Journal Phasis - Greek and Roman Studies

Papadopoulos, Athanasios

Prehistoric Aegean and the Regions of the Black Sea and Kaukasos: Archaeological Evidence and Myths

Moreschini, Claudio

English

The Christian Platonism of Gregory of Nazianzus

Lordkipanidze, Otar

Phasis 2-3, 2000 
Otar Lordkipanidze (Tbilisi) 
CLASSICAL ARCHAEOLOGY IN GEORGIA 
(In the Context of History of Relations with the Greek World) 
Classical archaeology in Georgia is oriented on the study of the history and culture of two an-
cient Georgian states: Colchis - situated on the territory of present-day western Georgia, as well as Ibe-
ria - in eastern Georgia.1 One of the most fascinating problems put forward nowadays in the Classical 
Archaeology of Georgia is the relations between the Greek world and Georgia. 
The well-known Greek stories on the Argonaut-expedition for the Golden Fleece as a symbol of 
the first successful navigation of the Hellens to the shores of the Black Sea, was employed by Greeks to 
designate the collaborating with the Ancient Georgia: Western Georgian Kingdom of Colchis was the 
land where the Golden Fleece was preserved. 
Why was the Argonautica addressed namely to Colchis and not to other countries of the Black 
Sea? 
The answer on this question did give already Strabo: "The Argo that is in all men's mind is also 
properly used [by Homer], inasmuch as the expedition is supposed to have taken place in well-known 
and populous regions" .2 And it's worthy to note that the modern classical archaeology confirms the re-
ality of words of the great Greek geographer. 
A comparative study of the demographic situation in the Black Sea area of the second half of 
the 2nd and the first half of the 1st millennium B.C. shows that namely the east Black Sea region was 
distinguished for the presence of settled and most developed society. A powerful demographic explo-
sion is evidenced both in the coastal lirie and in the hinterland. Almost everywhere we find the remains 
of this period: settlements, necropolis, metal hoards, bronze and iron manufactories. The local culture of 
this period is illustrated by wooden architecture, pottery and especially by very numerous and varied 
bronze items, such as fine bronze axe-heads, sometimes decorated with engraved or sculptural repre-
sentations. 3 
The introduction of large-scale iron-working is also noteworthy. Remains of the iron-smelting 
foundries are discovered, especially in the coastal zone,4 as well as very numerous and quite different 
utilitarian products - tools and weapons: ploughs, hoes, axe-heads, spearheads, arrowheads ... 
It is important to note that typologically the iron objects repeat the shape of bronze wares of the 
preceding period.5 
Of special interest is an unusually great number of not only weapons but of agricultural imp le-
• 6 ments m graves. 
I think, all these fmds are an eloquent illustration of the high level of farming as well as of large 
scale of the iron-working already before the Greek colonization. 
Here arises another question: is there any evidence of contacts of the Greeks creating the fa-
mous stories on the Argonaut expedition with Colchis, i.e. with the land where, according to these sto-
ries, the Golden Fleece was preserved? 
1 On the history and archaeology ofColchis and Iberia see Lordkipanidze 0 ., Archltologie in Georgien, Weinheim, 1991, pp. 
93-145 and 146-176 (with Bibliography). 
2 Strabo, I, 2,40, Archliologie in Georgien, Weinheim, 1991 , pp. 93-145 and 146-176 (with Bibliography). 
3 Lordkipanidze 0., Mikeladze T., Le littoral oriental de la Mer Noire (Colchide) durant de la colonisation grecque, - in: 
"Dialogues d'histoire ancienne", 6, 1980, pp. 41-58. 
4 Khakhutaishvili D., Proizvodstvo zheleza v drevnei Kolkhide (Iron Production in Ancient Colchis), Tbilisi, 1987 (n Russ.). 
s Lordkipanidze and Mikeladze, Op. cit. 
6 Mikeladze T., Grol3e kollektive Grabgruben der frilhen Eisenzeit in Kolchis. - in: "Archilologischer Anzeiger", I, 1955, pp. 
1-22. 
Classical Archaeology in Georgia 261 
According to the Greek mythological tradition, the Argonaut expedition took place one genera-
tion before the Troian War. Thus, we could suppose the first navigation of the Greeks to the shores of 
the Black Sea already in the Mycenaean period. 
But unfortunately till nowadays we haven't any eloquent archaeological materials proving the 
appearance of Greeks-Achaeans on the shores of the Black Sea in the Mycenaean time.7 But I believe in 
the Greek mythological tradition and we can hope that the further archaeological excavations will re-
veal more reliable evidence on the presence of the Mycenaean Greeks on the Black Sea littoral. 
Evidence on possible, more or less active contacts of the Greek world with the Black Sea area 
from the 9th-8th cent. B.C. becomes more convincing when there occurred a fresh powerful upsurge of 
Greek society (still called "renaissance"), the formation of the polis, intensive development of handi-
crafts and commerce (partially Euboean), the planting of the first colonies both in the west (Pithecusa) 
and in the east (Al-Mina, Tell-Sukas). 
Nowadays in Colchis the most ancient Greek import is represented by a 8th -century bronze figu-
rine of a charioteer from Mukhurcha8 - doubtlessly a Greek late Geometric votive well-known from 
Olympia and Delphoi.9 It must not be ruled out that some bronze female figurines in spread-armed po-
sitions from Colchis10• are also Greek imports or a local adoption of the motifs from Greek Geometric 
art. On the other hand, the famous 8th-century Samian rider with a baby11 has now good analogies in the 
newly discovered in Colchis side-saddled female figurines, as well as in a throned female with a baby.12 
And some innovations in the material culture of the 8th- 7th century Colchis we can regard as a 
result of contacts between the late Geometric Greek world and Colchis: such as terracotta figurines with 
heads on the opposite sides, 13 bronze single arched fibulae (the so-called sub-Mycenaean type, espe-
cially "a navicella" type),14 in the local pottery kantharos- and kalathos-like vessels, as well as the 
widespreading on the Colchian pottery, bronze and gold objects of the rich geometric ornamentations, 
especially meanders and swastikas, not being familiar in Colchis of previous periods, but so character-
istic of the Greek Geometric art. 
Regular contacts of Greeks with Colchis started from the very end of the 7th or beginning of the 
6th centuries B.C. and are connected with the so-called Great Greek Colonization. 
lbree Greek colonies (Dioscurias, Gyenos, Phasis)15 are mentioned in classical literary sources, 
most frequently Dioscurias and especially Phasis. Unfortunately, they are not yet discovered. 
Dioscurias is presumed to have been located in the Sukhumi Bay, but it is either sunken in the 
sea or destroyed by it.16 The most striking evidence of the existence of the Greek colony is a marble 
grave stele, discovered in the Sea. 
The three-figured composition on the stele represents the scene of the parting with a deceased. 
This stele is a provincial work under the influence of the Classical art of Attica. The Sukhumi stele must 
be dated to the last quarter of the 5th century B.C.17 
The city of Phasis has not yet been discovered either. It is repeatedly mentioned in Graeco-
Roman and Byzantine sources as a city founded by the Milesians and situated at the mouth of the river 
of the same name, i.e. the Phasis.18 The identification of this river is absolutely certain. This is modem 
7 The finds of Mycenaean pottery at Mashat in Turkei (<>zgU~ T., M~t, Ankara, I, 1978, p. 66, Pl. 83-84; II, 1982, pp. 102-
103, pl. 46) are doubtless of enonnous interest, however, the route of their penetration still remains debatable. 
8 Mikeladze, op. cit., p. 21 , fig. 22. 
9 Sweitzer B., Die geometrische Kunst Griechenlands, Koln, 1969, pp. 156-158; Heitmeyer W.-D., Fnlgriechische Kunst, 
B~rlin, 1982, p. 47; Byrne M., The Greek Geometric Warrior Figurine, Lovain-la-Neuve, 1991, pp. 43 f. 
10 Mikeladze, Op. cit. p.18. 
11 Voyatzis M., Votive Riders Seated-Saddle at Early Greek Sanctuaries, - in: "Annual of the British School of Archaeology at 
Athens", 82, 1992, p. 21. 
12 cf. Mikeladze, Op. cit. fig. 19-20. 
13 Lordkipanidze 0., Ober zwei Funde aus Vani, - in: "Archliologischer Anzeiger", 1, 1995, pp. 41-45. 
14 Sulava N., Boat Fibula Found jn Georgia, - in: "Trade on the Black Sea in the Archaic and Classical Periods: Historical 
Perspectives of the Silk Road (The 9th International Symposium in Vani)", Tbilisi, 1999, pp. 63-64. 
15 Ps. Sey!., Asia, 81. . 
16 Kacharava D., Kvirkvelia G., Goroda i poselenia Prichemomorya v antichnuyu epokhu (The Cities and Settlements of the 
Classical Period of the Black Sea Area), Tbilisi, 1991, sv. Dioskurias. 
17 Lordkipanidze 0 ., La Georgie et le monde Gree, - in: "Bulletin de Correspondance Hellenique, XCVIII, 1974, pp. 899-904; 
Pfuhl E., Mclbius H., Die ostgriechischen Grabreliefs, I, Mainz am Rhein, 1977, pp. 28, no. 65, Pl. 17. 
18 Herod., IV, 38 and 86; Ps.Scyl., Asia, 81; Ps. Hyp., Peri Aeron, 15; Arist., Fr. 72 (=Heracl. Lamb., Polit., 46); Ps. Scymn., 
930 (= Anonym., PPE, 44), Strabo, XI, 2, 17; XI, 3, 4; Arrian, PPE, 11-12; Sch. ad Theocr., Id., XIII, 23; St. Byz., Ethn., sv. 
<I>&o:~; Plin., NH, VI, I, 13 and 52; Pomp. Mel., De Chorograph., I, 108. 
262 Otar Lordkipanidze 
Rioni. It means that Phasis has been located at its mouth.19 We have used all possible methods of search 
for Phasis: archaeological surface survey of a vast area, geological drilling, different geophysical meth-
ods, as well as deciphering of the aerial photographs, as far as it was possible in the Soviet times, but in 
vain. The search of Phasis is difficult because of the highly variable geomorphologic structure of this 
region, i.e. Poti. We see here the incredibly frequent change of the bed of the River Rioni within the 
radius of almost 3-4 Ian, as well as expansion of land at the expense of the sea. Thus, the location of 
Phasis, one of the most famous Greek colonies in Colchis, still remains an unsolved mystery. But, nev-
ertheless, we have some archaeological proofs of the real existence of Phasis and its activity. 
Silver coins of the 5th century B.C. are discovered near the hypothetical location of Phasis. 
They are represented by 9 examples kept in various museums of the world. The obverse of the coins 
bears an image of a lion typical for Milesian coins, while reverse - a kneeling nude male figure with a 
bull's head. As it is known, the image of a man with bull's head features in Greek iconography a River-
God. Hence, it may be hypothesized that we are dealing with the River-God Phasis, mentioned in Greek 
and Roman sources.20 
The next, highly interesting, relic is a silver phiale with an omphalos, discovered in a Sarmatian 
burial in Kuban. It dates from the end of the 5th cent. B.C. The omphalos bears the representation of the 
Python, reflecting ancient Delphic notions of the omphalos as the tomb of the Python killed by Apollo. 
The inner walls of the phiale feature deer heads, while the outer walls bear a Greek inscription: "I be-
long to Apollo the Hegemon, that is in Phasis". Here "Hegemon" is the epithet of Apollo, as the leader 
of the city and principal god-protector. The inscription points out that the phiale belonged to the temple 
of Apollo in Phasis.21 
We have exceptionally interesting 3ni-cent. A.O. evidence on the existence of a temple of 
Artemis in Phasis. The information belongs to the historian Zosymus. Thus, we have proof of the exis-
tence of the temples of Apollo and Artemis and their cult in Phasis. But perhaps of the cult of there 
mother Leto as well? As is known, so-called Apollinarian trias was worshipped in Miletus, the mother-
city of Phasis. In this respect, special attention is drawn to the iconographically unique coins (to-day 
represented by up to 20 specimens) discovered near Phasis. The obverse a representation of a human 
head in profile, while the reverse depicts two heads with features characteristic of Apollo and Artemis. 
It may be hypothesized that these coins represent the Apollinarian triad: Leto, Apollo and Artemis.22 
But I'd like to repeat the ab<;>_ve-said: Phasis is not yet discovered and its location still remains 
the greatest mystery of ow: century. -~_new programme is worked out for the search of Phasis for the 
corning twenty-first century. It comprises, together with archaeology, the deciphering of aerial photo-
graphs, geophysical and underwater archaeological investigations. In this programme the scientists from 
the United States, United Kingdom, France and Germany, are taking part. I hope that our Greek col-
leagues will also be included in this international programme of searching Phasis. Phasis deserves the 
great interest since it was undoubtedly a big urban centre that is testified by archaeological finds. This 
very city played an outstanding role in the interrelations of the Greek world with Colchis, and ancient 
Georgia in the whole. The spread of Greek imports along the river of Phasis is an eloquent testimony of 
these relations. The Greek imports are found in all more or less important centres of Colchis. For exam-
ple, at the Simagre settlement the 6th century Ionian and Attic pottery is revealed,23 in Vani the earliest 
Greek import is represented by a Chiot chalice style, as well as by outstanding examples of Greek 
toreutics.24 
Of great importance is the recently discovered coin-hoard from village of Sulori not far from 
Vani. 
The hoard contains up to 700 local silver coins, triobols with a head of the goddess on the ob-
verse, and a bull's head on the reverse, and three foreign silver coins: so-called croeseid and a siglos 
struck by Darios ca. 500 B.C., and a small coin with a lion-head on the obverse and a star on its reverse, 
19 Kacharava and Kvirkvelia, Op. cit., s.v. Phasis. 
20 Lordkipanidze 0., Phasis, le dieu-fleuve - in: "La Mer Noire zone de contacts (Actes du VII0 Symposium de Vani)", Paris, 
1999, pp. 129-141. 
21 Lordkpanidze 0 ., Les divinites de la ville Phasis: Apollon ou la triade Apollinienne? - in: "Religions du Pont-Eux.in (Actes 
du vrr• Symposium de Vani)" -1997, Paris, 1999, pp. 129-159. 
22 Lordkipanidze 0., Towards the Interpretation of the Images on the so-called Colchian Didrachma. - in: "Mythes et cultes. 
Etudes d'iconography en l'honneur de Lilly Kahil" (= BCH, Supplement 38, Paris, 2000, pp. 333-338. 
23 Kacharava D., Greek Imports of Archaic and Classical Times in Colchis, - in: "Archliologischer Anzeiger", 1, 1995, pp. 63-
73. 
24 vani (Archaeological Excavations), VII, Thilisi, 1983, pp. 1983, pp. 7-11 1. 
Classical Archaeology in Georgia 263 
i.e. it is a Milesian obol struck before the Ionian revolt, i.e. between 500 and 491. This is the first find in 
Cole his of a coin from Miletos, the mother-city of Phasis. 
Greek imports found in Eastern Georgia, known in the classical world under the name of Iberia, 
could be also regarded as the results of trade activities of Phasis - the main centre for distribution of 
imports. 
At the settlements situated in the valley of the Kura river finds are known of Archaic and Clas-
sical Greek imports (Attic black-figured pottery in Khovle). It is worthy to note that imported Greek 
items have been found along the tributaries of the Kura river - in the valleys of the Phrone (Fikellura 
style and Attic black-glazed pottery)25 and the Aragvi rivers (Qasbegi: an East Greek silver phiale deco-
rated with swan heads - an exact copy of the East-Greek silver bowl from Rhodes).26 
Active Greek trade with Colchis, so clearly demonstrated by archaeology, contributed to a 
deeper familiarity of Greeks with this land. This has found reflection in the appearance of many inter-
esting evidences about Colchis in the Greek literature, for example, in the works of Herodotus, Ps. 
Scylax, Hyppocratus, Strabo and so on. As a result of close familiarity of Greeks with Colchis we can 
regard the emergence of a new explanation of the essence of the Golden Fleece. If originally in Greek 
mythology it meant probably the symbol of a protector of royal power, later arose a new, rationalistic 
explanation: Golden Fleece symbolized, on one side, the richness of Colchis in Gold, on the other side, 
the obtaining of the gold in rivers of Colchis with help of sheepskins.27 This technique of obtaining 
gold, so eloquently described by Strabo and Appianus, was preserved in mountainous regions of West-
ern Georgia until recently.28 
The richness of Colchis in gold is attested also by finds of numerous gold items in rich burials 
of the local aristocracy, especially of the first half of the 5th-3rd centuries B.C.: magnificent diadems, 
various earrings, and temple ornaments, as well as necklaces. The originality of shapes as well as the 
stylistic and technical peculiarities points to their local manufacture.29 
The exceptionally large number of gold ornaments - occasionally hundreds in each grave - is a 
clear proof of the realness of the reports of those Greek writers, who sought to link the myth of the 
Golden Fleece to the richness in gold of Cole his. 
25 Lordkipanidze 0 ., Trade on the Black Sea - the historic premise of The Great Silk Road, - in: "Trade on the Black Sea in 
the Archaic and Classical Periods: Historical Perspective of the Silk Road (The 9th International Symposium in Vani)", Tbi-
lisi, 1999, pp. 58-59. 
26 Luschey H., Die Phiale. Bleicherode am Han, 1939, p. 61 , = 3 (from Qazbegi) and= 2 (from Rhodes), cf. Ibid, p. 65. 
27 Strabo, XI, 2, 19; Appian, Mith., 109. 
28 cf. Severin T., The Jason Voyage, London, 1985, pp. 220-223. 
29 Lordkipanidze, Archli.ologie ... , pp. 123-124 (with references). 


Classical Archaeology in Georgia

Lordkipanidze, Guram

Phasis 2-3, 2000 
Guram Lordkipanidze (Tbilisi) 
COINS FROM V ANI (SURIUM) BEARING THE REPRESENTATION OF A 
STYLIZED LOTUS 
In 1967, a hoard of copper coins was discovered at the monolithic cylindrical altar located in 
the central part of the megaroni type temple dedicated to the goddess of fertility. The coin was revealed 
by me on the acropolis during the archaeological excavations in Vani site. 
126 coins were scattered in the n1dius of 20 cm. The site of the find leaves no doubt that the 
hoard constituted an offering. Since their discovery these unepigraphical coins were determined as the 
hoard struck under Mithradates VI in the kingdom of Pontus. A coin of the same type was found in 
Vani in 1952 as well. Their obverse bears a stylized lotus bud reliefrepresentation - the head-dress of 
Isis, the goddess of fertility, while their reverse shows an eight-pointed star relief characteristic of the 
coins of Mithradates VI Eupator. The gross weight of the hoard coins is 185, 270 gr; but its material 
value is not high. 
According to the stratigraphic data, the temple with a mosaic floor was destroyed in the middle 
of the first century B. C. The scientific researches of the famous numismatist G. Dundua give us ground 
to consider the above-mentioned copper coins, bearing symbolics of Isis, to have been struck in Geor-
gia, namely in Vani during the brief reign ofMithradates (Philopator Philadelphus) the Young (83-80 
B. C.), the son of Mithradates VI Eupator. His unepigraphicalness was most probably due to the politi~ 
cal situation then obtaining in Western Georgia. This hypothesis is dictated by the fact that so far as we 
know, coins of this type have not been discovered outside Georgia. Coins of the same type were found 
on the city site of Eshera and Tsebelclii .burial dating from the first century B. C. as well. Actually, the 
symbol of Isis - the type similar to the:representation of stylized lotus head-dress of Isis, was not alien 
to the Hellenistic period; so, for instance, it has been traced on the bronze coins of Ptolemayose dating 
from the end of 2-1 c.c B. C. The appearance oflsis' symbols - the Egyptian goddess of fertility - on the 
coins struck in the kingdom of Colchis requires detailed explanation. Evgeni Pokhitonov, the Czech 
numismatist dealt with this problem in his special work The Hoard of Antique Coins from Vani (Geor-
gian SSR).2 Having motivated the alleged lack of archaeological material and written sources, he com-
pletely ignored the spread of distant Egyptian cults of fertility in Colchis of Mithradates. In the author's 
view, the coin from Vani should be linked to Cleopatra - the queen of Egypt, known as "the new god-
dess Isis". However, the topography of coin find excludes Pokhitonov's hypothesis; the detailed analy-
sis of the written sources throughout the new interpretation of Professor R. Gordeziani, throws addi-
tional light on this issue and leaves no doubt in the correctness of G. Dundua's and our definition. 
Similar to the Hellenistic world, the Egyptian cults, most likely, were not alien to the kingdom of Col-
chis, which is attested by a number of sources. 
Herodotus, called "cp1wpappapoc;," who had been both to Egypt and Colchis (Phasis) as well, 
on the basis of his ethnographical observations assumed (supposed) - "Colchians seem to be Egyp-
tians". They showed not only the similar way of life, but close language affinities as well (Herod., II, 
106). One of the arguments suggested by Herodotus is the similar technology of Colchian and Egyptian 
flaxlinen production. According to Herodotus, the Colchian flax production was known as Sardonian, 
which was undoubtedly in some way connected with "Shardana" - the name of one of the tribe commu-
nities being reckoned among the "Sea peoples". It is true that the issues about their settlement in Col-
chis still remain uncertain, but the standing tradition about their kinship reflected in Strabo's Geography 
as well, proves to be interesting. Despite some kind of scepticism, Strabo adds: "Some are eager even to 
point out the close affinities between the Colchians and Egyptians .(Strabo, XI, II, 17) All this, naturally, 
makes for the considerable interest towards the fact. Why did Herodotus - "the father of history and 
ethnography" link Egyptians to Colchians? Could there have been any literary tradition (legends, epic, 
Coins from Vani (Surium) Bearing the Representation ofa Stylized Lotus 251 
popular prose) in relation with this fact in early times? How had he guessed it prior to hearing it from 
others? It must be presumed that some kind of mythological imaginative beliefs about these affinities 
really existed in Colchis, which in our opinion, found certain reflection in the symbolics of hoard dis-
covered in Vani Site (Surium). These copper coins struck in Surium in the middle of the first century 
B. C. bear the representation of lotl,Js bud - a stylized head-dress of Isis - Egyptian goddess of fertility 
and an eightpointed star. From the methodological point of view, their connection with each other may 
not justify itself, but the fact itself - the appearance of the symbol of Egyptian goddess on the coins 
struck in Colchis - needs to be explained. If we perceive Osyris beyond an eight-pointed star, then we 
must assume that Colchians were well aware of mysterial believes about the death and resurrection of 
these gods. Vani site (Surium) cultural layers dating from - 11-1 cc B. C. first centuries B. C. suggest the 
Ithiphal iron images of the fertility gods buried in pairs in exclusive privilege, which most probably, 
were the component parts of above-mentioned mysteries. The interpretation of gold floral head-dress 
found in Vani site as the bud of lotus seems quite assumable. Especially as a roselike lotus, which be-
came extinct as the time passed, had been available in ancient Egypt. The choice of lotus as a symbol of 
Isis was not accidental. When the Nile started rising and the valleys were covered with water, there ap-
peared a great number of water lilies on the surface, which were called lotuses by Herodotus in Egyp-
tian (Herod. II, 92). He identified Isis with Demeter the same way as the Egyptians believed Osyris to 
be Dionysus (Herod. II, 42). Isis was believed to be the greatest god in Egypt and the most significant 
holiday in Egypt was connected with her name. The offering animal for Isis was a bull. In after-life, 
pharaohs were believed to unite with Osyris (Herod. II, 122). Isis - Demeter and Osyris - Dionysus were 
supposed to be the rulers of the underground world. Similar belief-imaginations have been traced in the 
archaeological materials ofVani site Hellenistic layers. This throws additional light on the symbolics of 
coins struck in Vani. 
Ritual loaves were baked from the seeds of the Nile lotus (botanical variety of lily) fruit. Ac-
cording to Herodotus the mysteries oflsis were secret and only the confidants were allowed to know the 
rules of mystery (Herod. II). 


Coins from Vani (Surium) Bearing the Representation of a Stylized Lotus

Abatzopoulou, Fragiski

Ανέκδοτες σελίδες από το έργο του Άγγελου Σικελιανού: γραπτά για την Ιερουσαλήμ. Μια εικονολογική προσέγγιση

Manou, Chrysoula

Λαϊκή Λογοτεχνία: γύρω από την παραγωγή δαιμονικών παραδόσεων

Klein, Richard

Medea am Ausgang der Antike

Chkonia, Anna

Phasis 2-3. 2000 
Anna Cqonia (Tbilisi) 
KOLCIDS UND DIE HELLENISTISCHE KOINE IM ENTWICKLUNGSKONTEXT DER 
GOLDSCIIMIEDENKUNST 
Von den Aspekten der jahrundertelangen griechisch-georgischen Beziehungen sei nun ein ganz 
konkreter in den Mittelpunkt gerilckt - die Juwelierkunst der hellenistischen Zeit, und zwar die Wider-
spiegelung kulturell-wirtschaftlicher Kontakte von Kolchis in der Goldschrniedekunst der hel-
lenistischen Zeit, zumal diese eine lange Tradition und einen einizigartigen Enwicklungsweg in Kolchis 
aufweisen kann. 
Die helenistische Zeit bildet eine ausserst wichtige Etappe in der Geschichte der Juwelierkunst. 
Seit dem Aufschwung der makedonischen Welt - nach den Eroberungskriegen Alexanders d.Gr. - hatte 
die Beschaffenheit der Schrnuckgegenstande sich stark geandert. Zu dieser Zeit waren orientalische 
Edelsteine bereits zuganglich und zu einem der wichtigsten Charakterziigen der Juwelierkunst wurde 
das Aufblilhen des polychromen Stils1• 
Neben der Polychromie zeicbnet sich die Juwelierkunst der hellenistischen Zeit <lurch den de-
korativen Stil bzw. Uppigkeit der Ornamentik aus. Eine ihrer bestimmenden Eigenschaften ist auch die 
Tendenz zur Entwicklung eines dynamischen Stils - eine Vielzahl beweglicher, klirrender Schmuck-
stilcke. In der hellenistischen Zeit bilden sich neue Fonnen, neue Thematik sowie eine neue Ver-
zierungsweise heraus. Darstellung verschiedener Gegenstiinde wird mannigfacher. 
Neue Stromungen der Juwelierkunst der hellenistischen Zeit haben sich weit verbreitet, doch in 
den meisten Fallen ist es unmoglich, die Herstellungszentren typischer Beispiele der sog. hel-
lenistischen Koine naher zu bestimmen. Einige Autoren streiten sogar das Vorhandensein eines Iokalen 
Stils zu diesem Zeitpunkt ab2• 
Auf die schriftlichen Quellen zurilckgreifend sollte man zu den wichtigsten Zentren der hel-
lenistischen Zeit Alexandria und Antiochia zahlen3• Allgemein werden von M.Ruxer drei Hauptzentren 
der hellenistischen Goldschrniedekunst genannt: Silditalien, Alexandria und Naher Osten 4 . 
H.Hoffman erwahnt zwei Zentren: Silditalien in der frilhhellenistischen Zeit und in der 
spathellenistischen Zeit Nordmakedonien (Thessalien)5. 
Laut jilngster Forschungen, der typologisch-vergleichenden Analyse technischer und ornamen-
taler Details und mit Berilcksichtigung zahlreichen Materials konnten wesentliche regionale Besonder-
heiten festgestellt werden, demzufolge wurde auch Bestimmung von Herstellungszentren moglich6• 
Unter diesem Gesichtspunkt ist die Erforschung der aus Kolchis der hellenistischen Zeit, und 
zwar aus der Stadt Vani stammenden Befunde von besonderem Interesse, da sie zu wichtigen Schluss-
folgerungen kommen lasst. Es stellt sich heraus, dass Kolchis der hellenistischen Zeit das beste Beispiel 
dieser "regionalen" Besonderheiten darstellt. 
1 Zurn polychromen Stil der hellenistischen Zeit s.: B.Deppert-Lippitz, Griechischer Goldschmuck. Mainz am Rhein. 1985, S. 
209; R.A.Higgins, Greek and Roman Jewellery. London, 1980, p. 155-156; H.Hoffman, P.Davidson, Greek Gold. Jewtlry 
from the Age of Alexander. Mainz, 1965, p. 10 ff. ; P.Amandry, Collection Helene Stathatos, I. Les Bijoux antiques. Stras-
bourg, 1953, p. 124; B.Segall, Museum Benaki. Katalog der Goldschmiedearbeiten. Athen, 1938, S. 45 IT. 
2 R.A.Higgins, Op. cit., p. I 56. 
3 Vgl. H.Hoffinan, P.Davidson, Op. cit., p.15. 
4 M.S.Ruxer, I.Kubczak, Naszyjnik grecki w okresach hellcnistycznym i r,1ymskim (Griechischcr Halsschmuck m dcr hcl-
lenistischen und rl>mischen Zeit). Warszawa-Poznan. 1972, S. I 02-104. 
s H.Hoffman, P.Davidson, Op. cit., p. l 5. 
6 M.Pfrommer, Untersuchungen zur Cronologic friih-und hochhellenist1schcn Goldschmucks. lstanbulcr Forschungen. Band 
37. Tiibingen, 1990. 
Kolchis und die Hellenistische Koine im Entwicklungskontext der Goldschmiedenkunst 69 
Die in der Stadt Vani freigelegten Schmuckstilcke, die man allgemein in die 2. Halfte des 4. 
l .Jh.v.Chr. datiert, widerspiegeln deutlich die flir die Juwelierkunst der hellenistischen Zeit charakter-
istischen neuen Richtlinien. Diese Neuartigkeit hatte eine bestirnrnte Entwicklungsetappe der kolchis-
chen Goldschrniedekunst bestirnrnt. Ein Teil der Schmuckgegenstande aus Vani ist ein typisches 
Beispiel der hellenistischen Zeit, das die Entwicklungstendenzen der Juwelierkunst der betreffenden 
Zeit abspiegelt. Zu diesen Schmuckgegenstlinden gehoren: Fragrnente eines Kranzes, Halsketten, ein 
Teil eines rnit Granat verzierten Halskettenverschlusses, ein Anhlinger mit Granat, sog. dreiblattrige 
Anhanger, fassforrnige Peden, Schmuckbleche rnit Darstellungen pflanzlicher Motive, Rosetten mit 
Granulation und Drahtverzierung. Indem man einige Besonderheiten dieser Schmuckstilcke sowie das 
Bestehen einer starken Schute kolchischer Goldschmiedekunst in der voranegehenden Periode bertick-
sichtigt hat, wurden genannte Gegenstande als Beispiele ortlicher Produktion gekennzeichnet, die hel-
lenistische Innovationen allgemeinen Charakters erkennen }assen: Dank der Existenz einer lokalen, ho-
chentwickelten Schule der Goldschmiedekunst dilrfte es nicht schwierig gewesen sein, bei der Herstel-
lung von Schmuckstilcken unter den fremden Einfluss zu geraten oder den fremden Still genau 
nachzuahrnen 7• 
Ein interessantes Bild bietet eine Komponente des Kopfschmucks - Ohrschmuck, der mannig-
faltige Exemplare aufzuweisen hat. Dabei ist folgendes wichtig: Ende des 4.Jh.v.Chr. und irn 3. 
Jh.v.Chr. haben die traditionellen Forrnen kolchischen Ohrschrnucks weiter bestanden, und zwar vor 
allem der Ohrschmuck rnit unbeweglichen Anhangern (rnit durchbrochenen oder gerillten Kugeln, mit 
bedingt bipyrarnidalen Anhangem). Es sei betont, dass auch einzelne Elemente von diesem 
Ohrschmuck organisch rnit den frilheren (5. Jh.v.Chr. /die 1. Halfte des 4. Jh.v .Chr.) Denkmalem (or-
narnentierter Reifen, Rosetten, Vogeldarstellungen, rnittels Granulation gebildete Pyrarniden, horizon-
taler Reifen urn die Kugel herurn, Locher an den beiden verdickten Enden des Reifens, rnit dem der 
Schmuck am Ohr befestigt wird) verbunden sind. Diese Arten des Ohrschmucks weisen deutlich auf die 
Entwicklungskontinuitat der kolchischen Goldschrniedekunst8• 
Zugleich entsteht im 3.Jh.v.Chr. ein neuer Typ des Ohrschmucks - Ohrschrnuck mit schwin-
genden Anhangem. Die am Reifen frei herunterhtingenden Anhanger sind unterschiedlichster Art: Es 
kann eine rnit drahtumschlungenen Metallkomchen verzierte, eine glatte Kugel oder aber eine zwischen 
den halbspharischen Rosetten befestigte steinerne bzw. Steatitkugel9 sein. Diese Exemplare weisen 
deutlich neue Wesensmerkmale auf - ein neues Verzierungssystem, was vor allem in der Dynamik 
(schwingende Anhanger), Polychromie (Steatitkugel), dem Vorhandensein kanonischer Elemente 
(halbsphlirische Rosetten), der V erteilung von drahturnschlungenen Metallkornchen zum Ausdruck 
kommt (unter diesem Gesichtspunkt diirfte es von lnteresse sein, den Ohrschmuck vom neuen Typ mit 
dem mit unbeweglichen Anhangern zu vergleichen, wo die Granulation eine regullire Verteilung auf-
zuweisen hat - die einen Kreis bildenden horizontalen Reifen). Der Ohrschmuck mit schwingenden 
Anhangern war in Georgien im 3./1.Jh.v.Chr. verbreitet (Sarnadlo, Zichiagora, Uplisziche, Mzcheta)10. 
Im Vergleich zu dem gleichen Typ des Ohrschmucks aus der hellenistischen Zeit sehen diese eigenartig 
aus, obwohl, wie es oben bereits betont wurde, auch diese Exemplare die allgemeinen Stromungen der 
Juwelierkunst der hellenistischen Zeit widerspiegeln. Es sei hier ausdrilcklich betont, dass in Kolchis 
bis je1zt keine flir die hellenistische Zeit typischen Forrnen entdeckt werden konnten, die in der gesam-
ten hellenistischen Welt weit verbreitet waren. Verrnutlich hatte diese Art des Schmucks bzw. 
Ohrschmuck sich in Kolchis hauptsachlich mit Berticksichtigung ortlicher Tradition entwickelt. 
Somit wurden die von der Juwelierkunst der hellenistischen Zeit herriihrenden Impulse von den 
kolchischen Goldschrnieden auf eigene Weise ausgelegt. In einigen Fallen zeichnen sich die Formen 
und die Verzierung der Schrnuckstilcke (wie am Beispiel des Ohrschrnucks) durch gewisse Besonder-
7 A.M.Cqonia, Juvelimoe iskusstvo Kolchidy v IV-II vv. do n.e. (Die Juwelirkunst der Kolchis im 4./2. Jh. v. Chr.; Fragen dcr 
Innovation). Pricemomor'e v epochu elinizma (Das Schwarzmeergebiet in dcr Epoche des Hellenismus). Matcrialicn vom 
III. Allunionssymposium filr Alte Geschichte der Schwarzmeergebiete. Tbilisi, 1985, S. 519-527, 715-716 (russ., Zusam-
menfassung engl.); A.Chqonia, Colchian Jewelry from the Vani City Site. Ancient Jewelry and Archaeology. Ed. by 
A.Calinescu. Bloomington and Indianapolis, 1996, p. 47-49. 
8 O.Lordkipanidze, Vani. Bericht Uber die georgische Ausgrabung einer griechischen Stadt in Kolchis. Nilmberger Bllitter zur 
Archiiologie. Heft 8. Jahrgang 1991-92, S.12. 
9 In den lilteren Publikationen wurden die Anhllnger des Ohrschmucks als Perlen identifiziert. Nach einer chemischen Ana-
lyse hette es sich erwiesen, dass sic aus Steatit sind. Nllheres s.: A.Cqonia. Okros samkaulebi wanis nakalakaridan (Goldene 
Schmuckgegenstllnde aus der Stadt Vani). Vani, VI, arkeologiuri gatxrebi (Vani, archliologische Ausgrabungen), Tbilisi, 
1981 , S. 67 (georg. , Zusammenfassung russ. und engl.) 
10 A.Cqonia, Goldene Schmuckgegenst!inde ... 1981 , S. 68. 
70 AnnaCqonia 
heiten aus. Man kann mit Sicherheit behaupten, dass die kolchische Juwelierkunst der hellenistischen 
Zeit eine gesetzmassige Entwicklung der lokalen Schule der Goldschmiedekunst widerspiegelt11• Doch 
parallel dazu sind intensive kulturell-wirtschaftliche Kontakte von Kolchis in der hellenistischen Zeit 
unbedingt zu berilcksichtigen, da diese wesentlich zur Herausbildung eines Zentrums der Goldschmie-
dekunst beigetragen haben. 
Als Ergebnis wirtschaftlicher und kultureller Beziehungen von Kolchis in der hellenistischen 
Peri ode sind die in V ani freigelegten typischen Schmuckstilcke der hellenistischen Zeit zu betrachten -
Gilrtelschnallen mit Heraklesknoten (Teile von Diademen) und Halsketten rnit gehomten Lowenkop-
fenden sowie Glasperlen am Verschluss. Vermutlich gehoren sie zu den eingefilhrten Mustem12• 
Gilrtelschnallen mit Heraklesknoten aus Vani sind polychrome Exemplare, die zur Gruppe der 
sog. farbigen Knoten gehoren. Die Schlingen des Knotens sind von Granaten in gezackter Fassung ge-
bieldet. Als Schmuckelemente dienen Rosetten, Palmetten, Ranken, emaillierte Aktanthuskelche, 
herunterhiingende Quasten13, Granulation und von den halbsphiirischen Rosetten eingefasste Granat-
kugeln (Abb. I). 
In der Juwelierkunst der hellenistischen Zeit bildet der Heraklesknoten ein ausserst charakter-
istisches Motiv. Der Heraklesknoten ist ein Bestandteil von Kranzen, Diademen, Halsketten, 
Brustschnallen, Gilrteln, Schenkelbiindem14, Arm:reifen, Ringen usw. Dieses Motiv hat eine ziemlich 
lange Geschichte. In Agypten war es bereits Anfang des 2.Jahrtausends v.Chr. bekannt und es wird 
vermutet, dass dieses Motiv sich gerade aus Agypten ausgebreitet hat15. Der Heraklesknoten besaB die 
Wirkung eines Apotropliums. Den Mythen zufogle hatte Herakles das Fell des nemaischen Lowen eben 
mit einem solchen Knoten zusammengebunden16. Heraklesknoten hat auch der mykenische 
Goldschmuck aufzuweisen17• Bei den griechischen Statuen der klassischen Zeit ist Heraklesknoten als 
Bestandteil des Haarschmucks (Tenien) oder aber auf den Gilrteln zu sehen. Es sei aber betont, dass 
trotz einer weiten Verbreitung des Heraklesknotens, es als eine vollendete kilnstlerische Form fremd ftir 
den Goldschmuck der vorhellenistischen Zeit gewesen war. 
Mit Anbruch der hellenistischen Zeit beginnt der Heraklesknoten - "etwas ilberraschend", wie 
B.Deppert-Lippitz meint - eine wichtige Rolle in der Goldschmiedekunst sowie in der Toreutik und 
Keramik zu spielen18• Doch der Aufschwung dieses Motivs war durch bestimmte objektive Verhaltnisse 
bedingt. Die ilppige Form des Heraklesknotens war zum ersten Mal in Makedonien und in ihm unter-
geordneten Thessalien irn ausgehenden 4.Jh.v.Chr. aufgetaucht. Es darf kein Zufall gewesen sein, dass 
diese Form gerade in der makedonischen Welt bevorzugt wurde. Diese Tatsache ist vielmehr auf die 
"Genealogie" der Makedonen zurilckzufiihren: Sie hielten ihre Herrscher fiir die direkten Nachkomrnen 
der Herakliden und Herakles. (Alexander d.Gr.war fest davon ilberzeugt, dass er Bruder von Herakles 
und Sohn von Zeus war). Diese Ansichten haben einen festen Boden fiir die Entstehung von "Herak-
lesmotiven" in der makedonischen Juwelierkunst geschaffen (es sei ausser dem Knoten auch an die 
Lowendarstellungen gedacht). Diese Motive werden nicht nur im makedonischen Repertoire fiihrend, 
sondern konnen auch in .Agypten und Syrien, Kleinasien, Grossgriechenland und an der nordlichen 
Schwarzmeerkilste belegt werden. Es ist bemerkenswert, dass sogar in jenen Regionen, die nie der 
Herrschaft der makedonischen Dynastie unterworfen gewesen waren, dieses neue Reportiore wesentlich 
die allgemeine Mode bestimmt hat. Nach Meinung mancher Autoren ist die schnelle Verbreitung des 
11 Das Bestehen einer lokalen Schule der Goldschmiedekunst wird auch <lurch die Freilegung von Oberresten einer Gold-
schmiedewerkstatt in der Stadt Vani bewiesen. Nliheres s.: A. Chqonia, Op. cit., 1996, S. 49-50. 
12 A.Cqonia, Goldene Schmuckgegenstilnde ... 1981, S. 63-67, 72-73, Abb. 40-41, 46; A.Cqonia, Okros samkaulebi. Antikuri 
(berdznuli) importi wansa da mis midamoebsi (Goldene Schmuckgegenstlinde. Antike (griechische) Importe in Vani und 
Umgebung). Vani, arkeologiuri gatxrebi (Vani, archaologische Ausgrabungen) VII. Thilisi, 1983, S. 86-89 (georg., Zusam-
menfassung russ. ). 
13 B.Deppert-Lippitz bezeichnet Quasten als Leibnotiv der hellenistischen Juwelierkunst. S.: B.Deppert-Lippitz, Op. cit., S. 
202. 
14 Die Interpretation von H.Hoffman in bezug auf Schenkelblinder ist umstritten: H.Hoffman, P.Davidson, Op. cit., p.6. Vgl. 
B.Deppert-Lippitz, Op.cit., S.201-202; M.Pfrommer, Op. cit. , S.7. 
15 R.A.Higgins, Op. cit., p.154. 
16 A.Stefani, Objasnenie neskolkich drewnostei'. nai~ennych w I 8_78 i 1879 godach w ju~hnoi rosii (ErHiuterung einiger Al-
tertiimer, die in den Jahren I 878 und I 879 m Sildrussland frc1gelegt wurden). OttschJoty archeologitschcskoi komisii sa 
1880 god (Berichte des archllologi~chen A~sschisses filr das Jahr 1880) Sankt-Petersburg, 1881 , S.44 ff (russ.). 
11 F.H.Marshalli, Catalogue of the Fmger Rmgs Greek, Etruscan and Roman m the Departments of Antiquities, British Mu-
seum. London, 1907, p.115, taf. 18. 
18 B.Deppcrt-Lippitz, Op. cit., S.201. 
Kolchis und die Hellenistische Koine im Entwicklungskontext der Goldschmiedenkunst 71 
Knotens nicht durch dessen ideologische Konnotation zu erklaren, sondem durch den Umstand, dass 
Mode von den neuen grossen Zentren der hellenistischen Welt bestimmt wurde19. 
Die fuhrende Rolle des Heraklesknotens im Schrnuckrepertoire der hellenistischen Zeit sowie 
sein weites geographisches V erbreitungsareal bilden einen hinreichenden Grund dazu, ihn filr ein typ-
isches Beispiel der hellenistischen Koine zu erklaren. 
In Hinblick auf das AusmaB des Verbreitungsareals von Heraklesknoten sind Befunde aus Vani 
ganz besonders interessant und von ausserordentlicher Bedeutung, insbesondere, weil das Hauptreper-
toire hellenistischer Schrnuckstilcke in Kolchis recht karg vertreten ist und die kilnstlerischen Impulse 
der hellenistischen Juwelierkunst von den kolchischen Goldschrnieden, wie bereits erwahnt, recht ei-
genartig verarbeitet wurden. Das Motiv des Heraklesknotens, polychromer Stil, das Vorhandensein ka-
nonischer Elemente der Juwelierkunst der hellenistischen Zeit weisen deutlich darauf hin, dass die 
Giirtelschnallen aus Vani nicht kolchischer Herkunft sein konnen, weshalb sie in das Areal der hel-
lenistischen Koine gelangen. Es sei aber betont, dass ihre genaue Analogie unter den ahnlichen 
Schrnuckstilcken nicht vorzufinden ist, was in erster Linie auf die Spezifik der Juwelierkunst selbst 
zuriickgeht. Es ist durchaus annehrnbar die Giirtelschnallen aus Vani auf Grund der Polychromie in das 
3./2.Jb.v.Chr. zu datieren20• Neulich wurde es moglich, dieses Datum naher zu bestimmen21: es konnte 
das Hauptmerkmal filr die Datumsbestimmung festgelegt werden- die zackige Fassung (sog. Hundege-
biss), die farbige Steine umfasst. Das Auftauchen dieses Elements ist auf das 2.Jb.v.Chr. 
zuriickzufiihren, wobei andere Wesensmerkmale (eine der Giirtelschnallen hat 13, die andere jedoch 11 
Merk:male aufzuweisen) spatestens in der 2.Halfte des 3.Jh.v.Chr. - wenn nicht noch frilher - weit ver-
breitet gewesen sein mussten. Somit konnten die Giirtelschnallen aus Vani auf Grund angefiihrter An-
gaben in das 2.Jh.v.Chr. datiert werden. 
Auf der oberen Terrasse der Stadt Vani konnte ein fur die hellenistische Zeit ebenfalls typischer 
Schrnuckstiick - eine goldene Halskette mit gehornten Lowenkopfenden und Glasperlen am Verschluss 
freigelegt werden, die vermutlich zum Inventar einer der eingestiirzten und gepliinderten Grabstatten 
(Grabstatte N 12) gehort (Abb. II). Dieses Stiick hat bis jetzt keine Analogie in Kolchis und bildet eine 
neue Ahart vom Halsschrnuck, der im 3./2.Jh.v,Chr. in der gesamten hellenistischen Welt weit verbre-
itet war22• Heutzutage ist es moglish, die Halskette aus Vani genau zu datieren: Anstatt der allgemeinen 
Zeitangabe - 3./2. Jh.v.Chr. - konnte man nun behaupten, die Kette mit gehomten Lowenkopfenden 
und zylindrischen Glasperlen am Verschluss starnmen friihestens aus der Mitte des 3.Jh.v.Chr., gen-
augenommen aus der 2. Halfte des 3.Jh.v.Chr.23 
Somit ist die Bestimmung der Entstehungszeit der oben angefiihrten Gegenstande im historis-
chen Kontext mit gewissen Fragen verbunden, und zwar ist eine der Beziehungsetappen von Kolchis 
zur hellenistischen Welt laut Erzeugnisse der Goldschmiedekunst in bestimmte chronologische Grenzcn 
zu zwangen - die 2.Halfte des 3.Jh.v.Chr. und 2.Jh.v.Chr. Zugleich ist auch der Umstand zu beriick-
sichtigen, dass diese Musterexemplare noch einzeln vorhanden sind und keine endgilltigen Schlussfol-
gerungen ermoglichen. Eigentlich gehort goldener Schmuck zu der Kategorie der sog. Luxusartikel und 
die Anzahl derer Verbraucher ist recht gering24. Es ist durchaus moglich, dass die in Vani freigelegten 
Gegenstande lediglich auf die bestimmte Orientierung ihrer Besitzer - eine gewisse Bevorzugung des 
Repertoires der hellenistisch-makedonischer Welt - hinweist. Es sei betont, dass die allgemeine Mode 
der hellenistischen Zeit von den Schrnuckgegenstanden - einschliesslich polychromen Stils - in Kolchis 
relativ schwach widergespiegelt worden ist. Die Erforschung der auf dem Territorium von Kolchis frei-
gelegten Schrnuckgegenstande beweist eindeutig die Existenz einer lokalen Schule der Goldschrnic-
dekunst der hellenistischen Periode - eines konkreten regionalen Zentrums der Goldschrniedekunst 
wahrend der Verbreitung der hellenistischen Koine. 
19 M.Pfrommer, Op. cit., S.6. 
20 A.Cqonia, Goldene Schmuckgegenstlinde .. . 1981, S 113; A.Cqonia, Goldene Schmuckgegenstllnde .. . 1983, S. 87-888. 
21 Bei der Bestimmung der Herstellungszeit der Giirtelschnallen aus Vani hat uns die von M.Pfrommer ausgearbcitete typolo-
gische Klassifikation der Heraklesknoten sowie der chronologische Schnitt ihrer Verbreitung grossc Untcrstiltzung gewiihrt. 
S.: M.Pfrommer, Op. cit. S. 4-80. 
22 A.Cqonia, Goldene Schmuckgegenstllnde ... 1981, S. 72-73, 115, Kat. N 90, Abb. 46. A.Cqonia, Goldene Schmuckgcgen-
stande .. . 1983, S. 87-89 sowie angeftihrte Literatur. 
23 M.Pfrommer, Op. cit., S. 87-88, 160,289, 326. 
24 Vgtl. Sokrowistscha troi is raskopok genricha schlimana (Der Schatz aus Troia in den Ausgrabungen von Heinrich Schlie-
mann) Moskau, 1996, S.239 (russ.). 
72 AnnaCqonia 
I 
II 


Kolchis und die Hellenistische Koine im Entwicklungskontext der Goldschmiedenkunst

Nadareishvili, Ketevan

The Conception of Woman in Greek Tragedy in the Context of the Binary Oppositions of Sex Roles

Sukhishvili, Tamar

Phasis 2-3, 2000 
Tamar Sukhishvili (Tbilisi) 
LIVER AS A LIFE SYMBOL IN ANCIENT GREEK AND GEORGIAN WORLD VISION 
Mythological presentation of life as a definite substance refers to the idea and existence of cos-
mos structure. Life is characterized with the basic and most important ability of renewal and revival 
through time in a discrete way. Life contains several stages (birth-growth-degradation-death; birth-life-
death . . . ). In particular mythological and religious systems concentrate on the progression of life: from 
birth up to the top stage - puberty and fertility. One cannot think of the existence of life as a driving 
force of the world in the abstract. Plants, animals, and people are considered as its parts and carriers. 
Mythological systems provide a description concerning life carriers being appeared in stages and dis-
semination oflife sources .. Often flora (oak-tree, cedar, etc.) is an identification oflife. 
According to the archaic world vision and cognition sacral or "cosmological'' things in a ritual 
meaning are connected with life-spreading act of creation. ''First things" (human anatomical-
physiological organs) establish a relationship between humans (microcosms) and the world (macro-
cosms). They help people feel the world (light - by eye, sound - by ear, smell - by nose, etc.) and people 
perceive the world through them. Thus the following <;onclusion may be drawn: somatic elements en-
joying the status of "things" are full of peculiar symbolic-ritual meaning. "It is rather_ important that 
ancient rituals use deeply symbolic material artifacts of organs, body parts, and their functions ( cf. ob-
jects-"things" denoting parts of the body - eyes, mouth, tongue, heart, liver, hands, legs, fingers, etc.). 
In other words, parts of the body having the status of a "thing" certainly have their initial place in ritu-
als.1 
Word-combinations and idiomatic expressions formed by somatic words best express symbolic-
ritual meaning of somatic elements. Typological comparison of languages reveals the value of somatic 
words in a concrete language. 
The paper offers the somatic term "liver" and its meaning concerning the idea of life continuity 
(according to ancient Greek and Georgian materials). The essence of these meanings is connected with 
the function of the term as an organ of vital physiological importance. It also deals with ancient way of 
thinking and archaic trad~tions. The form of the lexem is archaic in the languages presented (Greek, 
Georgian).2 
Greek ~1ta.p is a polysernantic word with the meaning of: 1) liver as a humans' or animals' or-
gan (According to the totemic thinking one word is used for people' s and animals' ('or plants' ) somatic 
organs3). 2) food (animals' liver is considered a delicacy. Wild boar's liver (~1ta.p 1Cwtpou) was espe-
cially popular).4 Different contexts show the differences between those meanings. Moreover the moti-
vation of metaphorical meanings of ~1ta.p can be somehow defined. Taking into consideration the char-
acter of the initial meaning, two groups of metaphorical usage of the world "liver" can be singled out: 
· 1) Using the name of a concrete thing (signifie) as the name (signifiant) of a thing (a new thing) 
as well. 
liver> fish 
1 B.H. Tonopos. MHqi. PwryaA. CHMBOA. 06pa3; 1-icCAeAOBaHHH B o6AaCTH MHq>oIIOTH'lecKoro, M. 1995, 11-22. 
2 3. BeHBeHHCT, l1HAOeBponeikKoe HMeHHoe CAOB006pa30BaHHe, nepeBOA C q>paH~Y3CKOro, peAaKWtH, npeAHCJ\OBHe 
H npHMe'laHHH B.B. fopryHa, M. 1955, 27-32 
A. M eiie, BBeAeHHe B CpaBHHTeAbHOe H3y'leHHe HHAOeBpoIIeHCKHX H3hlKOB, nepeBOA C q>paHey3CKOro, IIOA 
peAaK~eii H c npHMe'laHHllMH P. lllop. M.-1\., 1938, 133, 320, 404-405. 
J. 'll:J6~obn, 8. \,,)~?'33~,)d::i, d,)~m33~J~ 36,)m,) :J603tTl~l'loOJ~O ~3d\inJtT160, ~3~,)d61'1~0 J· ~,)63~M, mi'>., 1990. 
3 W. Burkert, Griechische Religion der archaischen und Klassischen Epoche (Die Religionen der Menscheit); Verlag 
W. Kohlhammer, Stuttgart, Berlin, KOln, Mainz, 1977, 115. 
4 Liddell-Scott Jones, Greek-English Lexicon, Oxford, 1940. 
392 
Tamar Sukhishvili 
Relationship between primary signifie (organ) and new signifie (a certain kind of a fish) is es-
tablished according to the resemblance. 
Here is one more example: 
liver_> fruitful land 
Motivation: function of a concrete tlring. In this case the function of liver as a life source of an 
animate being transfers to an inanimate thing. Compare: Svan "wora .qwiiis" - to the victim of the soil 
(etim. to the liver of the soil). 
2) Name of a concrete thing is used for abstract conception. 
liver> life (not only for animate but for inanimate things as well). 
The word "liver" acquired the meaning of natural phenomenon (life). Thus, liver became the 
symbol of life. 
It is a common knowledge that once people did not make the distinction between the fertility of 
the soil and that of animate thing. According to the antique imagination land was considered as a 
woman's organism, and reaping the harvest was the same as confinement.5 Greek expression ucp 
fixatoc; cpepetv (E. Supp.919) of a pregnant woman and consequently of life continuity clarifies the 
motivation. (cf. role of body parts in fertile rituals seems especially important).6 
Typologically Georgian and Kartvelian languages resemble with Greek. In Georgian "ywi;sli" 
(liver) has both a basic (organ, food) and a symbolic meaning, e.g. ritual food. In dialect of Racha fresh 
part of fruits (grapes, plum, etc.) under the peel is called liver. Liver is a metaphor for blood relativ~ or 
native ("ywi;sli ;sma" - liver-brother, "ywi;sli swili" - liver-child, "ywi;sli bi;sasvili" - liver cousin, etc.)7. 
It serves as a determinant in a world expression ''ywi;sli swili" (liver child). Omitted form"ywi;sli" 
(liver) is used also. 
Liver > close relative, relative by blood (Motivation: "One" distributed through time and space. 
Relatives are offsprings having a close ancestor). 
Ancient Greek lexical unit "liver" gives rather interesting linguistic formulas concerning life 
symbolics - word combinations and phraseological expressions. ~1tap serves as a basic semantic com-
ponent of the idioms involved in the semantic range of life circulation (life and death). As mentioned 
above, the identification comes from the medical knowledge and experience collected in Greece during 
many years: Wound in the liver, hit in the liver, destroy the liver> wipe life out; suicide. Carry beneath 
the liver - pregnancy, life continuity (See: {~w..e} ~,rap futo xpwriocov, et9ap o' uxo youvat' EAucrev 
- Shoot below the heart, in the liver, artd he will bend in the knees (11. 11,579; 13,412; 17,349); naicracr' 
ucp' ~1tap (ll)tOXElp auttjv (S. Ant. 1315), 1taicrco yap ~1tap touµov aµcptjKEl ~icpet (E. EL 688), etc.) 
In our opinion works by Homer show the formation process of liver as a life symbol, though 
here are other opinions as well.8 1Ia1crm ucp ~1tap of Homer (hit in the liver) must not be understood 
only with direct meaning. It somehow seems to be poetic metaphor based on the anatomic knowledge of 
ancient Greeks (Note: breaking the heart does not always suggest the heart breaking into pieces). This 
opinion is supported by existence of complex adjective ~1tatoupyoc;, meaning killer (liver-destroying). 
In a certain group of idioms liver is the center of emotions and a metaphor for the modem con-
ception of heart in tragedies and lyrics.9 According to some theories this opinion is related with Greek 
medical knowledge. Liver is also an emotional center because it suffers from strong passions.10 At the 
same time these emotions follow a man during his entire life. 
The meaning of "liver" as a center of life and soul (9uµoc;) is underlined in the antique revenge 
formula found in Homer's poems: Hecuba wishes to eat Achilles's liver - the act ofrevenge for Hector 
(tou tyro µecrov ~,rap exotµt tcr9eµevm 1tpoocpucra (11. 24,212)). This is a primitive imagination. Eat-
ing enemy's part strengthens oneself It is a stimulus of life. 
In the old Georgian language "liver" is mainly referenced by translated texts from Greek. 
Through the following episode from original texts ("Torture of Gobron") concerning terror of enemies 
against Christians is rather interesting: "They cut their flesh, as though their livers were stolen by dogs." 
S BJ!. nponn, npo6AeMLI KOMMH3Ma H CMexa, C-neT, l',Hl, 212 
6 w. Burkert, Structure and History in Greek Mythology and Ritual (translated from German), California, 1982, 120-121, 13 7. 
J.C. Cooper, Lexicon alter Symbole, VEB E.a. Seeman Verlag, Leipzig, 1986, 27. 
7 d:io~•O, ,)~6. flod(T)l>,)3.'lu U,):J~ffi(T) ~3~,)dooom, t,,7, ml>., 1962. 
8 P. OHHaHC, Ha KOAeHllX 6oros, (HCTOKH eaponeilcKOH Mb!CAH O AYIDe. .pa3yMe, TeAe, BpeMeHH, MHpe H CYAb6e1 
nepeBOA c aHrAHHCK~ro, M. 1999, 103-lll 
9 Liddell-Scott Jones, Greek-English Lexicon, Oxford, 1940. 
10 P. Oanattc, Ha KOAeHllX 6oros, M, 1999, 103-111. 
Liver as a Life Symbol in Ancient Greek and Georgian World Vision 393 
Parallel to the antique beliefs and imaginations - dogs tearing the body of dead warriors to pieces are an 
identification of enemies eating the soul of the dead ( cf. Hector asking Achilles not to leave his corpse 
to the dogs). 
Composed words are "gul-yvi0li" - heart and liver, "ywi0lis-.quri" - ear of liver (A.op&;), 
"ywi0lis-peri" - liver-coloured (compare: ~1tm:1ttc;), "ywi0lis §em,tquebi" - liver-connoisseur.
11 Biblical 
"ear of liver" has a ritual function. It is perhaps a copy of a Greek word. The word "liver-connoisseur" 
meaning magician, fortune- teller also attracts one's attention. 
The following composed word is found in modem Georgian. 
"ywi0lnadebi" ("ywi0lze nadebi") > "nadebi" - put (or: having been) on the liver. 
· Put on the liver> put (child, etc.)= real child, blood child (liver child).12 Compare Greek "carry 
under liver" (by womb). The two examples prove the significance of liver as life giving or continuing 
source in life symbolics. 
Linguistic materials give a clear example that liver is a necessary attribute of ancient people's 
rituals. "Liver" composes Greek words concerning rituals and prediction. From this point of view the 
role of the word is :of _a great importance (~1tatocrK01tero - inspect the liver for soothsaying (LXX Ez. 
21,21(26)), ~ ~1tatocrK01tia - inspecting of the liver (Hdn.8,3.7.)).13 Those composed words serve as a 
reflection of materials and spiritual cultural facts in origin. Liver - an object for divination considers life 
continuity and future life. (Animal's guts (liver first of all) have been examined to tell the future, so 
liver would depict the process of life continuity). 
An abundance of facts concerning ritual function of liver are found in Georgia. E.g. in Tusheti 
liver was part of a ritual ceremony commemorating the dead: boiled liver of a slaughtered sheep was cut 
into small pieces and served to everyone as soon as they were seated at the table. People would start 
their meal by eating a piece of liver. Relatives of the dead that were starting to fast didn't eat the pieces, 
they only put the liver on their teeth. After forty days, which was the end of the fasting ritual, those who 
had already been fasting ate the pieces of the boiled liver.14 This seems to be an ancient ritual which 
transformed into communion in Christianity (cf. people in the mountainous regions called ".ciloba" 
(sharin~) eating a ritual cake and cuts of sacrificial meat, this meant communion. See: Dionysius tom to 
pieces1 ). We have to stress out Svan linguistic formula expressing the habit of liver sacrifice: .qwize 
(liver) - .qwiz: (victim). 
Vandryes says: "To understand the principle of word meaning development we have to proceed 
not from the word itself, but from the idea expressed by the word."16 We have to seek the idea in 
mythopoetic tradition. The myths about Prometheus and Tityus prove the symbolic meaning of a liver. 
Here the reference to life symbolism is clear taking into consideration the fact the liver is associated 
with "0uµ6c;" - soul, life, - and has the ability of renewal and revival (See myth of Prometheus by He-
siod). 
Georgian folklore shows the resemblance with the mythology of Asia Minor and Greece. Geor-
gian fairy-tales contain relics of communion through cannibalism - the oldest type of communion, rep-
resented e.g. in Dionysean mysteries and characterized with terrestrial sign concerning synthesis of life 
and death. Development structure of the common theme of liver eating also looks like the one of an ar-
chaic ritual. The theme of liver and heart is represented in the same way in almost every Georgian fairy-
tale: stepmother pretends sick and asks her husband to bring heart and liver of her stepdaughter, but re-
ceives animal' s (either domestic or wild) guts instead ("King and Queen," "Tsikara-bull ... )17• Concen-
trating on the Georgian fairy-tale "Nine Brothers and a Sister" which reflects on the following scheme: 
life continues until a part ceases to exist (heart, liver, fish bone, chip of wood .. . ).18 This is the greatest 
II 0 . .:,o-;ic;::.:,d3, d33c;::o 3.:,1.'i\oi-;ic;::o 36ol, C::::J~OJM6o (8.:,l,.:,c;::300), ti\3~.:,36· 3· 83t,ti\333c;::o, O· 3-;iti\ooJod3, OJO., 1973; 
~- 83~36od3, .:,~.:,3o.:,6oli .:,6.:,t,M3o.:,-'/lo8o(T)~(T)80.:,lioi.:,6 ~.:,J.:,3801.'i\:io-;i~o ~:irllioJ.:, d33~ 3.:,1.'i\m-;i~ao, OJO., 1974, 112-
113. 
12 338~-o, .:,ti\6. Bo3Mo.:,3.:,li li.:,31.'i\mM ti\3~.:,30000J, t,5, m~ .• 1958. 
13 Liddell-Scott Jones, Greek-English Lexicon, Oxford, 1940. 
14 o· Ol'l0.:,6od3, 801'lti\8M00~.)6 80l'lti\0M0.)8~3 (3m6Mati\.:,'/lo-;i~o :Jrll.iJ-;iti\lio300 OlJ03moli .:,b~(T) y11(ryli-;i~80), OJO., 
1990, 123-125. 
15 oi. Bb36J3~0, 88336031.'i\o 8d~33.:,ti\o, mo., 1989, 187. 
16 )K BaHApHec, 51JhlK. nepeaoA c q>paH~yJcKoro, M,t93i 192 
17 o. 0orio6:10830~0, 3. Ol(T)'/JJl'i\o.:,, o. 3.:,3oi.:,ti\.:,d3, 3.:,1.'i\oi-;i~o ~o.:,~336(T)~M8M, t,.l, mo., 1961, 509-514. 
Jti\30-;i~o ,,Otjl'l ~.:, .:,ti\.:, Otj(T) (ry.:," (3.:,1.'i\oi-;i~o b.:,~b-;iti\o 8r:::.:,Jti\300), ti\3~. ~- 811lo(T)~Jti\O, OJO., 1976, 110. 
18 Jti\30-;i~o ,,Otj(T) ~.:, .:,ti\.:, Otj(T) (ry,'I" (3.:,1.'i\oi-;i~o b.:,~b-;i(ryo 8r:::.:,Jti\:ioo), OJO., 1976, 539-549. 
394 Tamar Sukhishvili 
miracle of life (secrets of grain growth is the basic principle for Eleusinian mysteries and it gives birth 
do the idea of possible resurrection). Liver in Georgian fairy-tales probably keeps the mystery of life 
and thus is considered as an irreplaceable medicine (Considering that fortune-telling through a liver 
perhaps was not unusual in Georgia, though Georgian ethnographical materials show no evidence of 
this kind). Liver is considered a carrier of a gene the stepmother wants to annihilate. 
The theme of blood drinking in Greek folklore correlates with Georgian liver-eating one. The 
Sun wed with a poor hunter's daughter, but he didn't want to show his face to her and gave her a potion 
to drink. But the girl decided to use a trick and did not drink the potion. When her husband fell asleep 
she took from his head three gold hairs and a key. The Sun found out everything and ordered his servant 
to take her to the wilderness, slay her there and bring her blood for him to drink (the sister of the Sun is 
a mythological Lamia - children's blood-drinking ogress). The servant took pity on the poor girl and let 
her go. Then the girl gave birth to a baby-boy and the husband also returned to her.19 
Such kind of distribution of symbols (liver in Georgian tales, blood-in Greek) is supported by 
the usage and connection of the lexems "liver" and "blood" concerning the idea of relationship in Cau-
casian, Kartvelian and Indo-European languages. Caucasian and Kartvelian languages essentially chose 
liver for expressing the idea of relationship, while Indo-European languages (Greek among them) use 
blood.20 
It can be concluded that typological comparison based on the semantic analysis of the "liver"-
lexem in Greek and Georgian languages is a representation of the archaic picture of objective-world 
perception and cognition. People certainly differ with their cognition's. Here we can underline either 
similarities (symbolic meaning of somatic words: somatic word>life) or differences: realization of the 
symbol in different linguistic formulas (the differences come from different access of linguistic groups 
to the appropriate word). Thus, the comparison is also noteworthy from the linguistic point of view 
( character of word meaning change, motivation, semantic structure of certain word combinations, etc.). 
19 Folktales of Greece, The Sun and His Wife, Edited by Georgos A. Megas (Folktales of the World, General editor Richard M. 
Dorson), Chicago 1977, 57-60. 
20 d-~rriam.)mod:i, 6.)m:iu.)-;il!lo -;illimo311imrrii'lou &.)6u.)8i;::311iol.i U.'1'5Jd33~0 36rrii'lllio3 3rri6.'lo:J30l.'I 8ob3~3om (U.'IJOOJbob 
~.'lu3ou V:iuom), ,,8.'106:i", 36ou.'I ~.) ~06:Jlll.)t,-;illiou u311lo.), Ni3, 1983, 134-140. 


Liver as a Life Symbol in Ancient Greek and Georgian World Vision

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