Journal Phasis - Greek and Roman Studies

Dshaparidse, Wachtang

Phasis 2-3, 2000 
Wachhtang Dshaparidse (Tbilisi) 
BYZANZ AN DER GRENZE GEORGIENS 
Trotz der Tatsache, <lass einige unserer Berichte in verschiedenen wissenschaftlichen Konfer-
enzen, darunter zwei in den Konferenzen an unserer Universitiit, sowie der Vortrag "Neue archaologis-
che Angaben aus Gonio-Apsaros und die Frage des sog. Limes von Pontos," der auf dem ersten inter-
nationalen Kongress iiber Probleme der antiken Schwarzmeerkuste in Warmi gehalten wurde, zum 
grollten Teil unveroffentlicht sind, geben sie uns diesmal das Recht, Fragen der kulturellen und poli-
tischen Expansion von Byzanz in Georgien in etwas allgemeineren Ziigen darzustellen. Selbsverstand-
lich sollte man davon ausgehen, <lass wir uns ausschliesslich auf archiiologische Angaben stiitzen wer-
den. · 
Man konnte behaupten, <lass Byzanz, die byzantinische Welt in Hinblick auf ihre Ostpolitik, 
und zwar insbesondere hinsichtlich ihrer Politik an der ostlichen Schwarzmeerkiiste, ein direkter Nach-
folger des rornischen Reiches ist. Die Entwickling der groBen Mehrzahl archiiologischer Denkmiiler der 
ostlichen Schwarzmeerkuste weist <lurch deutlich ausgepriigte kontinuierliche Vorgiinge eben darauf 
hin. 
Heutzutage verfiigen wir iiber mehr oder weniger neue Angaben iiber eine ganze Reihe Kiisten-
denkmiiler, wie Pitiunt, Sebastopolis, Gienos, Phasis, Petra, Apsaros. In den letzten Jahrzehnten wurde 
die Erforschung ehemaliger Stiidte (hauptsiichlich friihbyzantinischer) im Inneren der Kolchis (Lazika) 
wesentlich intensiviert. Wir werden uns bier auf ihre blosse Aufz!i.hlung beschriinken: Archeopolis, 
Wardziche, Kutaissi, Schorapani u.a. Vor einiger Zeit wurde die siidostlich der Phasismiindung lieg-
ende Siedlung Waschnari untersucht, in deren Umgebung in der letzten Zeit auch andere Denkmaler der 
fiiihbyzantinischen Zeit entdeckt werden konnten. 
Von all den aufgeziihlten Orten werden zur Zeit nur in Apsaros (heute Gonio) mehr oder weni-
ger wichtige archiiologische Forschungen durchgefiihrt, Teilnahme an diesen gibt uns die Moglichkeit, 
an dieser Stelle iiber einige neue Angaben zu informieren. 
Es sei betont, <lass sich in den letzten Jahrzehnten umfangreiche Fachliteratur iiber die rnili-
taristische Politik Roms sowie seines Nachfolgers, des Byzantinischen Imperiums, im Osten angesarn-
melt hat. Diese Politik ausserte sich in der Errichtung von besonderenVerteidigungssystemen (limes) 
am Euphrat und in Syrien und Paliistina sowie in der Entstehung von einer ganzen Reihe strategischer 
Punkte (Meliten, Satal). 
Dennoch enthalten die etwas friiheren Publikationen nur ganz selten Information i.iber die 
Denkmiiler der ostlichen Schwarzmeerkiiste.1 Von diesen sei die Arbeit von Shelagh Gregory2 von be-
sonderem Interesse, die eigentlich eine viel detailliertere Information iiber die Denkmaler der ostlichen 
Schwarzmeerkiiste beinhaltet und ausserst interessante Parallelen benennt. Doch sowohl diese Arbeit 
als auch die unten angefiihrte Fachliteratur bietet leider die Information -Uber die Denkmiiler und ihre 
Datierung, die sich auf die etwas friiheren Arbeiten sti.itzt, in denen die fiir die Datierung erarbeiteten 
theoretischen Voraussetzungen (Schemata) heutzutage veraltet wirken. 
Bei der Bestimmung der Entstehungschronologie romischer Festungen an der ostlichen 
Schwarzmeerkuste bezieht man sich gewohnheitsmassig auf die Angaben von Plinius und Arrianos, 
obwohl auch Angaben anderer Autoren (Geschichtsschreiber Mithridatischer Kriege, Prokopios von 
1 Eine Ausnahme bilden: I.Wagner, Vorarbeiten zur Karte "Ostgrenze des romischen Reiches" im Tilbinger Atlas des Vor-
deren Orients, Al<ten des XI. Internationalen Limeukongresses, Budapest 1977, 673-677. Everett L.\Vheeler, From Pityus to 
zeugma: The Northern Sector of the Eastern Frontier 1983-1996, Roman Frontier Studies, Proceedings of the XVII . lntcra-
tional Congress of Roman Frontier Studies, Zalau 1999, 216-218; The Early Roman Empire in the East, edited by Susan E. 
Alcock, Ox. Mon 95, 1997; s. ebd. D. Bround, Greeks and Barbarians: The Black Sea Region and Hellenism under the Early 
Empire, 121-136; . 
2 Shelagh Gregory, Roman Military Architecture on the Eastern Frontier, Vol. 1-3, Amsterdam, 1997. 
Byzanz an der Grenze Georgiens 99 
Casarea, Flavius Josephus u.a.) beachtet werden. Vorwegnehmend m6chte ich betonen, dass die 
neuesten Ausgrabungsergebnisse in Pitiunt' insbesondere aber in Apsaros,4 die Entstehungszeit dieser 
wichtigen befestigten Pwtlcte in das weite I.Jh. datieren. 
Zu den fiiihen Denkmiilem der 6stlichen Schwarzmeerkilste (1.13. Jh.) k6nnte man nach rnan-
chen Angaben Petra (Zichisdsiri) und Phasis (nach Dubois "Nadshichu") zahlen. In beiden Fallen 
benotigt die Datierung der Uberreste von Bauten einer niiheren Bestirnmung. Soviel zu einem kurzen 
Oberblick Uber die fiiihen Dekrnaler. Uber die Ausgrabungsergebnisse in Apsaros wird weiter unten die 
Rede sein. 
Gehen wir zunachst auf die Angaben der eigentlichen byzantinisdhen Zeit ein. Diese ist rnit 
einer neuen Funktionierungse Etappe der bereits erwiihnten Denk:rruiler zu verknilpfen, wobei die 2. 
Halfl:e des 4. Jh. fiir die im Inneren des Landes freigelegten Denkrn!ler deren Entstehungszeit oder aber 
die Periode ihrer beachtlichen Neubelebung bildet. Eine gebUhrende Erforschung einer ganzen Reihe 
von wichtigen Problemen dieser neuen Etappe ist wegen Mangels an Quellen wesentlich erschwert. Die 
wichtigste Information ist in den sog. Tabula peutingeriana, Notitia dignitaturn, Notitia episcopaturn 
sowie bei dem Anonymus aus dem 5. Jh., bei Zosimus und einigen anderen Autoren von Lebens-
beschreibungen christlicher Martyrer enthalten. Angaben einiger dieser Quellen, und zwar Notitia dig-
nitaturn, iiber derart wichtige Fragen wie z. B. Lokalisierung der von ihnen genannten wichtigen Punkte 
(Sebastopolis, Zigana, Mochora u.a.) sind auch heute umstritten. W. Lekwinadse verknilpft diese mit 
der ostlicben Schwarzmeerkilste.5 Auch Zuckermann ist zurn Teil derselben Meinung.6 Eine diarnetrale 
Ansicbt vertritt N. Lomouri, der diese Punkte etwas sildlicher, ausserhalb der Grenzen von Lazika 
lokalisiert.7 Auch wenn man einige Angaben von Prokopios von Qlsarea berilcksichtigen wurde, ware 
in einem solcben Falle die Moglichkeit der Stationierung byzantinischer Gamisonen an der kolchischen 
Scbwarzmeerkilste im 5. Jh. ausgeschlossen. Andere Autoren wiederum halten die filr durchaus 
rnoglich, wobei sie georgische Quellen in Betracht zieben. Etwas verwirrend ist die Tatsache, dass die 
oben angefiilnte Quelle die Festung von Phasis nicht erwfilmt. Auch die Angaben von Zosimus, die all-
gemein auf die an Phasis liegenden Festungen eingehen, sind undeutlich.8 Angesicbts dieser wider-
spruchavollen und verworrenen Angaben der vorhandenen Quellen sollte man das arcMologische Mate-
rial zu Hilfe nehmen, dem in abnlichen Flillen immer eine beachtliche Bedeutung zukornmt. Kul-
turschicbten des 4.Jh., die zahlreiche numismatische Funde sowie eine FiUle von irnportierten (Rotfir-
niskeramik, Nuppenglas, Arnphoren) und ortlichen Erzeugnissen aufzuweisen haben, deuten auf das 
intensive Leben an der ostlichen Schwarzmeerkiiste zu dem betreffenden Zeitpunkt. Kulturschichten 
der 2. Halfte des 4. Jh. haben auch die Denk:miiler im Inneren der Kolchis aufzuweisen. 
Ausgliederung einzelner Funde und Schichten des 5.Jh. auf den Denk:malem der 
Schwarzmeerkuste war schon immer mit gewissen Schwierigkeiten verbunden. Es sei betont, dass 
Funde des 516.Jh., wie z.B. Amphoren, sowohl in Pizunda als auch in anderen Orten (z.B. Apsaros) in 
groBer Menge freigelegt werden konnten, was ein Zeichen intensiven Lebens ist. Das 4.Jh., und zwar 
dessen 2. Halfte (das 3./4.;Jh. in bezug auf die KOstengegend) ist in Westgeorgien laut des arcluiologis-
chen Materials · durch einen wesentlichen Aufstieg gekennzeichnet. Der Aufstieg der l>stlichen 
Schwarzmeerk:Oste fallt mit der nach Osten gerichteten Expansion des neu gebildeten byzantinischen 
Imperiums zusammen. Selbstverstiindlich hatte diese politische Alction wirtschaftliche und kulturelle 
Stromungen zur Folge. Parallel zu den wichtigsten Stiittzpunkten des byzantinischen Imperiums wird 
sowohl im Jnneren des Landes als auch an dessen Ostgrenze ein System der Festungsbauten errichtet. 
Die Entstehung \llld Erweitenmg dieser Bauten konnten gewissermassen im Interesse von Byzanz 
liegen. Eigentlich sollten diese wichtigen Punkte (Festungen) politische, in manchen Fallen auch re-
3 G. Lordkipanidse, Bicwintis nakalakari (Die Stadt Pizunda) ( Thilisi 1991, georg.). 
4 D. Chachutaischwili, A. Kachidse, S. Mamaladse, Axali arkeologiui agmocenebi gonio-apsarossi (Neue archllologischc 
Funde in Gonio-Apsaros) Kaukasische archllologische Konferenz (Toilisi 1998) 43-45 (georg.). W. Dshaparidse, Ko~etis 
(lazikis) saportipikacio nagebobebis scscawlis axali monacemebi da e.c. pontos limesis sakitxi (Neue Angabcn zur Erfora-
chung der Fortifikationsbauten von Kolchis (Lazika) und die Frage des sog. Limes von Pontos) ebd. 45-46. 
5 W. Lekwinadse, Pontiski limes (Limes von Pontos) VDI. Der Autor vertritt die Meinung, dass das Fchlcn dcr Bezeichnung 
"Apsaros" in Notitia dignitatum <lurch die Namensllnderung erklllrt werden kOnnte und identifiziertcs taut Qucllcnangabe als 
Valentia, was, unserer Meinung nach, unbcgrilndet ist. 
6 N. Lomouri, Notitia dignitatumis zogierti cnobis garkwewisatwis (Zur Erllluterung einiger Angabcn von Notitia dignita-
tum)Ver(lffentlichungen der Tbilisser Staatlichen Universitllt, 162, 1975, 65-78 (~eorg). . 
7 o. Zuckermann, Tlte Earlv Byzantine Policy in Eastern Pontus, Travauxet Memoires, 11, Ouvrage pubhc avec le concours du 
College de France et du Centre National de la Recherche Scientifique, Paris, I 9? I, 529-531. . _ . . . . 
s zosimus, Istoria (Geschichte) II, 33, Georgia, I, herausgegeben von A. Gamkrehdse und S. Kauchtsch1schw1h, Tb1hss1 1961, 
269. 
100 Wachhtang Dshaparidse 
ligiose Zentren einzelner Bezirke des Landes bilden, wobei als das Zentrum des Landes die Archaopolis 
gait. Ihrem Massstab nach hatte diese sowie einige andere Zentren (z.B. Kutaissi, Wardziche) Festung-
sstiidte ( d.h. Stiidte an sich) dargestellt. Die jilngsten Grabungen haben erwiesen, dass manche Gren-
zstiitzpunkte (Schorapani, Skanda) sowie die im Inneren des Landes liegenden Festungen (z.B. die 
Namaschewi-Festung an Gubiszkali, die die in den byzantinischen Quellen als Muchirissi bezeichnete 
Stadt sein konnte) jedoch wesentlich kleinere Masstlibe und weniger intensive archaologische Kul-
turschichten aufzuweisen haben. 
Anscheinend wurde die innere sozial-okonornische und kulturelle Entwicklung von Lazika im 
~./5. ~- zum Tell durch wichtige Kontakte zu der Byzanz untergeordneten Schwarorneerkiiste stimu-
hert. D1ese Kontakte mOssen im gewissen politischen Interesse der Byzantiner gelegen haben. Aus den 
Quellen ist es deutlich zu ersehen, dass Lazika die Sicherheit der Byzantiner gewahrleisten sollte, ins-
besondere wenn man die vom Nordkaukasus drohende Gefahr im Auge hatte. Somit scheint der erneute 
Aufstieg von wichtigen strategischen Punkten sowohl im eigentlichen Inneren von Egrisi als auch im 
Grenzgebiet zum Tell auch dadurch bedingt gewesen zu sein (man geht davon aus, dass viele dieser 
Punkte, insbesondere die in den Grenzgebieten, ihre Funktion schon bei der Grilndung des Kolchischen 
Reiches ausgeilbt hatten). 
Als Folge der politischen und kulturellen Expansion des byzantinischen Irnperiums ist die Ver-
breitung der byzantinischen Bauweise bei der Errichtung der Festungen zu sehen, was teilweise auch in 
den Baupllinen zum Ausdruck kommt. Kastellartige Bauten haben sich dabei hauptslichlich an der 
Kilste ausgebreitet (Apsaros, Sebastopolisp Pitiunt), was eigentlich auf byzantinische, doch in der 
romischen Welt verwurzelten Tradition hinweisen dOrfte. Unmittelbar frilhbyzantinisch dilrfte jedoch 
Tamaris Ziche (in der Nlihe von Batumi) sein, das man als in den Quellen als Lossorioni bezeichneten 
Punkt identifiziert9 
Es ist zu beachten, dass Kastellartige Bauten auch in Therien anzutrefen sind - die Festungen in 
Udsharma und zum Teil auch in Toilisi, was ein Zeichen dafilr sein konnte, dass die Verbreitung 
byzantinischer Bauweise keiene unmittelbar politische Unterordnung zu bedeuten hatte. Bauentwurfe 
romischer Kastelle sind auf den Orient - den alten Iran - zurilckzufiihren, was in den W erken von Prof. 
Kleiss gut illustriert ist.10 Auch die in der Siedlung Kweda Sazano (Bezirk Sestaponi) freigelegte Fes-
tung aus der frilhantiken-hellenistischen Zeit, die zur Kolchis gehorte, hat denselben Bauentwurf auf-
zuweisen. Anscheinend ist hier eine ostliche Tradition zu vermuten. Dasselbe gilt auch filr den niichsten 
Fall - die Einrichtungsweise des alten Tors in Rodopolis (Wardziche) - sowie allgemein filr den Baustil 
der romisch-byzantinischen Welt, so dass man von einer Traditionspflege orientalischer Denkrniiler 
reden konnte. 
Die V erbreitung christlicher Denkmliler bildet eine wichtige Ausserungsform kultureller und 
politischer Stromungen. Zu den altesten und wichtigsten zahlt der Tempel von Pitiunt mit seiner tradi-
tionell christlichen Umgebung. Dabei wird unsere Vorstellung von der V erbreitung der christlichen Re-
ligion und der fiiiheren Tempel in Lazika durch das jilngste Material wesentlich verandert. In dieser 
Hinsicht sind die alten Tempel der Archaopolis, die jahrelange Bautradition von Bauwerken erwahnter 
Art (obwohl die Quellen uberhaupt keine Angaben ilber diese enthalten) von besonderem Interesse, ins-
besondere wenn die Datierung des alteren Tempels in das frilhe 4.Jh. der Tatsache entspricht. Es dilrfte 
jedoch zweifellos in das 5.Jh. datiert werden. Aber auch in diesem Falle erhebt sich die Frage nach dem 
Initiator seines Baus. Sollten es Byzantiner gewesen sein, so rnilssen sie im 4. bzw. 5.Jh. zu einem bes-
timmten Zeitpunkt bereits Fuss in Lazika gefasst baben. 
All die oben angefiihrten Umstlinde kommen viel deutlicher in der neuen Etappe der politischen 
und kulturellen Expansion des byzantinischen Irnperiums - im 6.Jh. und spi:iter - ans Licht. ,Bekanntlich 
war dieser Staat im Kampf gegen Iran als Sieger hervorgegangen und vermutlich hat auch Lazika sich 
ganz ibm untergeordnet. Anscheinend erfolgte der Wideraufbau sowie der Bau neuer Fortifikations-
bauten zu diesem Zeitpunkt (es bleibt unklar, was die sog. "Kleisuren" bei Prokopios eigentlich gebildet 
haben) unter Einrnischung der Byzantiner und Teilnahrne derer Militiirkontingente. Eine relativ weite 
Verbreitung gemischter Mauerung (opus mixtum) bei den Fortifikationsbauten ist ein Beweis dafi1r. 
9 w. Lekwinadse Pontiski limes (Limes von Pontos), 92. Sollte es mtlglich sein, diese Festung als cine von Justinianus in einer 
seiner Novelle~ (XXXI. Novelle) (als "Lisor") erwlihnte Festung zu i~entifizieren, wie di_es von S. Kauchtschwili vemrntet 
wird (Georgica, II, 1965, 220, Anm. I), d~ ~!lnnte si~ laut Kontext d1eser Quell~ unmOghch _an der Kilstc geleg~n haben. In 
diesem Falle ist gerade dies besonders wichttg, dass die sog. Festung von Batum1 den Plan emes Kasells aufwe,st und auch 
<lurch Grabungen hier eine frilhbyzantinische Schicht aufgedeckt werden konnte. 
10 w. Kleiss, Archaologische Mitteilungen aus Iran, Band I 2, 1979, S. 189 Abb. 29, S.195 u.a. Abb. 3 7 Tunnel und Treppcn 
Byzanz an der Grenze Georgiens 101 
Auch der Bau von Kirchen in Lazika (sowie auch in Tschaneti) hatte im 6.Jh. im Zeichen der poli-
tischen Etablierung von Byzanz erfolgt - man denke an jenes Kirchensystem, das Exarchat von Phasis 
und vier Episkopate. Obwohl einigen Angaben zufolge das christliche Leben einiger dieser Kirchen-
zentren schon friiher (im S.Jh. ?) begonnen haben sollte (Uberreste eines alten Baus in Petra, christliche 
Motive auf den keramischen und Glaserzeugnissen aus Wardziche). Es dilrfte jedoch die Tatsache von 
besonderem Interesse sein, <lass einige dieser kirchlichen Zentren schon seit heidnischen Zeiten (8./7.Jh. 
v.Chr. und spater) wichtige Zentren relativ groBer Siedlungen gebildet haben. Ein Be:weis dafilr ist die 
antike Siedlung Wardziche und das von der Archliopolis stamrnende Material, das kultisch-rituelle Ge-
genstande aus dem 8./7. Jh.v.Chr. enthlilt. 
Zur Zeit des Aufstiegs des Konigreichs Lazika (4.15. Jh.) sowie auch spliter (6.Jh.) sind seine 
engen Kontakte zu der Kustengegend offensichtlich, was auch seinen Einfluss auf diese Region ver-
muten lasst. Von den hiesigen stadteartigen Siedlungen tritt gewohnlich Phasis hervor, was auch die 
Angaben von Agathaios bestatigen (Agath., Hist., III. 20, 22, 23). Beachtenswert ist die fiiihe Verbrei-
tung georgischer Kultur - des Christentums in Ostegrisi und das Durchsetzen georgischen Einflusses in 
Kutaissi (D. Muskhelischwili). Zu erwlihnen sind die Angaben aus Zebelda (das berilhmte Altar-
gelander u.a.) weiter westlich sowie die Kloster aus dem 6. Jh. in Dranda und ganz besonders in Gagra. 
Von ganz besonderem Interesse dilrfte jedoch die Mitteilung einer vor kurzem entdeckten Quelle (Z. 
Aleksidse) sein, wonach Perser die Verteidigungsmauer von Klissura errichtet haben sollen, die eine 
Analogie zu der von Derbent ist. Andererseits scheint auch die Mitteilung von Prokopios von Clisarea 
recht glaubwurdig zu sein (De Aed. III.7), die Uber die Emeuerung und Verscho- nerung der Stadt 
Petra, insbesondere aber Sebastopolis berichtet. Unserer Meinung nach wird das auch vom archliologis-
chen Material bewiesen. 
Eine neue Expansionsetappe des byzantinischen Imperiwns in Georgien fiillt mit der Er-
weiterung seiner Aktivitaten im Transkaakasus sowie dem Kampf des Kaisers Herakles fur die Ero-
berung von Tbilissi zusammen. Byzanz war am Erlangen der ilber Transkaukasus flihrenden intema-
tionalen Strasse und ihrer wichtigsten Abschnitte interessiert. Diese Strasse wird heute symbolisch auch 
Seidenstrasse genannt. Den Quellen sowie dem archliologischen Material zufolge befand sich jedoch 
die eigentliche Seidenstrasse in Abchasien. Dies ist die sog. Missimier-Strasse, die an der bekannten 
Zibilium-Festung sowie anderen hier liegenden Festungen vorbei nach Nordkaukasus flihrte. Diese 
Strasse, deren Anfang in Sebastopolis vermutet wird, war fur Byzantiner einer der wichtigsten strategis-
chen Stiltzpunkte. Neben der politischen Bedeutung hat diese Strasse auch einen Aufschwung jener auf 
den ersten Blick ziemlich lokalisierten archaischen Kultur gefordert, die man als die "Cebelda-Kultur" 
kennt und die zahlreiche Importerzeugnisse aufzuweisen hat (Keramik, Glas, Schmuck usw.). Die 
Grabstatten an den Obergangen zum Nordkaukasus enthalten jedoch Seidenerzeughisse. 
Wir halten es fiir angebracht, den allgemeinen Teil unseres Vortrages mit der Vorfilhrung des 
jilngsten archliologischen Materials aus Gonio-Apsaros abzuschliessen, da es einzelne Etappen der Be-
ziehungen zu der romisch-byzantinischen Welt dokwnentarisch belegt. 


English

Byzanz an der Grenze Georgiens

Nerantzi-Varmazi, Vassiliki

Byzantium and Iberia (6th-11th Centuries)

Ombretta, Chiara

Moreschini, Tommasi

Androgynous Divinities in Classic and Christian Antiquity

Lipourlis, Dimitris

Ιατρική δεοντολογία: η πρώτη σύλληψη επαγγέλματικής ηθικής στην αρχαία Ελλάδα

Khintibidze, Zaza

Phasis 2-3, 2000 
Zaza Khintibidze (Tbilisi) 
PARALLELISM OF SCENES IN HOMER'S EPIC AND SHOTA RUSTA VELI'S 
THE MAN IN THE PANTHER 's SKIN 
Homer's poems have more than once become the subject of comparison with the so-called na-
tional epics of Europe or different peoples of the world1• Hence, a comparison of Homer's poems and 
The Man in The Panther 's Skin, Shota Rustaveli ' s unsurpassed work of the 16 centuries-old Georgian 
literature should not, I believe, be considered unexpected, even bearing in mind that the latter was writ-
ten ca 20 centuries after the creation of Homer's epic. Research, carried out along these lines, may be 
equally beneficial both for Homerology and for Rustaveli Studies. The validity of posing the question 
from this angle is strengthened by my awareness of the possible inclusion of the countries of the Eastern 
Mediterranean and the Black Sea littoral, including Greece and Georgia, as fonning a single cultural 
area, covering the period from Classical times to the late Middle Ages. In this case Homer should be 
considered the initial stage of a centuries-old cultural tradition broken due to well-lmown historical 
cataclysms in the cited area, with Shota Rustaveli as one of the most important completing stages. 
Research into the formation of the poems remains to the present day one of the main lines of 
modem Homerology. In particular, scholars give different answers to the question: "Oral or written 
Homer?"2 In the opinion of the majority of Homerologists, in order to give a comprehensive and final 
answer to this question the difference between works created orally and in written form must be shown 
as clearly as possible.3 Thus, I believe, a comparison of Homer's poems with Rustaveli ' s The Man in 
The Panther 's Skin, the latter doubtless having been created in written fonn, may be useful in shedding 
light on many important issues connected with the creation of Homer's epic. As to the Rustvelological 
problems, the relation of The Man in'the Panther 's Skin to the European Renaissance remains one of 
the major directions, and various questions arising when the poem is studied in the above-stated aspect, 
the main being: "To what extent is Rustaveli 's poem medieval and has it weighty elements characteris-
tic of the European Renaissance?',4 As the recall of the Classical period - its "rediscovery" - is consid-
ered a factor that paved the way for and detennined the European Renaissance, a comparison of The 
Man in the Panther 's Skin with Homer's epic and bringing to light similarities in them will, I think, be 
useful for the study of the Renaissance elements in Rustaveli' s poem. 
Along with differences, Homerological and Rustvelological problems have many common as-
pects as well. Here I wish to focus only on one aspect, viz. compositional parallelism. However, I 
should like to stress from the start that compositional parallelism in an epic work - be it a heroic epic or 
chivalrous or love romance - may manifest itself from diverse angles. Thus, e.g. in relation to Homer's 
epic it may be connected with the so-called principle of the unity of action, or with parallelism between 
1 Homer and the Nibelungenlied by Fenik B. (Cambrige, Massachusetts and London, 1986) is one of the latest such works 
known to me. 
2 For the conceptions of the so-called oral or written Homer and the scholarly works of Homerologists supporting them, see, 
respectively Miller D.C. (Improvisation, Typology, Culture, and "The New Orthodoxy". How "Oral" is Homer? Lanham -
New London, 1982) and Gordeziani, R,. Kriterien der Schriftlichkeit und Mundlichkeit in homerischen Epos, Frankfurt wn 
Main, Bern, New York, 1986. . . 
3 Cf. Fenik B., Homer and Writing, Wujbb N.F., Band 2, 1976, pp 37-47; Finnegan R., Oral Poetry, Its Nature, Significance 
and Social context Cambridge, 1977; Zumthor P., Introduction a la Poesie Orale, Paris, 1983. 
4 See: Gogiberidze M., Rustaveli and Homer, Tbilisi., 1937 (This work has not been published. Its manuscript was lost fol-
lowing the tragic death of its author, hence its content is unfortunately unkno~ to the pres~nt day); . . 
Nutsubidze Sh. Rustaveli and the Eastern Renaissance, Tbilisi, 1947 (In Russian); Baram1dze A, Shota Rustaveh and His 
Poem, Tbilisj, 1975 (In Georgian); Khintibidze E., Weltanschauung Pro~lems of Th_~ Man in_the Pant~er's_ ~kfn, Tbilisi, 
1975 (In Georgian); Khintibidze E., Medieval and Renaissance Trends m Rustaveh s Vepkh1stkaosan1, Tb1hs1, 1993 (In 
Georgian). 
Parallelism of Scenes in Homer's Epic and Shota Rustaveli's The Man in the Panther's Skin 199 
poems and myths5, as well as with innovative elaboration of the so-called traditional motifs or themes 
by means of parallelism 6, and, in a novel, parallel plot lines, etc. Naturally enough, even a superficial 
discussion of such important problems is unfeasible in a single paper. Hence, I shall limit myself to one 
specific - even though highly important aspect - that of compositional parallelism of scenes. 
When speaking about the parallelism of scenes in an epic work, epic repetition should be 
clearly distinguished from it. Although both are closely linked to the subject of the literary work - its 
plot - the similarity ends there. In particular, repetition - both literal and condensed - is not indispen-
sable for the development of the plot line either with Homer or Rustaveli; it is functionless from the 
compositional point of view; hence some repetitions are considered by some researchers to have been 
later interpolations in the texts of the poems. Parallelism of scenes, however, which is largely functional 
from the compositional point of view, is not repetition but likeness - partial at that - between two sec-
tions or scenes of the text, at a large or small distance from each other. 
In 1988, in my Candidate's Thesis "Principles of structural symmetry in the composition of the 
songs of the Iliad'', I suggested that the Iliad, in its extant form, must be the result of a gradual written 
expansion - carried out by Homer himself - of the original, orally created short version or "preliminary 
plan" or outline.7 However, I stressed then that the poem must have expanded not through the addition 
(interpolation) of new plot episodes, but in the course of expansion of existing scenes. I was led to this 
conclusion by a study of the compositional organization of the text of song XXIV of the Iliad; a single 
network of the structural symmetry of the poem came to light - the constituent elements or the scenes 
of song XXIV proved to be of polyfunctional nature. 8 Thus, in my view - similarly to other supporters 
of the "written Homer conception" - the parallelism in the Iliad and the Odyssey is an obvious indica-
tion of the completing, so-called written stages in the process of the creation of these poems.9 But, in 
the view of the supporters of the theory of "oral poetry", or the followers of Milman Parry, along with 
improvisation, oral poetry is characterized also by repetition, stemming from the oral poet' s desire to 
further elaborate or embellish this or that section or scene of a text composed during the improvisation. 
This, in the view of the followers of Parry, the parallelism of scenes - so organic to Homer's epic - is 
nothing other than the so-called ornamentation, characteristic of the process of oral improvisation, or 
duplication of a passage already created and super- or exaggerated ornamentation, which violates the 
compositional harmony of an oral song.10 
My study of the text of Rustaveli' s poem has shown numerous cases of parallelism of scenes, of 
which 15 are examples of distance parallelism 11 and up to 50 of the so-called contact parallelism. 12 The 
time limit precludes quoting the above-noted scenes, to say nothing of their discussion in detail. I 
should like to observe only that distance parallelism of scenes is due to Rustaveli depicting A vtandil 
and Tariel in the same life situations in which they always act differently from each other. Thus, the 
parallelism of scenes is obviously functional. Moreover, scrutiny of the text has shown that not only 
parallel images of A vtandil and Tariel are created on the basis of distance parallelism of scenes in the 
Man in the Panther 's Skin, but the so-called subject parallelism as well. In particular it is not only 
Avtandil's adventure that is parallel to Tariel' s adventure, but the developments in the Kingdom of 
Arabia and in the Kingdom of India are on the whole parallel with respect to each other - unlike the 
developments in the other kingdom in the poem. Even more unexpected to me were the scenes of con-
tact parallelism, or so-called doublets in Parry' s terminology, in a work created in written form, such as 
e.g. the scene of the first meeting and acquaintance of Avtandil and Pridon: Pridon is greatly delighted 
at the news brought to him by his slave saying that Tariel's sworn brother or Avtandil had arrived: 
"They praised each other, not dispraised" (965). The scene of the meeting of Avtandil and Pridon would 
seem to have ended, but in the next two lines Rustaveli conveys this scene again - in more detail, this 
5 Gordeziani R.V. Problems of the Homeric Epic, Tbilisi, 1978 (In Russian). 
6 See Khintibidze Z., The motif of the burial of a hero killed in the war (Patrocles, Hector) in the lliad, Proc. TSU, 323, 1997, 
pp. 50-55, Tbilisi. (In Georgian). 
7 Cf. Mandler G.M. and Johnson N.S. Remembrance of things passed: story, structure and recall; Cog. Psy: 9, 1977. 
8 See: Khintibidze Z., How could the Iliad have been created? Does Homer himself afford an opportunity of solving the 
problem in the form of Demodocus? Matsne, N4,pp.3 l-63, Tbilisi, 1992.(In Georgian). 
9 Cf. Gordeziani R., Kriterien der Schriftlichkeit und Mundlichkeit in homerischen Epos, Frankfurt am Main, Bern, New 
York, 1986. 
1° Cf. Miller D. G. Improvisation, Typology, Culture, ... 
11 See: Khintibidze Z, Towards the individualiz.ation of the ideal character in The Man in the Panther 's Skin, Matsne 4, pp.53-
54, Tbilisi, 1987. (In Georgian). 
12 Cf. Baramidze A., Shota Rustaveli, pp. 220-294. 
200 Zaza Khintibidze 
time: "Hastily Pridon came from the ridge; he descended to meet (Avtandil)" (966) ... "They embraced; 
they were not shy for being strangers. The knight seems peerless to Pridon, and Pridon pleases the 
knight (967)". An analysis of each such scene demonstrates that by means of contact parallelism of 
scenes Rustaveli manages to devote more time to a detailed rendering of events which he believes are of 
special significance from the subject of the poem, and to logical argumentation of especially significant 
views expressed by the character in dialogues or monologues. 
In summing up the foregoing, I believe, the following conclusion can be made: 1. For well-
known reasons, the parallelism of scenes evidenced in Homer's epic is characterized by symmetrical-
ness, while in Rustaveli's The Man in the Panther 's Skin parallelism of scenes is asymmetric. Notwith-
standing this difference, in both cases we have distant as well as contact parallelism. That in Homer's 
epic their number is much larger than in Rustaveli's poem is easily explained when it is borne in mind 
that Homer's parallelism must be a literary norm characteristic of the geometric period. As to the par-
allelism of scenes identified in Rustaveli 's poem, irrespective of the explanation we find for its exis-
tence in The Man in the Panther 's Skin, the very fact of its existence in an epic work created in written 
form points once again to the validity of the conclusions of those Homerologists in whose view the ca-
pacity of creating a literary work by means of ornamentation and duplication is not the prerogative of an 
oral poet alone. 
2. The existence of parallelism of scenes in The Man in the Panther 's Skin in the above-
discussed form shows that, although the system built on its basis is still in the process of making in the 
poem, this system has fully established contours at both macro- and micro-structural level. That is why, 
a close study of the subject of Rustaveli's poem leads me to the belief that this poem must be a transi-
tional stage from Chretien de Trois' so-called single-subject (or a single subject-line) romance to the 
period of the late Renaissance and post-Renaissance two- or many-subject European romance. In other 
words, unlike the Classical Greek epic and the medieval European court romance, 13 in Rustaveli 's 
poem, along with secondary characters and events related to them, it is not the main character that is 
depicted and hence not only one main plot story is connected with this main character, but two main 
characters, hence two main plot stories. But these two parallel stories are not yet subject lines totally 
independent of each other, being under one common subject line. Nevertheless, in his poem, Rustaveli 
made a fairly successful attempt at changing the so-called paratactic subject - its qualitative change, by 
means of parallelism of scenes. (In my opinion, such change is characteristic not only of oral poetry but 
in general, of heroic epic). From this point of view, The Man in The Panther 's Skin should be consid-
ered a precursor of the European so-called multi-plane (or possessing several subject lines) romances of 
the late Renaissance and subsequent period. Hence, the classification of The Man in The Panther 's Skin 
as a literary work transitional between the mediaeval and renaissance types will be proved to be correct. 
3. From the viewpoint of parallelism of scenes, The Man in The Panther 's Skin evinces a clear 
relationship with Homer's epic. I believe, future research will shed light on the type of this relationship, 
i.e. the so-called typological or a closer, organic relationship. A definitive answer to this question will 
probably be feasible when we form a clear idea about the situation in post-Homeric and pre-Rustavelian 
epic works, viz. in Classical Greek, Byzantine and Medieval Georgian epic. Meanwhile, two points may 
be said to emerge clearly: a) The Man in The Panther 's Skin is originally linked with Classical Greek 
philosophy, while Rustaveli's contemporary Georgian literature was familiar with Homer's name and, 
probably with his poems too; b) the cases of scenic parallelism, recorded in Rustaveli's poem, resemble 
very much the scenic parallelism of Homer's epic - a complex system known under the name of struc-
tural symmetry: however, it would be unjustified to ignore the clear difference between them. 
13 Cf. Meletinski, E. The Medieval Romance, Moscow. 1978. (In Russian). 


Parallelism of Scenes in Homer\u27s Epic and Shota Rustaveli\u27s "The Man in the Panther’s Skin"

Gordeziani, Rismag

Greek Factor in the Formation of the Opposition Europe/Asia

West, Stephanie

Lycophron\u27s "Argonautica"

Abulashvili, Medea

Folk Fancy or Reminiscences Shaped as a Legend?

Apakidze, Andria

Kipiani, Guram

Nikolaishvili, Vakhtang

Phasis 7, 2004 
 
A. Apakidze, G. Kipiani and V. Nikolaishvili (Tbilisi)  
A RICH BURIAL FROM MTSKHETA (CAUCASIAN IBERIA) 
Mtskheta is situated not far from Tbilisi at the confluence of the Mtkvari (Ku-
ra) and Aragvi rivers (Fig. 1). From the early 3rd century BC, when the (Cau-
casian) Iberian kingdom was created, until the 5th century AD it was the capi-
tal. Hellenistic and Roman remains have been found, both in the modern town 
of Mtskheta and in surrounding areas (Greater Mtskheta). The most remarka-
ble are Bagineti (Armaztsikhe) and Armaziskhevi, the latter the residence and 
burial place of high ranking officials (pitiakshes) of the Iberian kings. Large-
scale archaeological investigation has continued since 1937. In 1994, on the 
foundations laid by the Mtskheta Archaeological Expedition of the Georgian 
Academy of Sciences, the Mtskheta Archaeological Institute was created. 
Tomb No. 14 was uncovered in August 2001 in the north-eastern wall of 
Svetitskhoveli cathedral, 330 cm from the socle and 670 cm from the northern 
corner, at a depth of 170 cm below the modern surface. The tomb was built of 
rough, sandstone slabs set into a yellowish-pale blue clay soil and oriented 
west-east. The roof of the burial was flat. It consisted of three sandstone slabs 
resting upon the north and south walls. The joins between the slabs were rein-
forced with a thick (10-15 cm) lime-wash paste. The roof slabs (263 x 148 
cm; 20 cm thick) overlapped the cist. Four solid stone slabs formed the walls 
of the burial, and the long walls had vertical slots 11-18 cm wide. All the 
slabs were well dressed, especially the inner surfaces, bearing traces of a chi-
sel. An iron pin was attached to the south-western corner of the rim of the cist 
for hanging a thick, square bronze plaque (a mirror? – see below, No. 18). 
The outer dimensions of the burial are 211-213 cm x 120-130 cm; inner, 
209 x 96 cm; height 96 cm. The tomb was not robbed, indeed it was so well 
sealed that no earth had penetrated within (Figs. 2, 4). 
The floor of the tomb was paved at the west end by three and a half brick 
plinths (Fig. 3). One bears the imprint of the paws of an animal. The plinths 
measure respectively 58 x 28 cm, 58 x 59 cm and 59 x 58 cm; each was 5 x 3-
A Rich Burial from Mtskheta (Caucasian Iberia) 
 
129 
3.5 cm thick. The body was laid flat on its back, the head to the west and 
turned to the right. The hands were placed over the pelvis, and the legs were 
bent slightly at the knee and were apart. Although the skeleton as a whole was 
in very poor condition, it was possible to determine its sex, female, and age, 
40-50. 
There were some 24 pieces of gold, silver, bronze, iron, glass, etc., in the 
burial. 
 
1. (Inv. No. 01-6-X-1611) (Fig. 5). A gold signet-ring with a carnelian 
gem-intaglio, found near the left hand of the body. The bezel is ovoid and 
figured. A pair of cast gold panthers is welded to the hoop, holding in their 
teeth and paws a hammered bezel of gold sheet. A reddish carnelian intaglio 
represents the left profile of a female bust encircled with a Greek inscription 
BACIΛICCA/OYΛΠΗANAΞΗA. Height of ring – 19 mm; width – 17 mm. 
Length of gem – 20 mm; width – 17 mm. Total weight – 9.89 g. This is the 
first such ring to be found in Georgia. 
2. (Inv. No. 01-6-X-1612) (Fig. 6). A cylindrical gold ink pot consisting 
of two pieces – a pot covered with a heptagonal lid pierced in the centre and 
covered with a movable plate attached by a pair of bosses also pierced at the 
edge. The sides of the heptagon are unequal and they are ornamented with 
ovals and stylised lotus leaves. It has been damaged by compression. The 
body of the ink pot is reinforced by four hoops. Found to the left of the pelvis. 
Height – 120 mm; diameter of base – 43 mm; diameter of body – 47 mm; 
diameter of hole – 8 mm; total weight – 95.55 g. It is the fifth ink pot found at 
Mtskheta, all in burials from the 2nd-3rd centuries AD. 
3. (Inv. No. 01-6-X-1613) (Fig. 7). A gold sheet forming the cover for a 
desk set (see No. 17). It is square, open-work, decorated with a floral design 
and with a terminal mounting; the frame is decorated with scratched, irregular 
dashes. There is a two-line Greek inscription within the frame: 
BACIΛΔΧCOΤCTAMOY | TOYKAIEYΓENIOY. There are two pairs of 
holes at the corner of the sheet. In the upper corner there is a pin resembling 
an eight-petalled rose. Found near the pelvis. Length – 97 mm; width – 9 mm; 
thickness – l mm; height of side – 10 mm; weight – 52.95 g. 
4. (Inv. No. 01-6-X-1614) (Fig. 8). A two-tanged gold pendant case for an 
amulet, in the shape of an open box curving inwards. A pair of grooved tangs is 
soldered onto the edges of the underside. Found at the waist. Length – 27 mm; 
width – 17 mm; height – 10 mm; weight – l.79 g. A similar amulet case was 
found in another female burial – No. 2 in the Armaziskhevi elite cemetery.  
5. (Inv. No. 01-6-X-1615) (Fig. 9). A pendant made of a pair of gold run-
ning spirals soldered on a round-headed tang. Found at the waist. Length – 26 
 A. Apakidze, G. Kipiani and V. Nikolaishvili  
 
130 
mm; width – 16 mm; weight – 4.91 g. No such pendapt has hitherto been 
found in Mtskheta. 
6. (Inv. No. 01-6-X-1616) (Fig. 10). A gold pendant. An ovoid brooch is 
set with a chalcedony relief bust of a lady wearing a gold necklace. She is 
dressed in a chiton(?). Her carnelian coiffure is flattened on the back of her 
head. She has a straight, prominent nose, thick lips and a chin jutting out a 
little. Found near the pelvis. Height – 27 mm; width – 16 mm; diameter of 
brooch – 15-16 mm. A similar pendant, but with a male bust, was found at 
Mtskheta Baiatkhevi cemetery, in tile burial No. 35, dated to the 3rd century 
AD. 
7. (Inv. No. 01-6-X-1617) (Fig. 11). A gold pendant. An ovoid brooch of 
false-rope design with a tang, set into which is a carnelian bust of a boy wear-
ing a gold necklace. The forehead recedes, the nose a little snub, the lips thick 
and the cheeks plump, the chin juts out a little, and the boy's hair, divided into 
five parts, is plaited. Found near the pelvis. Height – 12 mm; width – 12 mm; 
weight – l.68 g. The bust is a fine piece of perfectly sculpted relief work. A 
similar gem, but set in a finger-ring, has been found at Mtskheta, Samtavro 
burial No. 905. 
8. (Inv. No. 01-6-X-1618) (Fig. 12). A gold pendant, similar to No. 7. Its 
rear surface is slightly damaged. The boy is adorned with an impressed, cris-
scross garland around the neck. The bust is encircled by a pair of grooves. 
Height – 12 mm; width – 12 mm; weight – l.70 g. 
9. (Inv. No. 01-6-X-1619) (Fig. 13). A gold pendant with a tang, with a 
three-layered agate intaglio in the shape of a high, truncated cone, 
representing a seated Zeus, holding a sceptre in his right hand and a bolt of 
lightning in his left; his eagle before him. Found near the pelvis. Height with 
tang – 25 mm; width – 17 mm; height of gem – 7 mm; width – 8 mm. Similar 
pieces were found at Mtskheta, Samtavro and Ertsotianeti. 
10. (Inv. No. 01-6-X-1620) (Fig. 14). A false-roped, tanged gold pendant, 
set with an almond-shaped, light violet, transparent amethyst, slightly ridged 
on the back. Found in the central part of the south wall. Height – 26 mm; 
width – 16 mm; weight – 3.68 g. An amethyst of a similar form was found 
elsewhere at Mtskheta, in tomb No. 25, set into a gold finger-ring of the 
second half of the 3rd century.  
11. (Inv. No. 01-6-X-1621) (Fig. 15.1). A gold pendant, with a pair of 
transverse rods soldered onto two fish-shaped verticals. On the lower rod an 
octagonal sky-blue glass bead is mounted. Two grooved tangs are soldered on 
to the pair of fish. Found in the central part of the south wall. Height with 
tang – 17 mm; width – 12 mm; thickness – 7 mm; length of bead – 18 mm. 
12. (Inv. No. 01-6-X-1622) (Fig. 15.2). A gold pendant similar to No. 11. 
Height – 22 mm; width – 21 mm; weight – 5.455 g. 
A Rich Burial from Mtskheta (Caucasian Iberia) 
 
131 
13. (Inv. No. 01-6-X-1623) (Fig. 16). An agate balsamarium. It is pear-
shaped, with a cylindrical neck and a gold lid. A gold ring, with three gold 
chains terminating in flat gold plates, is linked to another gold chain, which is 
attached to the lid by means of a tang. The three gold chains may easily be 
attached to three equidistant holes in the body of the balsamarium. A hole in 
the underside of the balsamarium is set with a gold-framed garnet. Height – 
33 mm; diameter – 27 mm; weight – 13.80 g. A similar balsamarium, but 
gold and with a rough surface, was found in sarcophagus No. 7 at Armazisk-
hevi cemetery.  
14. (Inv. No. 0l-6-X-1624) (Fig. 17.1-2). A tanged gold coin pendant. 
Obv. – a draped bust of Faustina II, left profile, encircled with the inscription 
FAVSTINA AVGVSTA and a circle of dots. Rev. – a draped, full-face image 
of Venus holding an apple in her right hand; inscription VE..NVS. Found 
near the pelvis. Height with tang – 17 mm; diameter – 13-14 mm; thickness – 
l.5 mm; weight – 3.865 g. 
15. (Inv. No. 0l-6-X-1625) (Fig. 18.1-2). A tanged gold coin pendant, 
similar in form to the previous example, but the coin is a gold denarius 
minted in Rome. Obv. – a draped bust of Lucilla (164-169 or 183 AD), right 
profile; bust encircled with the inscription, LVCILLAE AVGVSTAE, and a 
half loop of dotted line. Rev. – Pietas, a full-face, draped image; right hand 
raised over a burning altar; left hand holding a box; inscription around the 
image PIE..TAS, with part of a circle of dots. Found near the pelvis. Height 
with tang – 16 mm; diameter – 15 mm; weight – 3.75 g. 
16. (Inv. No. 01-6-X-1626) (Fig. 19). An ovoid earring made of gold wire, 
with open ends; soldered onto it a gold rod with a coral bead on it and a flat-
tened end. Found in the middle of the south wall. Height – 20 mm; diameter – 
12 mm; weight – 1.37 g.  
This type is quite common in Georgia (Mtskheta, Urbnisi, Ertso) but the 
great majority of them have been found in Greater Mtskheta in sites dated to 
the 3rd-4th centuries (Armaziskhevi, Samtavro). 
17. (Inv. No. 01-6-X-1627) (Figs. 20-24). A silver desk set and pencil-
box, damaged and with a patina. The box was found near the pelvis of the 
deceased. 
The box is formed of two parts. The first is the rear of a boat-shaped item 
consisting of two silver sheets with a corrugated lid attached (see detailed 
description below). The space between the sheets is divided by three tetra-
hedral rods – one transverse, the other two running along the sides – with the 
empty spaces between them filled with some plaster. 
The lid also is in two parts. One piece is of corrugated silver, terminating 
in a raised, triangular case (8 x 7 cm) for holding an ink-pot. It is decorated in 
high relief. The device on the case is bordered by three arches supported by 
 A. Apakidze, G. Kipiani and V. Nikolaishvili  
 
132 
spiral columns. The arches are inscribed respectively MENAN ... (damaged; 
some letters missing), OMHPOC and ΓΖΜΟCΘΔΝΖC – the names of the 
three male figures (Menander, Homer and Demosthenes) enclosed by them. 
The second part is an open-work gold cover (see No. 3). 
The second piece of the box, mainly its rear surface, forms a device di-
vided into three bands each of three figures, crowned with a cordon of astra-
galoi. Over each of the upper row of figures is an arch supported by spiral 
columns.The height of figures varies (see below). Below each row Greek 
inscriptions, engraved in so-called tabulae clipiatae, contain the names of the 
muses. The letters are burnished and incrusted. The inscriptions are framed in 
gold; the figures of the nine muses are gilded. 
The figures in the upper row (left to right), dressed in long chitons, are the 
muses of history, lyric poetry and comedy; their names: KΛΗΧ, EYTEPΠH, 
ΘΑΛIA. Clio holds a slate pencil in her right hand and a book in her left. 
Euterpe holds a trumpet in her right hand and some wind instrument in her 
left. There is an altar between Clio and Euterpe. Thalia holds a comic mask in 
her left hand and a ploughshare in her right.  
The middle row contains the muses of tragedy, dance and love poetry, 
with their names: MEΛΠOMENH, TEPΦIXOPH, EPATΧ. Melpomene holds 
a tragic mask in her left hand with her right arm akimbo. Terpsichore has a 
lyre in her left hand and a plectrum (?) in her right. Erato has a flanged lyre in 
her left hand and some enigmatic object in her right. 
The lower row houses the muses of singing, sacred dance and mime, of 
astronomy and of epic poetry, with their names: ΠOΛYMNIA, OYPANIA, 
KAΛΛIOΠH. Polyhymnia holds a scroll in her right hand and a mask in her 
left. Urania holds a pointed slate pencil in her right hand and a globe at her 
waist in the left. Calliope has a scroll in her left hand and her right hand 
pressed to her breast. 
 
Length of box – 34.6 cm; width of top – 9.1 cm; of bottom – 6.6 cm; 
height of sides – 2.5 cm, 2.5 cm, 3 cm; thickness – l.5 cm.  
Length of other sheet – 30.2 cm; width of top – 8.5 cm; of bottom – 6 cm. 
Ink-pot case – 8 x 7 cm at top of lid. 
Upper row figures (right to left) – 69 mm, 74 mm, 73.5 mm. 
Middle row (right to left) – 62.5 mm, 64 mm, 67 mm. 
Lower row (right to left) – 62 mm, 61 mm, 63.5 mm. 
External dimensions of inscription frames (top to bottom) – 49.5 x 24.5 
mm, 44.5 x 23 mm, 45 x 20.5 mm. 
Internal dimensions of the frames (top to bottom) – 41 x 18 mm, 38 x 17.5 
mm, 39 x 13 mm. 
A Rich Burial from Mtskheta (Caucasian Iberia) 
 
133 
The rest of the desk set consists of three writing implements – one-piece 
pens with nibs. One of the pens has an iron plug driven into the top. All three 
are made of silver sheets (12 mm wide; 1 mm thick), the joints between 
which are soldered from top to nib. They were placed within a special case 
made of two silver sheets. Length of pen and nib – 23.3 cm; diameter – 7-8 
mm; diameter of body – 10 mm; length of nib – 3.7 cm; width of nib – l.5 mm 
(2 mm for the one with the plug). This is the first desk set to be found in 
Georgia.  
18. (Inv. No. 01-6-X-1628). A square bronze plaque (mirror?), broken in-
to six pieces, coated with a malignant patina; with the remains of a wooden 
frame. Next to it was a bronze handle, again with wooden remains adhering to 
it (used for hanging the mirror?). Found at the south-western corner of the 
burial. Height – 31.3 cm; width – 27 cm; thickness – 3-4 cm. 
19. (Inv. No. 01-6-X-l629) (Fig. 25). An ovoid, shallow agate saucer, 
probably the base of some larger vessel. The underside edges are chipped. 
Found in the middle part of the south wall. Length – 9. 75 cm; width – 7.4 
cm; heightof sides – 7 mm (outer), 6 mm (inner); thickness – 6 mm. 
20. (Inv. No. 01-6-X-1630) (Fig. 26). A decorated agate drinking vessel 
with straight sides. The body is cylindrical, tapering slightly at the bot-
tom.The base is flat and everted. The body is ornamented with a pair of relief 
cordons between which are eight rhomboid reliefs with a ninth, larger one in 
the centre. Found near the right thigh bone. Matt white veins run through the 
glass itself. Height-8.3 cm; diameter of body – 6.4 cm; diameter of rim – 5.6 
cm; diameter of base – 3.5 cm. 
21. (Inv. No. 01-6-X-1631). Pieces of a clear glass vessel. Found in the 
middle part of the south wall. 
22. (Inv. No. 01-6-X-1632). Pieces of a clear glass vessel. Found in the 
north-east section of the burial. 
23. (Inv. No. 01-6-X-1633) (Fig. 27). An iron pin, round in section, with a 
ball-shaped head; one piece, hammered, rusted and broken into four pieces. 
Found near the lady's breast. 
24. (Inv. No. 01-6-X-1634). An iron pin, round in section, rusted and bro-
ken into three pieces. Similar to No. 23. Length – 12 cm.  
The great majority of the grave-goods found in tomb No. 14 belong to the 
3rd century or to the first half of the 4th century AD. Thus, the tomb most 
probably dates to the late 3rd or early 4th century. Various of the finds, par-
ticularly the desk set, together with bronze and silver ink-pots and styli dis-
covered previously, point to a high level of literacy among the elite in the 
period when Mtskheta served as capital of Caucasian Iberia. Some pieces 
from the tomb seem to have been made in foreign workshops – further evi-
dence of quite close trading contacts with Rome, Iran, etc. 










A Rich Burial from Mtskheta (Caucasian Iberia)

Kacharava, Darejan

A Rich Grave from the Vani Site

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