NUPI Research Online (Norwegian Institute of International Affairs)
Not a member yet
1579 research outputs found
Sort by
Visions of an Illiberal World Order? The National Right in Europe, Russia and the US
No full textThe rise of a national Right in both Europe and the US is disrupting the security agendas of Western foreign– and defense ministries. Long accustomed to directing the gaze and measures of Western security only outwards – towards Africa, the Middle East, China – these centers of policy formulation now find themselves forced to confront a more introspective line of questioning: Is the identity of ‘the liberal West’ and its agenda of a rule-based, institutionalized world order under threat from within? In this brief we unpack the visions of world order espoused by the new Western Right, its ideological overlap with conservative ideas in Putin’s Russia, as well as the built-in tensions and uncertainties of that emerging alliance. Our focus is on potential implications of these political developments for i) international institutionalism, and ii) interventionism. In short, we argue that anti-globalism must not be mistaken for anti-internationalism. The most basic political agenda of the national Right – from the Trumpian US to Putin’s Russia – is one of battling globalism and its liberal vision of a trans-national or cosmopolitan world order, by defending older Western concepts of sovereignty-centred, inter-national co-existence. In contrast to the extreme Right, the current European-US-Russian alliance of national Right politicians largely want to fight this battle from the inside and through, not outside, established institutions such as the UN and the EU.Visions of an Illiberal World Order? The National Right in Europe, Russia and the USpublishedVersio
Political values in Norway’s relations with China: Standing ground or giving in?
No full textChapter in: Political values in Europe-China relations Edited by: Tim Nicholas Rühlig, Björn Jerdén, Frans-Paul van der Putten, John Seaman, Miguel Otero-Iglesias, Alice Ekman. A Report by the European Think-tank Network on China (ETNC), 2018publishedVersio
Caring and Carers: Diplomatic Personnel and the Duty of Care
Get PDFThis article deals with the duty of care that states hold in relation to their citizens abroad — more specifically, the double role of diplomatic personnel, as both providers and recipients of care. The focus of discussion is states’ duty of care for diplomatic personnel, raising questions of how this care can be balanced with the duty of care for citizens and how far this duty stretches. The article first emphasizes the threats, before focusing on the means of protection: evacuation; physical structures; and psychological care. A tension remains, for as states fulfil their duty of care towards personnel through increasing security, they might at the same time reduce their personnel’s capacity to provide care for citizens. One solution for this tension — outsourcing and local personnel — tests the limits of care.submittedVersionpublishedVersio
Managing a Digital Revolution - Cyber Security Capacity Building in Myanmar
Get PDFDigitalization is exposing developing countries to a growing number of risks, as well as opportunities associated with connecting to the Internet. Myanmar stands out as a critical case of both the pitfalls and the benefits Internet connection can bring. Amidst a political transition from military rule to a functioning democracy Myanmar is adding ICT to key areas like banking and e-government. Having been one of the least connected countries in the world only five years ago the country is now connecting to the Internet at an unprecedented pace, with little or no institutions in place to ensure the transition goes smoothly. Using the framework of Cyber Security Capacity Building (CCB) we examine the risks and potential benefits of Myanmar’s embracement of digital technologies.Managing a Digital Revolution - Cyber Security Capacity Building in MyanmarpublishedVersio
Parabasis: Cyber-diplomacy in Stalemate
No full textGovernments and industry around the world are working together to bring the next billion users online,1 but their synergies fade when it comes to how to keep online populations safe and secure. Further, the third and fourth billion of Internet users will enter a terrain very different from that available to their predecessors. Vulnerabilities in ICTs as well as de facto exploitation of these vulnerabilities by state and non-state actors has been acknowledged and problematized. Evidence of malicious and hostile operations involving ICTs and the Internet abounds. Uncertain about the true potential of ICTs, governments and users have focused on rules and responsibilities for protecting against cyberattacks, espionage and data manipulation. But where is there an understanding of how to remedy and improve the situation? The first part of this report analyzes and contextualizes the UN First Committee process. The second part offers the authors’ extensions to the theme, analyzing the relative successes and failures of the leading cyberpowers in promoting the world order of their liking. In particular, we analyze how Russia, as the initiator of the First Committee process, has created momentum and gathered support for its calls for specific international regulation and institutionalization of the process on the one hand, and stronger governmental control of the development and use of ICTs and the flow of information on the other. In conclusion, we offer some recommendations for governments wishing to pursue the goal of free and open cyberspace—indeed a rule-based world order.Parabasis: Cyber-diplomacy in StalematepublishedVersio
Nye toner i norsk euroapolitikk
No full textNye toner i norsk europapolitikk Regjeringen varsler taktskifte for Norges EU-strategi. Det kommer til rett tid og med forfriskende begrunnelser. Ulf Sverdrup, direktør ved Norsk utenrikspolitisk institutt Regjeringen la forrige uke frem sin nye strategi for EU. Hovedbudskapet er at man søker enda tettere samarbeid med EU. Samarbeidet skal forsterkes der Norge har avtaler med EU. Samtidig har man klare ambisjoner om å utvide samarbeidet til nye områder, spesielt gjelder det nye sider ved utenriks-, sikkerhets- og forsvarspolitikken. Medlemskap i EU er ikke et tema, ei heller er det tale om å si opp noen av de avtalene vi har. På en måte er dette en fortelling om «stø kurs». I praksis har alle norske regjeringer siden 1994 på ulike måter bidratt til at Norge er blitt stadig tettere integrert med EU. Selv om kursen er uendret, er det likevel noen nyvinninger. Viktigst er det kanskje at man gir en ny og forsterket begrunnelse for europapolitikken. Det er etter hvert blitt vanlig å se på EØS-avtalen som en slags nødvendig og tvungen regelbasert tilpasning, der Norge stadig blir dratt mer eller mindre inn i samarbeidet. Gjennom en serie tekniske regler «fra Brussel» sikres nødvendig markedsadgang. Denne hovedfortellingen om avtalen begynner å bli både gammel og slitt. Den vekker heller ikke større entusiasme. Nå understrekes det i stedet at samarbeidet først og fremst er frivillig og ønsket. Norge søker medvirkning og tilknytning til EU, ikke fordi man må, men fordi det er i tråd med nasjonale politiske målsettinger og interesser. Les også: Mer inne enn ute Det er heller ikke bare snakk om å sikre markedsadgang. Samarbeidet er viktig for å ivareta norske interesser knyttet til sikkerhet, forsvar og beskyttelse av sentrale norske verdier som demokrati og rettsstat, og ikke minst for å sikre omstilling og innovasjon i norsk økonomi, herunder klima, miljø og et godt og ordnet arbeidsliv. Kort fortalt: I stedet for å fremstille tilknytningen til EU som et mål i seg selv, ser man altså samarbeidet som et avgjørende virkemiddel for å utvikle Norge. Det er også klare offensive anslag. På flere områder ser man at Norge i større grad kan være en strategisk partner og deltager, og at man her hjemme ikke er dømt til å være en passiv tilskuer til Europa. Sånn sett anlegger regjeringen klare ambisjoner om å bidra i det større europeiske ordskiftet.Nye toner i norsk euroapolitikkpublishedVersio
Working paper on implementation of EU crisis response in Libya
Get PDFThis publication is funded under the EU-repo/grantAgreement/EC/H2020/693337/EU/Good intentions, mixed results – A conflict sensitive unpacking of the EU comprehensive approach to conflict and crisis mechanisms/EUNPACK/publishedVersio
Norway: Public Debate and the Management of Petroleum Resources and Revenues
Get PDFIn: Overland I. (ed.) Public Brainpower (2018)publishedVersio
