NUPI Research Online (Norwegian Institute of International Affairs)
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Caught in the liberal pragmatic trap? How political parties viewed energy dependence on Russia in three European countries 2012–2022
Full text linkAfter Russia’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine in February 2022, and its subsequent decision to stop its gas export to Europe, Europe’s energy dependence on Russia was put on full display. In this paper, we map energy relations with Russia in three European countries that in the period of analysis between 2012 and 2022 were among the most important energy customers of Russia: Poland, Germany and the Netherlands. Moreover, we examine how this issue has been addressed – if at all – in party programs in elections in the same period. Examining party programs, we argue, brings new insights and a better understanding of how energy policies and relations with Russia were viewed in the three countries – and in the EU in general in that period. The paper identifies two ideal types – the ‘liberal pragmatists’, who treated strong energy interdependence as a possible conflict-mitigating measure, and the ‘hard core realists’, who viewed strong energy dependence on Russia as a possible source of strategic threat.publishedVersio
Green industrial policy can strengthen carbon pricing but not replace it
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Techno-optimism versus techno-reality: an analysis of internationally funded technological solutions against illegal unreported and unregulated (IUU) fishing in Ghana and Guinea-Bissau
Full text linkMaritime governance has been immersed in growing techno-optimism.Technological developments have largely increased the capacity of states torender legible activities at sea and thus more effectively govern them. One areain which such techno-optimism has gained force but is yet to prove itself is thefight against Illegal, Unreported, and Unregulated (IUU) fishing. While technol-ogy-aided international cooperation has been crucial in curbing piracy, it hasbeen slower to tame IUU fishing. In this article, we study international projectsintroducing technology-based solutions against IUU fishing in West Africa.Triangulating project documentation, donor evaluations, interviews, andother secondary sources, we assess how the techno-optimism driving thoseinitiatives meets the techno-reality of their contexts of implementation. We findthat, while grounds for optimism are far from unwarranted, realizing the poten-tial of technological solutions against IUU fishing requires securing parallelcooperation that allows states to transform technology-based awareness intoaction.publishedVersio
Stat, nasjon, utenrikspolitikk. Nyheter for barn i hverdag og krise
Full text linkDenne artikkelen studerer hvordan Aftenposten Junior og Supernytt presenterer verden og norsk utenrikspolitikk for barn og unge, i hverdag og i krise. Vårt teoretiske utgangspunkt er at selvbilder og verdensbilder skapes og gjenskapes på daglig basis, og at nasjonal identitet utvikles i ung alder og formes gjennom hele livet. Vi vet fra tidligere forskning at nyhetsmedier er en viktig kanal for borgeres forståelse av eget lands rolle i og relasjon til verden. Likevel finnes det få studier av hvordan nyhetsmedier spesifikt rettet mot barn og unge presenterer verden der ute og den enkelte stats utenrikspolitikk. Vi finner at Aftenposten Junior og Supernytt søker gjøre verden mer forståelig og mindre fremmed for barn og unge, dempe frykt i krisetider og skape fremtidige opplyste og aktive borgere. Det kritiske blikket på norsk utenrikspolitikk er derimot i mindre grad til stede. Snarere finner vi at nyheter rettet mot barn og unge i stor grad rekonstituerer det vi kan kalle rådende fremstillinger av Norges rolle i verden.Stat, nasjon, utenrikspolitikk. Nyheter for barn i hverdag og krisepublishedVersio
Prestige and punishment: Status symbols and the danger of white elephants
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Respons - Norsk utenrikspolitikk for en ny tid. Sluttrapport.
Full text linkI 2023 og 2024 arrangerte UD, i samarbeid med lokale aktører, til sammen sju konferanser i RESPONS-serien. Åpningskonferansen fant sted i Oslo i mars 2023, med NUPI som arrangør. Deretter fulgte et møte med NATOs generalsekretær, også i Oslo, og arrangementer i Arendal, Lillehammer, Trondheim, Bergen, Stavanger og Tromsø. Den tematiske innretningen på arrangementene har variert fra det brede til det smale, fra sikkerhetspolitikk og utvikling, via teknologi til handelspolitikk og grønn omstilling. En rekke fagfolk fra hele landet og fra ulike profesjoner og fagdisipliner, har innledet og deltatt i paneler. Utenriksministrene Anniken Huitfeldt (2022-2023) og Espen Barth Eide (2023-) har deltatt på alle arrangementene med unntak av ett – under Arendalsuka – hvor utviklingsminister Anne Beathe Tvinnereim (2021-) representerte departementet. NUPI har rapportert fra alle sju konferanser. Dette er i tillegg seriens sluttrapport, der de foregående delrapportene er inkludert.Respons - Norsk utenrikspolitikk for en ny tid. Sluttrapport.publishedVersio
Ad hoc coalitions in international security: The role of the G20
No full textIn an era marked by resurgence of great power rivalry and a shift towards a more multipolar world order, global consensus in responding to international security crises poses a growing challenge. While UN peacekeeping operations are in decline, ad hoc coalitions are becoming an increasingly important feature of international crisis response and conflict management. Ad hoc coalitions, defined as autonomous arrangements with a task-specific mandate established at short notice for a limited time frame (Reykers et al. 2023), have multiplied in overall numbers as well as the number of states and international actors participating in them (see Figure 1). This trend reflects changes in global governance. International organizations (IOs) have been seen as ineffective in dealing with a rapidly changing world. In parallel, minilateral clubs, philanthropists and public-private partnerships have taken a larger share of the provision of global public goods in areas like health, digitalization and climate change.publishedVersio
Contesting just transitions: Climate delay and the contradictions of labour environmentalism
Full text linkThe notion of ‘just transition’ (JT) is an attempt to align climate and energy objectives with the material concerns of industrial workers, frontline communities, and marginalised groups. Despite the potential for fusing social and environmental justice, there is growing concern that the concept is being mobilised in practice as a form of ‘climate delayism’: a problem more ambiguous than open forms of denialism as it draws in multiple and conflictual agents, practices, and discourses. Using an historical materialist framework, attentive to both energy-capital and capital-labour relations, we show how JT is vulnerable to forces and relations of climate delay across both fossil capital and climate capital hegemonic projects. We review this through an engagement with the climate obstructionism literature and the theory of labour environmentalism: the political engagement of trade unionists and workers with environmental issues. As tensions within the labour movement surface amidst the unsettling of the carbon capital hegemony, we assess the degree to which (organised) labour—as an internally differentiated, contradictory movement—is participating in climate breakdown through a ‘praxis of delay’. Trade unions and industrial workers are often implicated in resisting or undermining transitions, but this is related significantly to their structural power relations vis a vis the fossil hegemony. Notably, JT negotiations are themselves structurally embedded within the carbon capital economy. The general preferences of trade unions for social over environmental justice might be prevalent but are neither universal nor inevitable; JT is open and contested political terrain, and labour-environmental struggles remain imperative for building just energy futures.Contesting just transitions: Climate delay and the contradictions of labour environmentalismpublishedVersio