Journal Phasis - Greek and Roman Studies

Gigauri, Tsisana

Phasis 7, 2004
Tsisana Gigauri (Tbilisi)
OVID'S POLYPHONIC CHARACTER AND HIS FAILURE
One of the famous representatives of the "Golden Youth", its heart and soul –
Publius Ovidius Naso was highly gifted. He was handsome, quite well-off, he 
never served as an official and so, he could, as Quintilianus says, "Freely use 
his gift"1 and unlimited time. Ovid was among the recognized poets: Tibullus, 
Propertius, despite the difference in age-Horace. Ovid aspired to knowledge 
at rhetorical schools in Rome. It taught him the rhetorical-declamatory style. 
At the same time he was well accepted among the relatives of Princeps, even 
in the circle of his granddaughter – Julia. But, though the poet did not lose the 
opportunity to sing Augustus’ praises, he was not a preacher of a new regime, 
as Virgil – the apologist of the politics of Octavius, was. The latter dedicated 
his poetic talent to the works of Octavius, as the interpretation of the realiza-
tion of the great historic mission and saw the prosperity of Rome, called the 
"Golden Century" in the revival of the best traditions of the remote past. 
When we speak about Ovid, beside Virgil, we must remember the second 
poet – Horace, but conditionally called of an official tendency. The talented 
poet did not support Augustus willingly, but from time to time, he praised 
him, notwithstanding his republican past. Virgil, like Horace, was a safe fig-
ure for Princeps. 
Like world literature and literary criticism, Russian classical literature was 
extremely well familiar with the talented representatives of Augustus epoch 
and often referred to it giving certain evaluation. The famous poet – Pushkin 
called Horace a "clever hypocrite", a "singer of Augustus" and he liked his 
poetry so much, that he translated his ode that was dedicated to Pompeus Va-
rusus. Prominent critic N. Chernishevski estimates him as a "form" poet, "fas-
tidious", but, at the same time, he rejects "submission".2 If we estimate the 
                                                
1 Quntilianus. The Institutio Oratoria, 90, X.
2 N. Chernishevski. Complete works. V. IV, 508 (In the Russian language).
Ovid's Polyphonic Character and his Failure 55
life of Ovid from the retrospective point of view, we can conclude, that unlike 
the above – mentioned "pen brothers", he was a great thinker and a real inter-
preter of the events. He confronts the norms of life made by Princeps and by 
means of his great talent he shows his own opinion about the amorous rela-
tions between people. Ovid managed to make the main motives of his works 
common to mankind that made the readers the images of the society. We must 
also mention that he brought not serious motives, flippant, thoughtless, dolt-
ish characters in his poetry. So, he rejects moral purity, the rules of pure, im-
maculate life and confronts to Princeps. That was why the relations between 
Augustus and Ovid ended in such a tragic way for the latter. Publius Ovidius 
Naso as Ovidius Drimba calls him remained "the poet of Rome and Tomis"3
in the memory of posterity. Here is meant, that Octavius Augustus exiled him 
to the shore of the Black Sea, to far cold Tomis. The last fact became an ac-
tual problem for scientists and researchers of all the epochs. The certain part 
of mankind has had a desire to solve this item for a long time and wants to 
find those real reasons that made Augustus get rid of the dangerous poet and 
punish him. The research on this theme made by Iamze Gagua in the Geor-
gian language was added4 to the scientific researches published in different 
countries. To her mind, the reason for Ovid’s exile and punishment was his 
poems. Many researchers of classical philology have the same opinions and 
not only representatives of the researchers, but also those poets, who admire 
the Roman poet and regret his exile. Sufficient to mention Alexander Push-
kin, who speaks about Ovidius Naso with honour. In "Evgeni Onegin" he says 
that the Roman poet was opposed5 because of his frivolous poems. Pushkin’s 
hero – Evgeni, besides other knowledge, knew Roman poetry; he was a wor-
shipper of Ovid "tender passion". Pushkin says that Ovid ended his life so 
terribly because of the description of such kind of feelings. We must mention 
that, unlike Cicero, who suffered the betrayal of Augustus terribly and even 
thought to enter his palace secretly and commit suicide to provoke the ghosts 
of vergeance6 against Princeps, Ovid accused only himself. We do not meet a 
reproach towards the Emperor anywhere. Though he was taken away from the 
marvellous society, excellent people. 
It is known, that Ovid confessed the credo of his life: we always want 
something forbidden. If we look through his life and poetic works superfi-
cially, we shall see that his ideas had their rhythm in this echo of his soul, i.e. 
                                                
3 Ovidius Drimba. Ovid a poet of Rome and Tomis, Bucharest, 1967 (In the Russian language).
4 I. Gagua. Ambivalent in the works of Ovidius and the politics of Augustus. Doctoral disserta-
tion (manuscript), Tbilisi, 2004 (In the Georgian language).
5 A. Pushkin. Evgeni Onegin, chapter VIII (In the Russian language). 
6 S. Utchenko. Cicero and his time. Moscow, 1972, 351 (In the Russian language).
Tsisana Gigauri56
wanting something forbidden, what was unacceptable for the regime of Octa-
vius. It seems that Ovid did not know with whom he had to do. Even Cicero, 
oppressed by Octavius, calls him "divine". The senate presented Octavius 
with an honorable name – "Augustus", that comes from the verb "Augere" 
and means "raised by the Gods", "bringing kindness for those who praised 
their government".
We must mention that Augustus, unlike Ovid was brought up in a very 
strict atmosphere and under constant attention.7 Another circumstance must 
be taken into consideration, as Plutarch says, the fame of Ceasar Gaius Julius, 
even of the dead one, helped his friends greatly, and those who became the 
inheritors of his name, turned from weak boys into the first Romans.8 The 
owner of the famous name, taken from the inheritance, having endured so 
much misfortune, could not stand any resistance from anybody, even from 
popular Ovid. It is natural, that the Emperor had pretension towards him. In 
"Divine Augustus’ matters" Octavius tells us, that he gathered the army by his 
decision and own sources. It brought freedom to his government, that was in 
the hands of conspiratorial gangs.9
Augustus tried to behave properly and at the some time modestly. He 
wanted to return for spoilt Rome by luxury the morality and image of the old 
Republic. He issued the rules to strengthen the family and root out immoral-
ity, dissoluteness. As it is known, he did not spare even the members of his 
family and spread the rules on them. Of course Ovid could not survive from 
his rage. I do not think, it is right, when M. Schanz talks about the motive of 
incest and brings Ovid in this context.10
Besides dominating challenging character of love motive in his poetry I 
think, one of the main reasons for the poet’s exile must be historical. It is a 
fact, the reason for Naso’s exile remains the secret of the history of Rome and 
the white spots in the history of multinational world’s people, we must dis-
cuss it not only in the context of the works of the poet, but also by foreseeing 
his encirclement. 
It becomes more interesting and real, if we take into consideration the 
fact, that Ovid mentions the reason for his exile nowhere. We can suppose 
everything from the analysis of his works. If the poet, at the beginning of 
"Tristia"11 says, he was punished because of his poems, then he talks about 
                                                
7 Nicolas Damascius. About the life of Augustus and his up-bringing, 1960, # 4, 114, IV.
8 Plutarch, Brutus, L VII (IV).
9 The affairs of divine Augustus, edited by S. Utchenko, Moscow, 1962, P. 527 (In the Russian 
language).
10 Geschichte der Römischen Litteratur, von M.Schanz, München,1911, VIII, II, 1. 
11 Ovid, Tristia, II, 7.
Ovid's Polyphonic Character and his Failure 57
the accident, that brought him much harm.12 In the second chapter he claims 
that the accident was the reason for his punishment.13 In the "Letters from 
Ponto" he doubts whether to name or not the reasons of his mistake,14 but fear 
makes him withdraw, as he wants to avoid the rage of Princeps and he leaves 
the possibility of pardoning him. When speaking about the poet, another thing 
remains impenetrable and unsolved, there was a serious, important reason, 
that made Ovid’ fate turn backwards and I want to mention one of the events 
of Ovid up-to-date epoch. We must stress not only the help of Julia in love 
affairs by the poet, who unlike Augustus, saw the moral norms differently, 
but also that secret conspiracy, which meant to make Agrippa Postumus free. 
If we pay attention to that fact, how carefully Ovid handles the possibility of 
revealing the secret, we can conclude, that the reason for his exile is con-
nected with the name of Agrippa Postumus. The reason for making this mat-
ter confidential and keeping it for a long time, becomes clear. The mystifica-
tion of the exile reason makes me think about the above-mentioned circum-
stance. The history has brought us the information, that Augustus thought 
about reconciling with his grandson. If it had happened Ovid would have had 
opportunity to come back to Rome. In fact, there was no accusation of the 
poet, made by the Emperor, nothing threatened his life, and nobody touched 
his property. 
Michael von Albrecht expresses the following viewpoints about the rea-
sons for Ovid’s exile: "Our poet claims that the reason is generally known to 
everybody, but cannot be declared. He hints that he has seen something for-
bidden – it is not explicit whether he means Julia Junior’s lovemaking or his 
attempt to make Agrippa Postum heir of Augustus’ throne".15
We can, therefore, conclude that the scholar does not give preference to 
either of his presumed reasons. 
So, discussing the events connected with Publius Ovidius Naso this way, 
gives us the opportunity to make sure, how closely interconnected are the 
historic and literature facts and a man whatever great person he is, is a toy in 
the hands of the omnipotent fate. To confirm the fact that Ovid is great, it is 
enough to remember the words of academician A.Losev: "Ovid together with 
Homer, is the greatest poet of all times, who represents the main source of 
acquainting wide society with antique mythology".16
                                                
12 idid, II, 89.
13 idid, II, 122.
14 Epistolae ex Ponto, II, 2, 55.
15 М. фон Альбрехт. История римской литературы. Перевод с немецкого А. И. Любжина. 
Москва, 2002, 863.
16 A. Losev, G. Sonkina, A. Takho-Godi, N. Timofeeva, N. Cherjomukhina. The Antique Litera-
ture. Moscow, 1963, 308 (In the Russian language).


English

Ovid\u27s Polyphonic Character and his Failure

Sukhishvili, Tamar

Phasis 8, 2005 
 
Tamar Sukhishvili (Tbilisi) 
 
USES OF THE SOMATIC WORD HAND IN OATH, PRAYER, 
SUPPLICATION AND REVENGE FORMULAE IN ILIAD I  
Somatic words belong to the ancient lexical fund and the phraseological ex-
pressions formed by the participation of these words reflect many archaic 
semantic and morphological features that are valuable for the development of 
the history of language and thinking. In this paper I shall attempt to focus on 
the formulae of oath, prayer, supplication and revenge (anger). Hinting on the 
parts of the body in the above-mentioned phrases appears to be a usual prac-
tice closely connected with ancient imaginations, e.g. common revenge for-
mula I’ll drink your blood seems to be emerged from the ancient mythopoetic 
tradition: blood is a life symbol, it is a carrier of the human soul (cf. in Homer 
a soul flies away from the wound by blood, etc.). This formula is a metaphor 
implying a great desire of revenge, of annihilating (mainly referring to an 
enemy). Numerous examples of the formulae of oath, prayer, supplication and 
revenge (anger) can be found in Homer’s poems. I turn now to considering 
the formulae containing the somatic word hand on the evidence of Iliad I.  
There is a variety of word combinations and phraseological expressions 
formed by the word hand in general. This word appears to be very fruitful in 
the word creation process. It is to be mentioned that there are quite many 
formulae of this kind in Iliad I. This is not unusual. The song deals with the 
anger of Achilles and if we decide to find out the key word for this song it 
should be the very first word of the poem μένος (anger, passion). The whole 
composition of this song turns round the main point i.e. μένος.1 Here is the 
list of the somatic words represented in the formulae of oath, prayer and anger 
in the 1st song of "Iliad": χείρ (hand), αἷμα (blood), λύθρον (defilement from 
                                                 
1  B.B. Powell, Homer, Oxford, 2004, 66-113. 
 Tamar Sukhishvili  
 
120 
blood), θυμός (life, heart, anger), φρήν (mind, heart), νόος (mind), ἀνθερεών 
(chin), γόνυ (knee)…  
Having observed the given formulae one can reveal some notable details. 
Here I would like to cite the opinion of J. Vandryes about the metaphorisation 
of the somatic elements. He speaks about the frequency of somatic words 
regarding the process of metaphorisation and mentions that the metaphor of 
hand is one of the most widespread examples. According to the scholar, hand 
is the main human instrument; a man usually does his work by his hands and 
there is a variety of jobs done with the help of hands.2 Having considered the 
above-mentioned opinion the frequency of the metaphorical phrases contain-
ing the word hand becomes evident (cf.: Monkeys do not have hands, they 
have body parts for catching the things. A hand is a human attribute; the at-
tribute of the creature that has speaking ability i.e. cognition3).  
The 1st song of Iliad offers us a clear depiction of the functional diversity 
of the word hand. The priest fills a bowl for sacrifice with his hands; hand 
plays an important role in the ritual of prayer. Archaeological finds i.e. human 
figures with their hands raised prove the same. "Greeks rarely knelt in prayer; 
the usual practice was to extend the hands to the gods".4 Chryses prays to 
Apollo the following way – χειρὰς ὀρεγνύς. Pulleyn pays attention to the giv-
en form and notices that the form ὀρεγνύς is unique in Homeric prayer. In 
other passages ὀρέγων (delivered from the same stem) is found in prayers (Il. 
15.371 and Od. 9.527). The scholar assumes that the latter (ὀρέγων) form was 
common but ὀρεγνύς was chosen just because it fitted the metre at the end of 
the line… Other authors used the following forms for the prayer: ἀναπτάς, 
ἀνασχών. 5 
Another episode I want to focus on is as S. Pulleyn calls it the first exam-
ple of full physical supplication of a god in Greek literature.6 It is the episode 
of Thetis asking Zeus to help her son Achilles. She slips down before Zeus, 
her left hand placed on his knees and her right hand held up to cup his chin. 
Thus she makes her plea to him. The passage is debatable. It is a kind of a 
mixture of prayer and supplication; the language is prayer, the action is sup-
plication.7  
                                                 
2  J. Vandryes, Language (in Russian), Moscow, 1937, 203. 
3  M. Heidegger, Was heisst Denken?, Tübingen, 1954, 51.  
4  Homer Iliad I, edited with an introduction, translation and commentary by S. Pulleyn, Oxford, 
2000, 215. 
5  Homer Iliad I, 215. 
6  S. Pulleyn, Prayer in Greek Religion, Oxford, 1997, 57.  
7  J. Gould, Myth, Ritual Memory, and Exchange (Essays un Greek Literature and Culture), 
Oxford, 2001, 22-78. 
S. Pulleyn, 56-70. 
Uses of the Somatic Word Hand in Oath, Prayer, Supplication... 
 
121 
One can find the given episodes as indicating the differences between 
Homer’s conceptions of human and god. Human world is regulated by the 
definite rules, while the world of gods has the rules of its own. Human sym-
bolic actions (prayer, supplication) differ from god’s ones. It should be noted 
that Achilles prays to his blood mother – the goddess Thetis as ordinary mor-
tals do. This detail might denote the distance between mortals and gods.  
Thus, hand is a significant part of the body that appears in supplication 
and prayer. In supplication the ritual act depends essentially upon physical 
contact with parts of the body (knees and chin) which are regarded as having 
a peculiar sanctity.8 The gesture of rising up one’s hand in prayer shows a 
desire of divine power perception. The hand has a function of a mediator, as 
well as a kind of a medium. From this point of view the function of a hand as 
an orientator is significant in ancient Greek expressions. A hand helps one to 
find direction and location. When Greeks wanted to say: where? In what di-
rection? – they did ask in the following way: ποτὲρας τῆς χείρος;9 But it 
should be said that this feature is not characteristic of Greek cultural area 
only, as such expressions as "on the left hand" or "on the right hand" are 
common for other languages.  
Apart from the prayer and supplication gestures some impressive gestures 
of anger can also be found in Iliad I. In the episode of quarrel between Aga-
memnon and Achilles, Achilles replies to Agamemnon’s cruel words with the 
gesture of anger. He places his hand on his sword (this is his first reaction) 
that is followed by the verbal formula of anger.10 Placing one’s hand on the 
sword, gun and etc. seems to be a common gesture of anger or revenge. It is a 
sudden furious reaction that is widely used in phrases in various languages. 
This very gesture denotes the main symbolic meaning of a hand – strength, 
power. Taking the sword in one’s hand or placing one’s hand on it is a 
demonstration of power. It is worth mentioning that hand is a symbol of pow-
er beginning with the ancient times. And significant examples on the given 
issue can be found in Homer’s poems.  
The formulae of oath and threat reveal the following meanings of the lex-
eme hand: 1. Hand is a protector; a person who takes an oath believes in his 
own physical abilities and promises others to protect them with his power i.e. 
with his hand; 2. Hand is an instrument of a certain kind of punishment lead-
ing to justice in the whole world (e.g. when Odysseus threatens the bride-
grooms); 3. Hand is an instrument of violence.  
                                                 
8  J. Gould, 26.  
9  H.G. Liddell, R. Scott, Greek-English Lexicon, Oxford, 1968. 
10  For the commentary see especially Homer Iliad I, 186-187.  
 Tamar Sukhishvili  
 
122 
Before Calchas explains to Achilles the reason of Apollo’s anger, he asks 
him to take an oath as a security guarantee. ... σύ δὲ σύνθεο καὶ μοι 
ὄμοσσον ἦ μέν μοι πρόφρων ἔπεσιν καὶ χερσίν ἀρήξειν (Il. I. 76-77). 
("And you pay attention and swear to me that you will indeed readily help me 
with words or with [the strength of] your hands"). And Achilles promises 
him: "I swear by Apollo, never shall any man lay hands on you" (Il. I. 186-
91). It may be argued that the given phrases contain two symbolic ideas. The 
first is of hand as a symbol of power struggling for justice. It is the source of 
punishment aimed to revive justice that is destroyed. Here I have to mention 
that Calchas’s request (asking Achilles to protect him by his hand) reminds us 
of Chryses’s prayer to Apollo; Chryses asks the god to protect him by means 
of his arrows and thus help him revenge on Danaans (in this case a hand and 
an arrow introduce the same idea). On the contrary, hand is an instrument of 
violence; Agamemnon asks his heralds to go to the hut of Achilles, take 
Briseis by the hand and bring her to him: Χειρὸς ἑλόντ' ἀγέμεν Βρισηΐδα 
καλλιπάρῃον (Il. I. 323). The word ἑλόντ' (αἱρέω, to own, to catch smth.) 
indicates that Agamemnon just wants to demonstrate his power. Pulleyn pays 
attention to this passage: "Why does Agamemnon specify this physical con-
tact? The heralds could presumably just say "Come with us". Perhaps the 
thought is that Briseis will need some physical persuasion to leave Achilles. It 
is also possible that the imposition of the hand (cf. mancipatio in Roman 
Law) was a formal legal gesture denoting acquisition".11 I find the latter ver-
sion more acceptable as the text in question does not provide enough argu-
ments for proving that Briseis was somehow bound to Achilles. Besides, the 
word χείρ (χειρός) seems to support this opinion. Agamemnon is very angry 
and the verbal expression of his action i.e. taking her by hand only empha-
sizes and strengthens his emotions.  
What conclusion can be drawn from the given examples? The two defini-
tions of hand (justifiable and violent powers) are quite vivid. There are some 
valuable remarks on this issue: "Eide has pointed out that, of the five epithets 
applied to hands in Homer, namely παχύς, στιβαρός, βαρύς, θρασύς, 
ἄαπτος, the first two describe the hand in action, whereas the other three are 
more emotionally laden and denote the hand as an instrument of harm. Thus, 
the metrically equivalent formulae χειρὶ βαχείῃ and χειρὶ βαρείῃ are not 
in fact interchangeable.12 In my opinion the above mentioned orientation-
definition scheme may help us to make some points clear. A hand is an in-
strument of finding the orientation as it shows the direction. It is also an ori-
entator of one’s prosperity, and it may actually be discussed as a moral orienta-
                                                 
11  Homer Iliad I, 208-209. 
12  Homer Iliad I, 148-149.  
Uses of the Somatic Word Hand in Oath, Prayer, Supplication... 
 
123 
tor, as that of the moral choice. Homer’s characters, gifted with the freedom 
of choice, have to decide themselves whether to use their power for justice or 
violence. Though it must be also mentioned that there exists a supreme power 
over that of a man’s i.e. Big Hand (Χείρ Μεγάλη, Il. 15. 695). The given ex-
pression can be found in as the symbol of divine power, Zeus in Homer. Alt-
hough the physical power is not enough to achieve the main goal; Calchas 
asks Achilles to protect him by his hand and words (χείρ - ἒπος). In another 
episode Thetis asks Zeus to protect Achilles by his word and deed (ἔπος - 
ἔργον). χείρand ἔργον appear to be semantic correlates in this case, as they 
both are the opposites of ἔπος (word) and this opposition is discussed as one 
concept. One may consider the unity of word and deed as the most important 
guarantee of security as well as the basis for human perfection and harmony. 
Thus, it can be concluded that the words directed towards Achilles emphasize 
the distinguishing features of his character. 


Uses of the Somatic Word "Hand" in Oath, Prayer, Supplication and Revenge Formulae in "Iliad" I

Dularidze, Tea

Phasis 8, 2005 
 
Tea Dularidze (Tbilisi) 
THE ACHAEAN AMBASSADORIAL MISSION TO ACHILLES 
ACCORDING TO THE ILIAD, BOOK IX 
An ambassadorial mission is a multifunctional phenomenon in the Homeric 
epics and plays a highly important role in the development of plot events. The 
poet mentions heralds, messengers and envoys and assigns them appropriate 
tasks. These relationships were typical of both gods and humans. At the level 
of the immortals, it is more or less clear when Zeus (and not only he) is cer-
tain to resort to the service of divine messengers; however, the same is not 
altogether true about the heroes and requires closer consideration. In this re-
gard, Book IX of the Iliad is particularly interesting. It pictures the ambassa-
dorial mission assigned and performed by mortals, without the divine interfe-
rence. The motivation for this representative mission is the following: 
Achilles, furious at Agamemnon, refuses to fight in the battle. As a result, 
Achaeans lose. Nestor is the first to make a speech at the meeting of chiefs 
held in the King‟s tent. The sage old man reminds the commander of the ab-
duction of Briseis which infuriated Achilles and compelled him to abandon of 
the battle. However, the circumstances require him back. Apart from Aga-
memnon‟s gifts, it is necessary to win Achilles‟ favor with a friendly word. 
Nestor recommends the mediators he believes most eligible. What is the prin-
ciple that underlies the selection of the envoys? Nestor names Phoenix, "dear 
to Zeus"  as the head of the mission, then follow "great"  
Aias and "divine" Odysseus. They are to be accompanied with Odius 
and Eurybates who act as heralds. Homer calls all the three heroes " " 
which means "chosen", "distinguished", and Odius and Eurybates – " " 
(herald).  
Tea Dularidze 
 
30 
All the three chosen have their particular missions. They represent a pre-
meditated and single unity.
1
 The most skilled and versatile of them is Odys-
seus, and Nestor sends him for his shrewdness; among the selected is Phoe-
nix, a friend of Achilles‟ father, who can not be turned down; and the third 
person entrusted with the mission is Aias, the true image of bravery. The son 
of Peleus highly appreciates his sincerity and straightforwardness. The sage 
old man takes all this into an account while selecting the representatives. That 
is why the "diplomatic" Odysseus was accompanied with the other two indi-
viduals. However, the following question still remains unanswered: "what 
was the function of the two heralds – Odius and Eurybates – in this mission? 
Evidently, it was necessary to shape the latter as an official delegation so as to 
maintain the ambassadorial order, i.e. what in modern diplomacy is called a 
„protocol‟. According to Tsagarakis, they give royal dignity and sanction to 
the Achaean petition and witness the event; they come, in other words, to 
make official the character of a visit to Achilles.
2
 The heralds do not take part 
in the talks as envoys; they have a different function. Nestor appeals to them 
to carry out the purification ritual (Il., IX, 171-178).  
 "Spray the water on their hands, keep sacred silence" (Il., IX, 689);
3
  
Then follows the act of sacrifice and wine-drinking. Nestor urged the cho-
sen to do their best to persuade Achilles. When the Achaeans reached the 
ships and tents of the Myrmidons, they found Achilles taking joy in a sweet 
forminx. Patroclus sat nearby. Once the hero caught the sight of the mission, 
he jumped to his feet and made his way to them. As he approached the en-
voys, he said:  
 "I welcome you, friendly brave men. Perhaps, that is the way it should be;  
 of the Achaeans, you are the dearest to me, the enraged" (Il., IX, 197-98).
4
 
Achilles received the "dearest brave men"  with deep 
respect. His kind attitude to Odysseus, Phoenix and Aias, i.e. the individuals 
chosen by Nestor, is obvious. Thus, the envoys selected according to his crite-
rion proved acceptable to Achilles, which points to the successful decision 
and the right choice.  
Closer attention should be paid to the way shrewd Odysseus builds his 
speech and tries to persuade Achilles and dissipate his anger. Odysseus‟ dip-
                                                 
1
  Lohmann D., "Die Komposition der Reden in der Reden in der Ilias", Berlin 1970, 213.  
2
  Tsagarakis Od., "Phoenix and The Achaean Embassy", Rheinisches Museum für Philologie, B. 
116, # 3/4, New Folge 1973, 197. Odysseus quotes these heralds in his report to Agamemnon 
and the Achaean council (Il., IX, 689). 
3
  (Il., IX, 171).
4
  
(Il., IX, 197-98). 
The Achaean Ambassadorial Mission... 
 
31 
lomatic skills are exposed in the address that opens his speech. First, he 
thanked the host for his cordial welcome and noticed that the table laid for the 
sake of their friendship was flawless – like the supper in Agamemnon‟s tent. 
This statement aimed to make a light and innocent mention of Agamemnon‟s 
name in order to bring him unnoticeably into the conversation, and at the 
same time, avoid Achilles‟ irritation. The speech is one of the best patterns of 
Homeric eloquence. This is reflected in its composition as well. Odysseus 
remains Agamemnon‟s spokesperson although he is personally interested to 
persuade the great warrior. His speech is not built on emotions. Tsagarakis 
believes that in his speech Odysseus shows himself ready to negotiate with 
Achilles but not to supplicate at his knees.
5
 He resorts to logical arguments to 
prove the actual threat and calls on Achilles to come to the rescue of the 
Achaean army. In Griffin‟s opinion, the speech is ably delivered, but fails to 
reach the emotional level on which Achilles now lives and broods.
6
 Odysseus 
recites with surprising accuracy the list of offerings enumerated by the king 
(IX, 677-88). The presentation of the diplomatic gifts
7
 makes the official sta-
tus of the envoys more convincing. In the conclusion of the speech, Odysseus 
gives the hero advice – if he does not wish to reconcile with Agamemnon, let 
him have mercy on the army which will praise him as the god; he also appeals 
to Achilles not to lose the chance to fight Hector. 
Shrewd Odysseus offers a different kind of "reimbursement" – the name 
and glory of the hero. In contrast with the material wealth sent by the king, 
the envoy promises the great warrior the reward he believes more appropri-
ate.
8
 How does infuriated Achilles respond to his speech and the gifts? 
Achilles‟ answer is based on Odysseus‟ arguments but at certain points 
proves more complicated thematically. The hero mentions every single offer. 
He states sternly that he is pleased neither with Agamemnon nor with his 
gifts. He hates the king as "the gates to Hades” ( ; therefore, 
he will not try to quench his anger. In his comments on the Homeric epic, 
Monro mentions that the outright rejection of the gifts features Achilles‟ cha-
racter and exposes his disposition to allow the Greek army to lose.
9
 The scene 
reveals his uncompromising and adamant nature. According to scholar, in 
Homeric times, personal feelings mattered far more in the determination of an 
                                                 
5
  Tsagarakis Od., "The Achaean Embassy and The Wrath of Achilles", Hermes, Zeitschrift für 
Klassische Philologie, 99. Band, Wiesbaden 1971, 258.  
6
  Griffin J., Homer, Iliad. Book Nine, Oxford 1995, 21.  
7
  Irene J. F. De Jong, Narrators and Focalizers, The Presentation of the Story in the Iliad, Ams-
terdam 1987, 183.  
8
  Lohmann D., "Die Komposition der Reden in der Reden in der Ilias", Berlin 1970, 235. 
9
  Homer, Iliad, Monro D. B., Oxford 1958, 340.  
Tea Dularidze 
 
32 
action than laws or moral values.
10
 Once deceived by the king, he did not trust 
him any more, and refused to respond to any attempt of reconciliation. He 
would not negotiate unless his own demand was met – he wanted Agamem-
non to personally appeal to him to rejoin the battlefield. The son of Peleus 
hoped the necessity ( ) would force the king and his envoys to their 
knees.
11
 When the hero had made up his mind to quit the battle, the king had 
not ask him to stay (Il., IX, 169-173); now the situation was different. Aga-
memnon‟s offering includes three parts: 1. The immediate gifts; 2. Achilles 
would marry Agamemnon‟s daughter when back home; 3. The hero would 
receive the Trojan wealth after its fall. Achilles rejects the gifts one after 
another, which exposes that his set of values is different. "It must, even more 
importantly, display the emotional nature, the depth of hurt and anger, which 
drives Achilles into a position which neither he nor anybody else in the poem 
wholly understands."
12
 Achilles gradually moved from his enraged state to the 
meditation on his own fate. Homer presents this route with unmatched skill-
fulness. Remembering his mother‟s, Thetis‟ prophecy,
13
 Achilles longs for a 
peaceful life
14
 and intends to return to Phthia on the following day (IX, 360). 
He asks old Phoenix to stay with him. He regards Thetis‟ oracle as another 
proof for his decision. The hero addresses the rest of the guests:  
"Deliver the message – that is the duty of the chosen" (Il., IX, 422).
15
 
The hero calls on the messengers to inform Agamemnon and all Achaeans 
about his firm decision, which is their prerogative. To deliver a message was 
an envoy‟s duty, and it is very important that this mission is already clearly 
defined in the Homeric epic. 
Another important point is how old Phoenix builds his speech and at-
tempts to persuade Achilles, though the hero has already taken the decision 
and has asked the messengers to tell it to the king. The hero‟s words should 
have been understood as his final say, the peremptory decision that rendered 
                                                 
10
  Homer, Iliad, Monro D. B., Oxford 1958, 339.  
11
  Tsagarakis Od., "The Achaean Embassy and The Wrath of Achilles", Hermes, Zeitschrift für 
Klassische Philologie, 99. Band, Wiesbaden 1971, 259. 
12
  Griffin J., Homer, Iliad Book Nine, Oxford 1995, 21.  
13
  If Achilles chose to fight in the Trojan War, he was destined to die but win fame; on the other 
hand, if he stayed in his homeland, he would live an ordinary, mediocre life.  
14
  . . . 
 "As my spirit can not be compared to anything –  
  either to Ilion when it thrived" (Il., IX, 401-402). 
15
    
  – privilege, prerogative; see Liddell H. G. and Scott R., Greek-English Lexicon, 
Oxford 1961, 345.  
The Achaean Ambassadorial Mission... 
 
33 
the mission unsuccessful; however, Phoenix, the second envoy, proceeds with 
the talks. He represents the image opposite to that of Odysseus. The old 
man‟s speech is emotionally charged and is based on human and paternal 
relationships. He talks not as Agamemnon‟s representative, but as Achilles‟ 
father‟s friend who would sit young Achilles on his knees. He starts his ad-
dress with a rhetorical question:  
"How shall I stay here without you, dear son?" (Il. IX, 437-38).
16
  
He relates how Peleus sheltered him in Phthia and entrusted his son to his 
care. Phoenix was destined to be childless; so he received Achilles as his own 
son. He advised the hero not to reject the daughters of Zeus, goddesses of 
prayers – otherwise, he was certain to incur the Cronid‟s wrath. According to 
Fränkel, Achilles has not rebuffed any prayers.
17
 In Tsagarakis opinion, 
Phoenix knows that but in his endeavor to persuade Achilles to give up his 
wrath he appeals to whatever might bring about the desirable.
18
 Though 
Phoenix‟ speech is much longer that that of other envoys, its inner structure is 
easy to trace. It consists of two basic themes: 1. the relationship between 
Phoenix and Achilles; 2. Meleager‟s paradigm. After referring to it, he advis-
es Achilles to quench his anger and accept the gifts. The speech of the old 
man abounds in the words of request and advice that aim at persuading the 
hero. "Phoenix‟ role was very delicate because of his relations to Achilles and 
should be played with diplomacy."
19
 Phoenix tries to fulfill his duty with 
sweet words; the mission of both – Odysseus‟ and Phoenix‟ – is result-
oriented. The old man should have been well aware of Achilles‟ character – 
the latter would gradually proceed from an unconditional decision to a com-
promise. Lohmann wrote the son of Peleus was wont to plunge from 
to
20
 from one extremity into the other. Phoenix‟ speech 
marks the transitional stage in the hierarchy of the mission. Achilles‟ answer 
to Phoenix is concise – he starts to consider his decision. The hero softens his 
position and says he would better decide on his return to his homeland on the 
following day (Il., IX, 618). Though Phoenix fails to dissipate Achilles‟ fury 
and persuade him to join the battle, he succeeds to make him change his re-
                                                 
16
  (Il., IX, 437-438).  
17
  Fränkel H., Dichtung und Philosophie des frühen Griechentums, München 1962, 69. 
18
  Tsagarakis Od., "The Achaean Embassy and The Wrath of Achilles", Hermes, Zeitschrift für 
Klassische Philologie, 99. Band, Wiesbaden 1971, 259. 
19
  Tsagarakis Od., "Phoenix and The Achaean Embassy", Rheinisches Museum für Philologie, B. 
116,  # 3/4, New Folge 1973, 201.  
20
  Lohmann D., "Die Komposition der Reden in der Reden in der Ilias", Berlin 1970, 279; Gor-
deziani R., The Problems of Homeric epics, the Tbilisi University Press, Tbilisi 1978, 304 (in 
Russian). 
Tea Dularidze 
 
34 
cent decision. It seems Aias, the third messenger, has no chance to address the 
hero. Bowra believes when the request failed, Aias makes one last attempt to 
move Achilles by pointing this out; he shows that the envoys are friends un-
der his roof who demand and deserve respect (Il., IX, 640).
21
 His speech re-
flects the failed diplomatic mission. He mentions the principles of friendship, 
dignity and bravery, which drive the hero to the other extremity. "A short, 
bluff speech, it strikes the right manly note. Achilles finds it hard to dissent 
from the appeal to comradeship. It is just that he can‟t bring himself to do 
what he sees to be right."
22
 Achilles admits that Aias‟ appeal was sound and 
fair. However, he can not overcome his anger towards Agamemnon. He tries 
to justify his actions by his injured dignity. After Aias‟ speech, Achilles 
changes his mind to return home and decides to fight divine Hector only 
when Hector‟s army approaches the Myrmidons‟ ships. Already in his ad-
dress to Odysseus Achilles stated that he would fight only of his own will. 
After that, each of them takes wordlessly the double-bottom vessel filled with 
wine. They offer sacrifice to gods. The ritual marks the end to the mission. 
Although three different ways were found to quench Achilles‟ anger, they all 
proved unsuccessful. Remarkably, none of the gods interfered in the talks in 
favor of the messengers. As a matter of fact, the envoys failed to persuade the 
hero; however, the mission cannot be assessed as a failure. Achilles‟ return to 
the battlefield can be described as three-staged: 1. the mission of the envoys; 
2. paradigmatic Patroclus; 3. the fit of the stress – Patroclus‟ death. Agamem-
non‟s messengers facilitated the first stage. They were to inform the king 
about the outcome of their mission. This very duty defines finally the func-
tions of the mission. First, Agamemnon asks his official envoy – Odysseus. 
The latter has discouraging news; Odysseus adds that Aias and both heralds 
have the same to tell him. Worried Danaans are gripped with silence. Noble 
Diomedes raises their spirit and calls on to resume the battle in the morning. 
"Achilleus will fight again when his thymos or the god arouse him".
23
 
The ambassadorial mission described in Book IX of the Iliad is directly 
linked to Achilles‟ wrath – the basic line that runs throughout the poem. Sev-
eral aspects can be distinguished in the episode. First of all, our attention is 
attracted by the attempt to finds ways to persuade the hero: three heroes are 
assigned who are to wage talks according to their respective characters. Three 
different ways are found to persuade Achilles. The episode implies Homer‟s 
unambiguous objective to show the importance of envoys‟ mission in a deci-
sive moment. He singled out three principle points to persuade the hero: per-
                                                 
21
  Bowra C. M., Tradition and Design in The Iiliad, Oxford 1930, repr. 1963, 19.  
22
  Griffin J., Homer, Iliad Book Nine, Oxford 1995, 22.  
23
  Stanley K., The Shield of Homer, Narrative Structure in The Iliad, New Jersey, 1993, 117.  
The Achaean Ambassadorial Mission... 
 
35 
suasion through offering compensation; persuasion through an appeal and 
sage advice; persuasion through resorting to friendship and bravery. In this 
way the poet built the general image of ambassadorial mission and presented 
all the three envoys as a single team. Another important point connected with 
the mission is the impact of eloquence, in which the individuals delegated to 
Achilles are thoroughly skilled. The links between the opposing parties are 
restored – this is what determines the dramatic essence of diplomatic talks.  
 


The Achaean Ambassadorial Mission to Achilles according to the Iliad, Book IX

Kobakhidze, Ekaterine

Phasis 8, 2005 
 
Ekaterine Kobakhidze (Tbilisi) 
THE ISSUE OF DESCENT OF THE DEITY MARS 
An attempt to identify the functions of Roman deity Mars has been made in 
many research works.
1 
Particular interest towards this god is motivated by his 
participation in so-called Roman genealogical myths. The father of Romulus 
and Remus, the main character of one of the earliest patterns of the surviving 
folk poetry, has for a long time remained in science in the shade of the Greek 
god of war Ares, and was perceived as his Roman interpretation. 
Now "justice is restored", and under the influence of Greek mythology, he 
re-acquired the role of the god of war for the second time, though his primary 
function has not been definitely identified. 
I believe that obtaining further insight into the essence of the problem is 
impossible without taking into consideration the "Italian context" of the Ro-
man deity. In this case I mean the pantheon of the peoples living on the 
Apennines peninsula and participation of Mars‟ namesake gods in the forma-
tion of functions of the Roman deity. 
These mythological characters and gods are: of Marsians – Marsia, Mar-
sos, of Auzons – Mares, and Etruscan – Maris.  
Let us consider the existing information on each of the deities, which in 
first two cases is fully based on literary sources. 
                                                 
1
  Georg Wissowa, Religion u. Kultur d. Römer, 2. Auflage, München, 1912, U. W. Scholz, 
Studien z. altitalischen u. altrömischen Marskult u. Marsmythos, Heidelberg, 1970, E. Simon, 
Il dio Marte nell‟arte dell‟ Italia Centrale, Studi Etruschi, XLVI, 1978, 135-74, G. Hermansen, 
Studien über d. Italischen u d. römischen Mars, Copenhagen, 1940; Attilio Mastrocinque, Ri-
cerche sulle religioni italiche, vol. LXI. 1996, etc. 
The Issue of Descent of the Deity Mars 
 
59 
Several words should be said about the ethnonym of Marsians. Marsians, 
ancient inhabitants of Italy, associated their ethnonym with Lidian king Mar-
syas.
2
 In Bayet‟s opinion, the legend about Marsyas‟ coming to Italy, which is 
included in the Roman Caco myth, is an absolutely extraneous element and 
was created under Greek and Etruscan influence in Capua in approximately 
the IV century B.C.
3
  
The other parallel version explaining Marsians eponym is more trustwor-
thy, and links Marsians with Circe‟s (Medea‟s) son, Marsos.
4 
Some scholars consider archaism of this version quite convincing since 
Circe‟s or Medea‟s participation (here I mean the goddesses of fecundity in 
general, whose names were later substituted for Circe) in formation of ethno-
nyms of different Italian tribes is rather widespread.
5 
In the paper "Circe and Italy" I have already discussed Italian legends 
about Circe and the motives of their association with Circe. In this paper, 
along with other goddesses, I considered Marsian goddess Angitia concealed 
under the name Circe (or Medea).
6 
At the same time, in the opinion of most of researchers, the myth about 
Marsos, in which he is either Angitia‟s husband or son, has to do with early 
Roman epoch, and its appearance in Marsian mythology is not related to an 
attempt of cultural unification of Italic tribes by the Romans.  
What was Marsos‟ functions? There is no exact answer to this question; 
however, if one takes into consideration that his mother or wife was a goddess 
of fecundity and her descendants – Marsians had a reputation of snake-
charmers,
7
 one can suppose that Mars represented a chthonic and vegetative 
deity. 
There are two different myths about Auzon deity Mares. In accordance 
with the first version, which is confirmed by Diodor, Mares was considered 
the son of Circe and Odysseus, the ancestor of Auzons.
8 
According to other myth, the ancestor of Auzons Mares was a centaur 
who lived 123 years and rose from the dead three times.  
                                                 
2
  Plin., nat., III 108, Silv., VIII, 502-504, Sol., II, 6, Osid., Orig., IX, 2, 88. 
3
  J. Bayet, Les Origines de l‟Hercule romain, Paris, 1926, 214. 
4
  Plin., nat., XXV, 11; Gell, XVI, 1. 
5
  Cesare Letta, I Marsi e il fucino nell' antichità, Centro studi e documentazione sull' Italia, 
Romana. Monografie supplemente degli Atti 3, Milano, 1972, 53. 
6
  E. Kobakhidze, Circe and Italy, Caucasia, The Journal of Caucasian Studies, Vol. 5, 2002, 
TSU, 70-80. (in Russian). 
7
  Sernius, ad. Aen., VII. 
8
  Diod., V. 7. 
Ekaterine Kobakhidze 
 
60 
This version of the myth was preserved by Elianus. It is true that Elianus 
wrote in Greek but he never left Italy.
9
 He was born in Palestrine (present 
Preneste), knew the land of Auzons well, and narrated the following:  
"
".
10 
In the opinion of many scholars, Mares is a centaur, and has to do with 
chthonic powers.
11
 
In particular, it should be noted that the age of the centaur (123) is in cer-
tain relation with the duration of Etruscan saeculum, which is confirmed by 
Censorinus.
12 
Mares‟ threefold rising from the dead is related to another Etruscan cha-
racter from Palestrine – Erulus, who rose from the dead three times, and who 
is the mythical son of goddess Feronia.
13
 Some scholars consider the 3 Mares 
represented on the Preneste trunk by different epithets reflect this myth.
14
 
The Auzon fecundity goddess Marica,
15
 whose temple
16
 was discovered in 
Gariliano, has some relation with Auzon Maris. 
Compared to Marsian Mares and Auzon Marsos, relatively more informa-
tion can be found about Etruscan Maris. Besides literary sources, there is also 
archaeological material at our disposal: vases, mirrors, temples, gothic sta-
tues, inscriptions, etc.  
The problem is created by the information about Maris which may at first 
seem unsystematic. At the same time, the existence of two layers, chronologi-
cal and ethnical ones, is confirmed. Identification of Maris with Ares must be 
related to a later layer, though it must be said that later in mythological scenes 
shown on Etruscan vases Ares is depicted not as Maris but as the Etruscan 
deity of war Laran. I believe that this substitution was made after understand-
ing Ares‟ cult, unlike the first case when Ares, in my opinion, was mechani-
                                                 
9
  Philostratus, Vitae Sophist. 31, 3. 
10
  Varia Historia, IX, 16. 
11
  U.W. Scholz, mentioned in the work, 72-78. 
12
  Censorinus, De die natali, XVII, 6. 
13
  Studien 62 f. 
14
  G. Hermansen, Mares, Maris, Mars and the Archaic Gods SE, Vol., LII, 1986. 
15
  Serv., Aen., XII, 164, Verg., Aen., VIII, 47. 
16
  Aelianus, Var. hist., IX, 16; E. La Forgia, Nuove oservazioni sul tempio di Marica, Aion. 
Archst. An. XIV, 1992, 69-76. 
The Issue of Descent of the Deity Mars 
 
61 
cally identified with Maris because of the similarity of the names in imitating 
the patterns of Greek art in Etruria (comp. ARES-MARES).  
What functions did Etruscan Maris have? In spite of the existing diversity 
of opinions, most of scholars consider this Etruscan deity as a bearer of ve-
getative and chthonic powers.
17
 
The format of the paper does not allow for a broader consideration of this 
issue. I only want to note that I am guided by the perception of Etruscan 
Mares as a chthonic deity, and as an additional argument, I adduce a bronze 
model of liver found in Piacenza that was used for divination. Among the 
names of deities listed on it, Maris is mentioned twice in the following forms: 
Mari and Marisl Laζ, where the first form is a shortened version and the 
second one is an epithet. In both cases Maris is represented surrounded by 
deities embodying natural vital powers (Cilens, Erth – delivery patronizing 
deity, fufluns – the god of fecundity).  
Is Maris, like Auzon Mares and Marsian Marsos, related to the genealogi-
cal myth or not? 
I believe this relation really exists, which is verified by the identification 
of Maris‟s parents. In the opinion of some scholars, Maris‟s mother is Menr-
va, others believe that it is Turan
18
 (the latter must be the goddess of fecundi-
ty). I have already expressed my supposition concerning Turan and related 
her to fecundity and revival powers.
19
 At the same time, one of the epithets of 
Maris turans and Maris – "menita" or "bringing", verified by Maris‟s images, 
is also connected with the etymology of the word "turan" (tur – "quest, dedi-
cation"). Thus, here the relation of the goddess of fecundity to the chthonic 
god is also evident. 
Scholars call Hercle the father of Maris, based on the mythological scenes 
depicted on Etruscan ceramics.
20
 I, on my part, can add that we can see Hercle 
beside Maris on the bronze liver model. I will not draw your attention to Her-
cle since I have already expressed my ideas and arguments concerning him.
21
 
I only want to point out that Hercle is in direct relation to Etruscan genealogi-
cal myth in accordance with which Hercle appears as Etruscan Pater indiges. 
According to the existing data, the information about Mars, given in the 
myths of the peoples and tribes of ancient Italy, can be presented in the fol-
lowing way: 
                                                 
17
  Grenier., A., Les religions, étrusque et romaine, Paris, 1948, 41; A. J. Pfiffig, Religio Etruca, 
Graz, 1975, 249-250. 
18
  A. J. Pfiffig, mentioned in the work., 249. 
19
  E. Kobakhidze, Turan – The Goddess of Love? MNEME, logos, Tbilisi, 2000, 127-133. (in 
Georgian) 
20
  G. Hermansen, mentioned in the work, 154-155. 
21
  E. Kobakhidze, "Italian Heracles", logos, 2, logos, 2002, 174-182 (in Georgian). 
Ekaterine Kobakhidze 
 
62 
Auzonians 
Circe – Odysseus (?) 
 ↓ 
Marsos – Angitia 
 ↓ 
Marsians 
 
Auzons 
Circe – Odysseus (?) 
 ↓ 
Maris – Marica 
 ↓ 
Auzons 
 
Etruscans  
Uni – Tinia 
 ↓ 
Hercle – Menrva 
 ↓ 
Maris – Turan 
 ↓ 
Etruscans 
It is obvious that, out of the three schemes, the Etruscan version is the 
most complete and least influenced by Greek influence, and, in my opinion, it 
is a prototype of Marsian and Auzon versions. 
What kind of Roman is Mars, how does he correspond to the context of 
"Italian version" of Mars? Let us compare Italian schemes with the scheme of 
Roman deities: 
Juno – Jupiter 
 ↓ 
Mars – Rea-Silvia 
 ↓ 
Romulus, Remus 
 ↓  
1-st "Romans" 
The scheme clearly shows the relation to Rea-Silvia as fecundity powers 
(comp. the etymology of the name), and to the fact that Mars appears as the 
father of the first Romans. This information about Roman Mars, Romulus and 
Remus should indicate the relation of the existing myth to Etruscan mytho-
logical reality, or to Etruscan Mares. Interesting is the trace of relation be-
The Issue of Descent of the Deity Mars 
 
63 
tween Hercules and Mars in Roman mythology; in particular, it should not be 
a mere coincidence that Hercules, like Mars had rocks as pagan priests.
22 
In the end, let us consider the etymology of the name. Here scholars‟ opi-
nions differ and some of them believe that Roman Mars originated from 
Etruscan Mares, others think the other way. There are those who consider 
these terms separately.
23
 In my opinion, for identification of etymology, first 
of all, the productivity of the stem should be considered. For instance in case 
with Mars, the stem of which is Mart, I do not share the idea about the prod-
uctivity of the stem (here I mean, first of all, verb stems and not the proper 
names, the productivity of which is secondary). 
Etruscan Maris, whose stem should evidently be Mar- (comp. Mari – mar, 
mars) which is expressed in verb forms: mar, mare, marv, marcne, marcni, 
etc. The meaning of this verb is related to votic sphere. 
In consideration of Maris‟ etimology, I believe, three circumstances 
should be taken into account: 
1. In my opinion, the word combination Maris turans, which is verified by 
Etruscan image of Maris, can possibly mean not the son of Turan but a man, a 
husband (comp. Maritus – a husband, mas, maris – a man) comp. to the song 
dedicated to marmar – mars.  
2. There is a stem  in Greek language (young man), the etymology 
of which is not yet known, and some scholars associate the ancient Greek 
world with Etruscan Maris.
24 
3. It is interesting that a similar stem exists in Svan language as well. 
"Mare" means a young man. 
 I believe in the end it is possible to restore the "mythological core" which 
the inhabitants of the Mediterranean region of the ancient Greece and Italy 
"handed over" to Etruscans, and was metamorphosed in their mythology.  
 I 
 Zeus – Alkmene – Greek 
 Tin – Uni – Etruscan 
 II 
 Heracles– Medea – Greek 
 Hercle – Menrva, Catha – Etruscan 
 III 
 Maris – Turan (Cavatha) – Etruscan 
 Greek –  
 
                                                 
22
  Serv., Verg. Aen., VII, 285: Ovid. Fast., III, 12, 7. 
23
  A. J. Pfiffig, Die Etruskische Sprache, Graz, 1969, 249. 
24
  In this connection, see E. Kobakhidze, Etruscan Cult Terminology (semantics, genesis), logos, 
Tbilisi, 2001, 103 (in Georgian). 
Ekaterine Kobakhidze 
 
64 
The story of the marriage of Greek Heracles and Medea in the other world 
was preserved in Greek mythology. 
Thus, Roman Mars represents an example of cult borrowing from Etrus-
can Maris who, in its turn, is associated to one of well known main characters 
of a famous genealogical myth of the Mediterranean region.  
Obviously, his father Heracles must be Hercle who also was a very impor-
tant god among the autochtonic population of the whole Mediterranean re-
gion. Greek mythology did not preserve the name of Mars. Mars‟ function is 
patronizing of chthonic powers, and through his union with the goddess of 
fecundity the ethnos is born.  


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