulsa”, KPS, 787, 4). 
As we can see, though the essence of the Platonic statement is not 
altered, the reference to the Greek philosopher is quite vague and without 
mentioning the source, the attribution of the statement would be unclear 
to the reader. I believe that for this very reason Rustaveli might have 
found it necessary to mention Plato by name, i. e. refer to the primary 
source of the passage containing allusion. 
Greek-Georgian Cultural and Literary Dialogue: Plato, Aristotle, Rustaveli 
 
279 
Rustaveli‟s numerous allusions to Aristotle, in my opinion, is an 
altogether different case: the passage so rigorously follows one or another 
teaching of Aristotle that it becomes unnecessary to mention the author by 
name. For example, the theory of friendship, or rather its essence, 
expounded and corroborated by Aristotle in Books VIII and IX of his 
Nicomachean Ethics, is rendered by Rustaveli poetically but with maximum 
precision in a sole verse (KPS, 775), again through the protagonist 
Avtandil. More specifically, according to Avtandil, there are three ways 
man may express his attitude to his friend: the first is the desire of man to 
be beside his friend, and the inability to endure the distance. The 
corresponding Aristotelian statement is „tÕ suzÁn‟ – “living together” (NE, 
1157b); [The second way is] readiness of man, as Rustaveli states, to give 
away everything to his friend, which excludes any form of envy. This 
closely resembles the Aristotelian „ca…rein ¢ll»loij„ – “to delight in each 
other” (NE, 1158a). [The third way is] providing help and actual benefit, 
which corresponds to Aristotle‟s „tÕn boulÕmenon ka• pr£ttonta t¢gaq¦„, 
– “who wishes and does what is good” (NE, 1166a). In Nicomachean Ethic  
(Book VIII, Chapter 5), Aristotle mentions the three signs of friendship, 
but this time all of them are given together and what I believe is the most 
important for the present discussion, they are given in the same order as 
in Rustaveli‟s poem. In particular, according to Aristotle, true friends are 
those who live together, delight in each other and confer benefits on each 
other: „... oƒ μὲν g¦r suzîntej ca…rousin ¢ll»loij ka• por…zousi t¢gaq£ ...„ 
(NE, 1157b), (see and cf. 6, 577-8).  
Professor V. Asatiani‟s monograph Byzantine Civilization (7), published 
with the support of the Dyonisios Varelas Foundation for the Byzantine 
Studies, devotes a chapter (see 7, 258-464) to the wide range of Byzantine 
and Georgian relations. The Georgian historical, literary and religious 
materials presented and analyzed in this chapter attest to the popularity 
and reputation that Aristotle enjoyed in Pre-Rustavelian and Rustaveli‟s 
contemporary Georgia. It suffices to recall Rustaveli‟s senior 
contemporary eulogic poet Chakhrukhadze, who unambiguously states in 
the poem Tamariani that not merely he is unable to duly praise Queen 
Tamar, but even Socrates, Homer, Plato and Sophocles would appear 
powerless; only the mastery of Aristotle and Dionysus the Areopagite 
would make this possible (see 7, 331-332). 
Considering the above-mentioned, no further comments are needed to 
understand why Rustaveli‟s reference to Aristotle is not explicit: in 
medieval Georgia Aristotle was so popular and his thoughts were so 
widely known through Georgian translations of Greek or Arab 
Zaza Khintibidze 
 
280 
philosophical works that the readers of the Rustaveli‟s poem did not need 
a nominal allusion to Aristotle. As concerns the explicit reference to Plato, 
this should not be understood as indicative of the Georgian readers‟ low 
awareness of Plato in those times, but as an indispensable clue to remove 
any possible ambiguities in terms of attribution, which might be caused by 
the employment of periphrasis and the poet‟s original interpretations 
when rendering this particular ethical statement of Plato. 
In the end, I would like to draw your attention to a fact that might 
appear somewhat unflattering. The Knight in the Panther‟s Skin – rightly 
included in the treasury of world literature, a masterpiece that amply 
considers Pre-Christian as well as Christian Greek philosophical heritage, 
and at the same time, as I try to highlight in my recent researches, impling 
quite interesting and far-going references to the Homeric epics (see 8; 9; 
10), – has been translated in many languages worldwide, including almost 
all European languages – even several times into some of them – has not 
yet been completely translated and published in Greek. However, I believe 
that the filling of this gap will mark a new, modern stage of Greek and 
Georgian centuries-old cultural relations. 
REFERENCES: 
1. Gordeziani R., Pre-Greek and Kartvelian, Tbilisi 1985 (in Georgian). 
2. Gordeziani R., Mediterranean and Kartvelian Encounters, Tbilisi 2007-2008 (in 
Georgian). 
3. Khintibidze E., Georgian Byzantine Literary Contacts, Amsterdam 1996. 
4. Khintibidze E., Reference to Plato in The Man in the Panther‟s Skin and its World 
Purport, The Kartvelologist, 12, 2005, 66-82. 
5. Shota Rustaveli, The Knight in the Panther‟s Skin, Tbilisi 1988. 
6. Khintibidze E., The World View of Rustaveli‟s Vepkhistqaosani – The Man in the 
Panther‟s Skin, Tbilisi 2009. 
7. Asatiani V., Byzantine Civiilzation, Tbilisi 2006 (in Georgian). 
8. Khintibidze Z., Homer and Rustaveli, Tbilisi 2005 (in Georgian). 
9. Khintibidze Z., Compositional Function of the Circe-Myth in Greek-Roman, 
Medieval European and Georgian Epic Traditions: Typological Similarities or 
Literary Reception, Phasis. Greek and Roman Studies, 10 (II), Tbilisi 2007, 48-56. 
10. Khintibidze Z., Aristotle‟s Conception of the Artistic Unity of Homer‟s Epic and 
Rustaveli‟s The Man in the Panther‟s Skin, The Kartvelologist, 15, 2009, 60-77. 


Greek-Georgian Cultural and Literary Dialogue: Plato, Aristotle, Rustaveli

Gardapkhadze, Ketevan

Greek Symbols in Galaktion Tabidze's Poetic Language 
 
 
227 
Ketevan Gardapkhadze (Tbilisi) 
GREEK SYMBOLS IN GALAKTION TABIDZE'S 
POETIC LANGUAGE 
The works of Galaktion Tabidze, one of the greatest poets of the 20th 
century, are noteworthy in many aspects. One such aspect is that his 
poetry cannot be described within the frameworks of any literary trend. 
Several main trends are identified in G. Tabidze's poetry: symbolist, those 
stemming from Georgian classical literature and folklore, and realist, 
which is a mechanical division of G. Tabidze's poetry, which "elucidated 
its own and the whole Georgian culture's relationship with the 'immense 
global lyre'. That is why G. Tabidze so easily manages to get into 
conversation and sometimes argue or compete with the global culture of 
Antiquity, the Middle Ages, Renaissance, and the 19th and 20th centuries."7 
However, G. Tabidze's poetry attracts attention first and foremost for 
the poet's great interest in and respect for Old Greece. With the intensity 
and depth of its reference to the Greek cultural traditions, G. Tabidze's 
poetry is an absolutely special event in the Georgian literature of the 20th 
century. On the one hand, ancient Greece is for G. Tabidze an everlasting 
value and the foundation of the world civilization, which people in 
various epochs regularly revert to and, on the other hand, the Greek 
civilization is his own country's historical and mythological past – the 
legends of the Argonauts' trip to Colchis and Prometheus chained to the 
Caucasus ridge. Therefore, the poet often refers to Greek themes in the 
context of his own homeland's history. In addition, ancient Greece was the 
landmark, which was to link Georgia's past glory with the most important 
values of the global culture. 
                                                 
7  Tvaradze R., Galaktion, Tbilisi 1972, 124 (in Georgian). 
Ketevan Gardapkhadze 
 
228 
At the same time, Hellas as an image and symbol can be regarded as 
most intensively represented in G. Tabidze's works. I do not mean the 
frequency of the use of this specific term, but the depth of perception of 
this term as an image and symbol, i. e. the amount and nature of the 
information linked to them. Hellas as an image and symbol is represented 
in poems in quite different parameters: 
1. Geographic and ethnic: Athens, Lesbos, Rhodes, Spartans, Salamis, 
Thermopolis, Illis, Megarians, Olympus, Phaleron Bay, Hellespont, Lace-
daemon; 
2. Historic and social: Hetaera, Harmodius, Aristogeiton, Hipparchus, 
Aspasia, Dionysus ritual; 
3. Literary: elegy, Demosthenes, Homer, epitaph, Pindar, Sappho, 
Anacreon, Archilochus, Thucydides, Hesiod, Tyrtaeus, Simonides, cathar-
sis, iamb, Iliad, Odyssey, ode, paean; 
4. Scientific: Archimedes, atom, logos, academy. 
5. Art: Parthenon, altar of Borea, amphitheatre, Praxiteles, Doric and Ionic 
columns; 
6. Mythology: Medea, Argonauts, Dionysus, Musa, Titans, Sphynx, 
Aphrodite, Zeus, Zephira, Jason, Nymph, Niobe, Orpheus, Aristaeus, Nio-
bids, Prometheus, Maenads, Tethys, Artemide, Actaeon, Hydra, Gratiae, 
Gryphon, Demeter, Daemon, Helen, Diomedes, Themis, Calypsos, Ty-
deus, Achilles, Phoenix, Hermes. 
I would like to add that the multi-functionality of Greek images also 
attracts attention in G. Tabidze's poetry. In this regard, Dionysus is most 
remarkable, bearing various symbolic overtones in seven cases out of eight 
(the divine prototype of the poet; the symbol of vegetation; the symbol of 
those, who aroused the muse of sculptors for creating masterpieces; the 
symbol of theatricality; the symbol of divine perfection; the symbol of a 
deity suffering for humanity; and the symbol of satisfaction and 
hedonism). It is noteworthy that the most popular symbol of Dionysus 
(Bacchus) remains almost without any attention with G. Tabidze. It is also 
noteworthy that the poet is quite consistent in using Greek images and 
symbols in his narrative poems and verses. In addition, the poet uses 
many Greek images and symbols as artistic images in absolutely different 
manner. G. Tabidze manages to establish completely new connections 
with already known and traditional images, transforming them into a 
basis for non-traditional and unexpected comparisons ("Although 
Greek Symbols in Galaktion Tabidze's Poetic Language 
 
 
229 
wrinkles covered his forehead like epitaphs a tombstone",8 "Argonauts' 
belt, a cloud in colourfulness"9). If we take a statistic look at this issue, the 
poet uses 114 Greek images and symbols 231 times at various levels: 
1. A Greek poetic image as a component of a small structure within a 
verse. In such cases, Greek terms are used as symbols or arguments for a 
poetic idea with their functions organically linked to the general structure 
and purpose of verses. 
2. A Greek poetic image as a component of a large structure within a 
verse. In such cases, we may have various kinds of works. They may be 
based fully on a mythological theme or the poet may be creating a world 
linked to completely different periods of history of ancient countries. 
There are cases, when the author eliminates chronological barriers and 
represents himself as part of this large harmonious universe. 
To illustrate the aforementioned, one work will be considered from 
each block. The first verse to be discussed is "He made friends with it", 
which, in my opinion, is quite interesting for interpreting. The verse 
describes the problem of confrontation between humans and nature. It 
starts with the following first line: "Man made friends with nature itself." 
The rest of the work, however, effectively describes alienation between 
man and nature. The following passage is quite interesting in this 
confrontation: 
It will respond to everything with revenge. 
What does he pin his hopes on? 
The clumsy rage of the old fever of natural forces, 
Which makes Archimedes sad even today.10 
Many discoveries that enabled man to make an impact on nature are 
linked to Archimedes. It is also known that people in Antiquity regarded 
as sacrilege to use talents bestowed by gods against nature and humans.11 
It is known that Archimedes was involved in the following episode: When 
the Roman fleet attacked his native town of Syracuse, the ruler of 
Syracuse, Hiero, asked him, as a great scientist, for help. Archimedes 
created an amazing defensive system for the town based on the practical 
application of the laws of mechanics he had discovered. The Roman fleet 
found itself in a terrible situation and had to retreat. However, 
                                                 
8  Tabidze G., Complete works in 12 volumes, vol. VII, Tbilisi 1968, 28, 52 (in Georgian). 
9  Tabidze G., 1968, 88. 
10  Tabidze G., 1968, 263. 
11  Geschichte des wissenschaftlichen Denkens in Altertum, hrsg. F. Jurss, Berlin 1982. 
Ketevan Gardapkhadze 
 
230 
Archimedes seems not to have forgiven himself this sin, so he did not 
leave any drawings linked to the use of his laws in battle equipment and 
did not even try to create a similar defensive system, when Romans 
attacked again. He fell victim to the Roman conquest of Syracuse together 
with his fellow citizens.12 
Given the aforementioned, I think that G. Tabidze uses Archimedes as 
a symbol of concern about humanity and thoughts on establishing 
harmonious relations between nature and humans and combining 
theoretical ideas of humans with practical deeds with respect to nature. 
That is why the line "Which makes Archimedes sad even today" should be 
understood as a symbol of the problem that has worried humanity since 
Antiquity: confrontation between humans and nature (Discussion of the 
confrontation between nature and humanity started back in the times of 
Hesiod.13). 
      To better understand the function of the Greek images and symbols of 
the second block, I would like to concentrate on one aspect in G. Tabidze's 
works, which has not been sufficiently explored. It is his poetic treaty 
"Conversation about Lyrics" (1940), where he describes in a poetic form 
the main function of poetry and lyrics. The author says that poetry should 
first and foremost convey the heartbeat of the public and serve the 
country: 
Let us serve 
Our Homeland again, 
Listen to its call.14 
How seriously G. Tabidze prepared to write this narrative poem, 
becomes obvious in the so-called prosaic version of the poem, which is 
effectively a kind of scientific prooemium written before the poem itself.15 
We will revert to the comments at the end of this article. Here, I would like 
to say a few words about the structure of the poem, which consists of 176 
strophes. They can thematically be divided into the following parts: 
1. Strophes I-VI are the so-called introduction devoted to the poet's 
memories and description of his homeland; 
2. Strophes VII-XL present a lengthy discussion of the function of poetry 
and its connection with society; 
                                                 
12  Plut., Pelopid. Marcell., XIV, XIX. 
13  Hesiod, Theogony, ed. with Prolegomena and Commentary by H. I. West, Oxford 1966. 
14  Tabidze G., Complete works in 12 volumes, vol. IX, Tbilisi 1971, 148 (in Georgian). 
15  Tabidze G., Complete works in 12 volumes, vol. XII, Tbilisi 1975, 566-575 (in Georgian). 
Greek Symbols in Galaktion Tabidze's Poetic Language 
 
 
231 
3. Strophes XLI-LXI are devoted to a systemic poetic overview of the 
archaic Greek lyrics; 
4. Strophes LXII-CLXXVI describe in a non-systemic manner main aspects 
of the development of poetry together with a certain amount of the poet's 
political views. This part of the poem is mostly associative: associations 
linked to one theme give rise to the discussion of another theme and the 
poet switches from Georgian poetry to facts of world poetry. 
Correspondingly, it can be said that the only passage in the whole 
poem, which is systemic and logical is the discussion of the archaic Greek 
lyrics. G. Tabidze effectively emphasized that this period was outstanding 
in the development of world lyrics with its logic and organic connection 
with the social and political contexts. In my opinion, G. Tabidze's opinion 
on archaic Greek lyrics is noteworthy for two aspects: 
1. The poet's vision of how archaic lyrics took shape, what was most 
important on this path, and which poets he deems most important in the 
archaic period of Greek lyrics; 
2. How laconic and interesting is the poet's description of the poetry, when 
he characterizes the works of each poet. 
As I already said, for G. Tabidze, the main thing in poetry is to empha-
size the position of an active citizen. He believes that in this regard, 
archaic Greek lyrics, which charms us with its "national spirit and mo-
desty" is incomparable.16 Given this, G. Tabidze concentrates only on those 
poets, who are appropriate to public sentiments. Therefore, it is quite easy 
to explain the fact that we do not encounter in the poem names like 
Sappho, Alcaeus, or Anacreon, i. e. the poetry that can be regarded as 
"lyrics for lyrics".17 
G. Tabidze starts speaking about the functional force of lyrics with 
legendary Orpheus, who is presented with the following features: people 
attribute magic force to him; his songs can move inanimate things and 
even "heartless and powerful gods" and can tame beasts. It can be said that 
the poem shows quite fully the features of Orpheus described in the 
mythological tradition.18 
G. Tabidze regards Archilochus of Paros as the forefather of lyric 
poetry: "Archilochus was the forefather of lyric poetry".19 In this case, G. 
Tabidze takes into account two circumstances: first, Archilochus is the first 
                                                 
16  Tabidze G., 1971, 154. 
17  Gordeziani R., Greek Civilization, I, Tbilisi 1988, 201-232 (in Georgian). 
18  Zigler K., RE XVIII. 1, 1200-1316.  
19  Tabidze G., 1971, 15. 
Ketevan Gardapkhadze 
 
232 
poet in the history of European literature, whose phase of life can be dated 
more or less precisely, and second, he is the first poet, who can be 
described as a truly lyric poet, as his poetry is the first to show so boldly 
the individualism of a lyric poet.20 
Writing about Archilochus, G. Tabidze emphasizes three main fea-
tures: iambographer, intolerance of humiliation, and sharp lyrics, which 
G. Tabidze describes with a capacious expression – "poison of lyrics". The 
poet used these allusions to describe the main features of the individuality 
of Archilochus of Paros as a poet and citizen. 
Among the poets of archaic period, G. Tabidze mentions Tyrtaeus and, 
in this connection, wars between Spartans and Messenians, in which 
Spartans, who were few in number, defeated the enemies thanks to the 
poet's ardent verses that served to arouse war energy and determination. 
Tyrtaeus was indeed one of the forefathers of war lyrics,21 which is most 
important for G. Tabidze. As we know from the history of literature, 
Tyrtaeus wrote not only war elegies. He was the first poet, who glorified 
the political system of his own polis. Unfortunately, G. Tabidze does not 
concentrate on this issue.22 
In the three strophes of the poem devoted to Solon, G. Tabidze recites 
the well-known story of recapturing Salamina, emphasizing the decisive 
role of Solon's war songs in the recapture. In addition, writing about 
Solon's poetry, the poet describes it as elegiac poetry, which puts emphasis 
on philosophic and social problems, and "links to verses"23 laws and 
political addresses. As a political figure and poet, Solon was interested in 
the future of the polis, laws of its existence, and relations between society 
and personalities (correlation between the divine and human spheres),24 
which G. Tabidze conveys in a very laconic and precise manner. 
G. Tabidze also writes about a well-known representative of choral 
lyrics, Simonides of Ceos, being interested only in those aspects of his 
poetry, which depict the Greek-Persian war. It is known that Simonides 
devoted beautiful lines to the Spartan heroes, who fell near Thermopiles. 
The lines in G. Tabidze's poetry may be the first attempt of translation into 
Georgian of the famous epitaph that came down to us as written by Simoni-
                                                 
20  Gordeziani R., Greek Literature, Tbilisi 2002, vol. I, 175-183 (in Georgian); West M. L., 
Studies in Greek Elegy and Iambus, Berlin, New York 1974, 23-28. 
21  Gordeziani R., Op. cit., 186-188. 
22  Arist., Polit., 5, 6, 2; Strab., 8, 362. 
23  Tabidze G., 1971, 152-153. 
24  Latacz., GLTD, 184. 
Greek Symbols in Galaktion Tabidze's Poetic Language 
 
 
233 
des of Ceos: "O Stranger, send the news home to the Lacedaemonians that 
here we lie at rest: the commands they gave us have been obeyed". The 
comments make it clear that the translation was made from Russian, 
because the author adds in brackets a phrase in Russian ("loyal to com-
mands of homeland" – “верные закону родины”).25 G. Tabidze says 
nothing about other aspects of the poetry of Simonides of Ceos (as a 
professional and intellectual), because the main thing for him is Simonides' 
love for his homeland expressed in his poems as praises of homeland. 
Among lyric poets, G. Tabidze gives a highest assessment to Pindar. 
He points out the main features of Pindar: "singing in an amazing voice", 
glorifying his homeland, writing odes and hymns, glorifying the winners 
in Olympic and Pythian games, abundance of strophes, beauty of images, 
eloquence, and "misamReri msaxveli Zala". One aspect G. Tabidze likes 
most in Pindar's works is the general Hellenic nature of his poetry. The 
heroes Pindar praised participated in Pan-Hellenic competitions, 
expressing the faith of people and the force and immortality of their genes. 
Let us now revert to the comments (the prosaic version of the poem), 
which we mentioned above. G. Tabidze creates a theoretical basis for his poem 
in it. He departs from the assumption that lyrics is the force that "breathes 
eternal vitality and develops together with the pace of development of 
humanity."26 According to G. Tabidze, the harmonious connection of lyrics 
with public and political life was particularly strong in Greece in the 7th and 6th 
centuries BC and became one of the motive forces of society. As a summary, 
G. Tabidze refers to his own translation of a scholium called a song of 
Harmodius by a scholiast known by the name of Callistratus, who praises 
Harmodius and Aristogeiton for their attempt to kill a tyrant. 
G. Tabidze's poem makes it clear that no one in Georgian poetry has 
gone as far as he did in the creative comprehension of Antiquity. His 
poem can be regarded as the most competent praise of the archaic Greek 
lyrics in Georgian poetry. In addition, it has an excellent poetic form. 
Given this, it becomes clear that the frequent use of Greek images and 
symbols in G. Tabidze's works is due not only to paying tribute to the 
origins of the European civilization, but also to the poet's boundless 
respect and love for Hellenic culture. That is why Greek images used by 
G. Tabidze are so organically linked to the structure and poetics of his 
verses. 
                                                 
25  Tabidze G., Complete works in 12 volumes, vol. XII, Tbilisi 1973, 569 (in Georgian). 
26  Tabidze G., 1973, 570-571. 


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