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Beyond the Butcher: Navigating the Legal Landscape of Cultured Meat
No full textCultured meat, produced from cell cultures rather than slaughtered animals, is nearing consumer tables. Despite its potential for sustainability, animal welfare, and food security, cultured meat faces regulatory challenges. In 2023, Aleph Farms filed the first Europe-wide application for market access in Switzerland. This paper analyses the Swiss legal framework concerning cultured meat. It focuses on food product taxonomy and the market access authorization procedure for novel foods. It emphasizes the need for regulation to evolve with technological advancements while ensuring consumer safety.
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Kultiviertes Fleisch, das aus Zellkulturen statt aus geschlachteten Tieren gewonnen wird, liegt schon bald auf den Tellern. Trotz seines Potenzials für Nachhaltigkeit, Tierschutz und Lebensmittelsicherheit steht kultiviertes Fleisch vor regulatorischen Herausforderungen. Im Jahr 2023 hat Aleph Farms in der Schweiz den ersten europaweiten Antrag auf Marktzugang gestellt. Der vorliegende Beitrag analysiert den schweizerischen Rechtsrahmen für kultiviertes Fleisch. Er konzentriert sich auf die Klassifikation und das Zulassungsverfahren für den Marktzugang neuartiger Lebensmittel. Er plädiert dafür, dass sich die Vorschriften mit dem technologischen Fortschritt weiterentwickeln, während gleichzeitig die Sicherheit der Verbrauchenden gewährleistet sein muss.
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La viande cultivée, produite à partir de cultures cellulaires plutôt que d\u27animaux abattus, est sur le point d\u27arriver dans nos assiettes. Bien qu\u27elle présente un fort potentiel en matière de durabilité, de bien-être animal et de sécurité alimentaire, cette viande de culture doit surmonter plusieurs obstacles réglementaires. En 2023, Aleph Farms a soumis en Suisse la première demande d\u27accès au marché à l\u27échelle européenne. Cet article examine le cadre juridique suisse applicable à la viande cultivée, en mettant particulièrement l\u27accent sur la taxonomie des produits alimentaires et sur la procédure d\u27autorisation pour les nouveaux aliments. Il souligne également la nécessité d\u27adapter la réglementation aux avancées technologiques, tout en garantissant la sécurité des consommateurs
Ökonomie vs Tierschutz: Tierschutz im Spannungsfeld zwischen wirtschaftlichem Nutzenkalkül und Leistbarkeit
No full textÖkonomische Interessen stehen in einem inhärenten Spannungsverhältnis zu den Interessen des Tierschutzes. Dieser Interessenkonflikt, der sich in Zeiten wirtschaftlicher Krisen zuspitzt, besteht vor allem, aber nicht nur, im Bereich der erwerbswirtschaftlichen Nutzung von Tieren, bei der es um die Erzielung von Einkünften und um Gewinnmaximierung geht. Der österreichische Gesetzgeber misst ökonomischen Interessen bereits auf einfachgesetzlicher Ebene (im Tierschutzgesetz) – z.B. im Zusammenhang mit der Festlegung von Mindestanforderungen an die Tierhaltung – besondere Bedeutung zu; abgesehen davon sind diese Interessen auch im Gesamtzusammenhang der Rechtsordnung, insbesondere im Verhältnis zu den Grundrechten, zu berücksichtigen und zum Ausgleich zu bringen, wobei eine Abwägung zwischen den wirtschaftlichen Interessen des Einzelnen einerseits und dem öffentlichen Interesse am Tierschutz andererseits vorzunehmen ist. Der Grundsatz der Verhältnismäßigkeit gebietet es, die Interessen des Tierschutzes sowohl in der Gesetzgebung als auch im Rahmen der Rechtsanwendung umfassend und in einer seiner Bedeutung angemessenen Weise zu berücksichtigen, wobei bei der Gewichtung des Rechtsgutes „Tierschutz“ dessen Aufwertung im Unionsrecht und auf nationaler Ebene zu beachten ist. Eine angemessene Berücksichtigung der Interessen des Tierschutzes ist jedenfalls dann nicht gegeben, wenn der Tierschutz substanziell eingeschränkt bzw. in seinem Kernbereich verletzt wird. Die Grenze der Berücksichtigung ökonomischer Interessen ist jedenfalls dort anzunehmen, wo die Nutzung von Tieren zu deren Instrumentalisierung führt. Obwohl die Nutzung von Tieren zur Erzielung von Einkünften nicht nur zulässig, sondern auch durch Grundrechte geschützt ist, stellt sich im Hinblick auf den verfassungsrechtlich abgesicherten Auftrag zur Sicherung des Wohlbefindens der Tiere die Frage, wie weit sich ökonomische Interessen – z.B. an der Tötung von Tieren als kostengünstige Alternative zu deren Behandlung bzw. Aufzucht, an der Einsparung von Tierarztkosten oder an der Bemessung der Dauer von Übergangsfristen – zu Lasten des Tierschutzes auswirken dürfen. Im vorliegenden Beitrag wird zunächst aufgezeigt, welche Rolle der Gesetzgeber ökonomischen Interessen im Tierschutzgesetz zuerkennt und zu welchen Ergebnissen die Rechtsprechung bei der Beurteilung der Verhältnismäßigkeit von Grundrechtseingriffen zugunsten des Tierschutzes gelangt. Sodann werden ausgewählte Interessenkonflikte auf dem Gebiet der Haltung und Nutzung von landwirtschaftlichen Nutztieren, Heim- und Versuchstieren dargestellt und der Versuch unternommen, Prozess und Ergebnis der Interessenabwägung mit Hilfe einer Matrix zu veranschaulichen
Die Haftung von Frontex für Grundrechtsverletzungen: Eine Analyse des Urteils des Europäischen Gerichts EuG «WS u.a. gegen Frontex» (Rs. T-600/21)
No full textFrontex steht wegen einer möglichen Beteiligung an Grundrechtsverletzungen an den EU-Aussengrenzen seit langem in der Kritik. Diese Frage wurde auch in der Schweiz 2022 im Rahmen der Volksabstimmung über einen Ausbau des Mandats von Frontex diskutiert. Bei der Verordnung 2019/1896 handelte es sich bereits um die vierte Erweiterung des Mandats von Frontex seit 2004. Die Pflicht von Frontex zur Beachtung der Grundrechte wurde seither immer stärker in den an-wendbaren Rechtsakten verankert. Kürzlich musste sich das Europäische Gericht (EuG) erstmals mit einer Schadenersatzklage gegen Frontex wegen Grundrechtsverletzungen befassen. Das wäre die Gelegenheit gewesen, die Verantwortlichkeit der Agentur für Menschenrechtsverletzungen näher zu beleuchten. Dies ist jedoch nicht geschehen; stattdessen begnügte sich das Gericht mit einer sehr banalen Rechtsprüfung, im Rahmen derer es eine direkte Kausalität zwischen dem Handeln von Frontex und dem Schaden der Kläger verneinte.
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L\u27agence Frontex est depuis longtemps critiquée pour son implication potentielle dans des violations des droits fondamentaux aux frontières extérieures de l\u27UE. Cette question a notamment été débattue en Suisse en 2022 dans le cadre de la votation populaire sur l\u27extension du mandat de Frontex. Le règlement 2019/1896 était déjà la quatrième extension dudit mandat depuis 2004. L\u27obligation de Frontex de respecter les droits fondamentaux a depuis été progressivement ancrée dans les actes juridiques pertinents. Récemment, la Cour de justice de l\u27Union européenne (CJUE) a dû traiter pour la première fois une demande de dommages et intérêts contre Frontex pour violation des droits fondamentaux. Cela aurait pu être l\u27occasion d\u27examiner plus en avant la responsabilité de l\u27agence pour de telles violations. Au lieu de cela, le tribunal s\u27est contenté d\u27un examen juridique sommaire, dans lequel il a nié l\u27existence d\u27un lien de causalité entre les actions de Frontex et les préjudices subis par les plaignants
Editorial
Get PDFWe are pleased to introduce the first issue of 2024’s Studies in Communication Sciences (SComS). Following a two-year trial period, the thrice-yearly publication rhythm is now firmly established. Thanks to our reviewers and additional efforts of the whole editorial team, it permits us to accommodate the growing number of submissions.
The General Section includes an article by Konstantin Schätz and Susanne Kirchhoff from the University of Salzburg. Combining conceptual metaphor analysis and qualitative frame analysis, they explore how Austrian newspapers portrayed the initial outbreak of COVID-19 in March 2020. Building on the distinction between rhetorical and technical devices of journalistic framing, the article suggests considering metaphors as an additional “reasoning device.” Thus, ontological metaphors emphasized the fragility of the collective “we,” needing to stand together while guarding the distance. The analysis reveals a consistent journalistic framing in a neutral tone that may have favored a responsible public discussion during the crisis
Using State-of-the-art Emotion Detection Models in a Crisis Communication Context
No full textTimes of crisis are usually associated with highly emotional experiences, which often result in emotionally charged communication. This is especially the case on social media. Identifying the emotional climate on social media is imperative in the context of crisis communication, e.g., in view of shaping crisis response strategies. However, the sheer volume of social media data often makes manual oversight impossible. In this paper, we therefore investigate how automatic methods for emotion detection can aid research on crisis communication and social media. Concretely, we investigate two Dutch emotion detection models (a transformer model and a classical machine learning model based on dictionaries) and apply them to Dutch tweets about four different crisis cases. First, we perform a validation study to assess the performance of these models in the domain of crisis-related tweets. Secondly, we propose a framework for monitoring the emotional climate on social media, and assess whether emotion detection models can be used to address the steps in the framework
Facial and Dental Injuries in Karate
No full textKarate is a martial art that carries a high trauma risk. Trauma-related Swiss and European karate data are currently unavailable. This survey seeks to increase knowledge of the incidence of traumatic facial and dental injuries, their emergency management, awareness of tooth rescue boxes, the use of mouthguards and their modifications. Interviews were conducted with 420 karate fighters from 43 European countries using a standardized questionnaire. All the participants were semi-professionals. The data were evaluated with respect to gender, kumite level (where a karate practitioner trains against an adversary), and country. Of the 420 fighters interviewed, 213 had experienced facial trauma and 44 had already had dental trauma. A total of 192 athletes had hurt their opponent by inflicting a facial or dental injury, and 290 knew about the possibility of tooth replantation following an avulsion. Only 50 interviewees knew about tooth rescue boxes. Nearly all the individuals interviewed wore a mouthguard (n = 412), and 178 of them had made their own modifications to the guard. The results of the present survey suggest that more information and education in wearing protective gear are required to reduce the incidence of dental injuries in karate
Semiotic Violence
Get PDFSemiotic violence against female politicians is a subtype of violence against women in politics or VAWP (Krook, 2017), which operates at the level of portrayal and representation of female politicians –mainly through text and images–, with the aim of delegitimizing or nullifying their presence in political office, for gender-based reasons (Krook and Restrepo, 2016a, 2016b; Krook 2020; Krook 2022; Bardall et al. 2020). Like other types of VAWP, the main objective of this type of violence is to “keep politics as a male domain” (Bardall et al., 2020, p. 923).
According to Krook\u27s (2022) conceptualization, there are two types of semiotic violence, namely, i) Semiotic violence as rendering women invisible, referring to the symbolic annihilation of female politicians by not considering their presence and contributions to the political debate, reinforcing the idea that men are the only valid participants in it; and ii) Semiotic violence as rendering women incompetent, referring to the attempt to present women as unfit for political life, using stereotypes about their inability to perform public functions. Both types can cover a wide range of manifestations, from overtly misogynist messages to subtle ones, mobilizing semiotic resources to hurt, discipline and subjugate women (Krook, 2022, p. 372).
Field of application/theoretical foundation
Semiotic violence remains a less explored dimension of VAWP, in contrast to numerous studies addressing its physical, sexual, psychological, and economic domains (For a systematic review of studies on VAWP, revise Krook and Restrepo (2019)) (Bardall et al., 2020). While theoretical frameworks have been established (Krook 2020, 2022; Kuperberg, 2021), the empirical research on semiotic violence is still pending. The phenomenon has often been approached through neighboring concepts, that on the one hand, highlight how female politicians face distinct forms –and, in some cases, higher levels– of aggression compared to their male counterparts (for example, studies by Rehault et al. (2019), and Solovev and Pröllochs (2022), show the prevalence of gendered violence towards women politicians on Twitter). However, the lack of a common conceptualization demonstrates limitations in fully and exclusively capturing and addressing its occurrence. For example, while Incivility is defined as discourteous behavior that encompasses offenses to individuals or social groups through stereotypes and denial of freedoms (Theocharis et al., 2016), in politics, it can be perceived by men and women, and not all its dimensions have gendered issues. In the case of Hate Speech, which refers to the devaluation of individuals according to personal characteristics such as gender (Hawdon et al., 2017), but not exclusively, it could also encompass other social categories such as ethnicity, sexual orientation, religion, etc.). Another common example is the extended concept of Online Misogyny, however, it could be applied in diverse contexts, and it is not necessarily confined to a political one.
Semiotic violence, as a concept, holds potential within political science to elucidate dynamics perpetuating gender-based political inequalities. Within the context of digital transformations impacting political spheres (Tucker et al., 2017; Zhuravskaya et al., 2020), studying online semiotic violence becomes crucial due its effortlessly diffusion and the normalization of its occurrence (Kuperberg, 2021; Albaine, 2020; Krook, 2022). Analyzing the associated characteristics of victims and perpetrators, delving into the underlying causal mechanisms behind semiotic violence, and examining its primary consequences to female politicians are critical issues to address. Additionally, in the field of communication, studying semiotic violence in news and media coverage could help address how media act as barriers or facilitators of gender equality in the exercise of power. Finally, within the institutional arena (Such as UN Women, Inter-Parliamentary Union, among other institutions), an empirical perspective on online semiotic violence could benefit efforts to measure and monitor the experiences of female politicians in the online sphere.
Information on example study
The section below outlines a proposed operationalization of semiotic violence against women in politics in online environments (see Table 1), developed by Olivares 2023 [unpublished manuscript]. This study employed an operationalization to assess the prevalence of semiotic violence content within tweet messages –text format– addressed to Spanish MP female candidates before the national election in November 2019. To that end, a semi-automatized context analysis and text classification was conducted using Quanteda package in R (Kenneth et al., 2018). From a feature extraction perspective (Kharde & Sonawe, 2016), the analysis was conducted on a sample of 431.354 tweets sources from the Q-Dem database at the University of Barcelona. Additional details about this study can be found in Table 2.
The used operationalization was built from Krook’s work on offline semiotic violence (2022) and was adapted for an online context. The codebook considers the two main dimensions –types– of the concept elaborated by Krook outlined above. Details of the conceptualization can be found in the original and translated codebook.
Table 1. Online semiotic violence against women in politics
Type of semiotic violence
Nº
Subtypes
Examples
Semiotic violence as rendering women invisible
1
Removing female politicians from political spaces
Calls and pleas for women to abandon their general presence or specific positions in politics.
E.g. “go back and take care of yourself and your family”.
2
Misrecognizing female politicians as not being leaders
Direct and indirect appeals to women politicians as lacking in leadership and, consequently, incapable of doing their jobs well.
E.g. “God help us if we are left in the hands of these women...”.
3
Applying masculine pronouns to female politicians
Denial of the feminization of language associated with women in politics.
Note: this may not apply in English.
4
Denying female politicians’ right to speak and to be heard
Expressions of inquiring female politicians to "shut up".
E.g. “Mrs. Calvo, why don’t you shut up!!?”.
5
Pejorative depictions of feminism
Insults associated with feminism, or the feminist movement and it demands.
E.g. “She is another sectarian feminazi”.
Semiotic violence as rendering women incompetent
6
Ridiculing female politicians as emotional and other gender stereotypes
Appeal to binary stereotypes to disqualify female politicians because of an "own emotionality" (sensitive, nervous, angry, crazy), and non-emotional stereotypes such as being liars, dangerous, evil, manipulative, etc.
E.g. “Come on, now say it without crying”; “ma\u27am (…), have you taken your medication?”.
7
Denying female politicians’ qualifications
Questioning women’s professional and personal qualifications. Includes lack of education and training, nepotism, addictions, among other elements.
E.g. “I don\u27t think she understands anything. We must explain it to her very slowly”; “stop smoking whatever it is you smoke, you\u27re leaving yourself with an intellectual defect that is difficult to solve”.
8
Mansplaining and infantilizing female politicians
E.g. “Do you know what division of powers is?”; “Tell that to this little girl”.
9
Sexually and physically objectifying female politicians
Reducing women to their body characteristics –in terms of sexual attractiveness and physical appearance.
E.g. “Forcing your smile makes you ugly”; “These do not even conquer a pimp”.
10
Slut-shaming female politicians
Shaming female politicians for real or imagined sexual behavior.
E.g. “we know this girl very well in Sevilla, a slut”.
11
Denying that female politicians are real women
Consider the implication that female politicians who display some degree of competence may not be real women.
E.g. “She is actually @marianorajoy dressed as a woman”.
Source: Own elaboration, based on Krook 2022.
Note: Text in italics indicates the main modifications to Krook’s conceptualization, to adapt the definition and subtypes of semiotic violence to the online environment.
Table 2. Summary of Example Study
Author
Sample
Unit of Analysis
Values
Reliability
Olivares 2023 [unpublished manuscript]
Content type: Tweets addressed to female MP candidates (113 twitter accounts).
Country: Spain
Sampling period: October 14th to November 6th, 2019.
Sample size: N = 431.354 tweets
Source: Q-Dem, University of Barcelona
Unit of analysis: Tweets addressed to female MP candidates for the November 2019 national election.
Semiotic violence (0/1): Presence or absence of contents of semiotic violence in tweets corpus.
Corresponds to the presence of elements from 1-11 subtypes from Table 1
Type of Semiotic Violence (categories):
· “Invisible” (1-5 subtypes)
· “Incompetent” (6-11 subtypes)
· “Both” (1-11 subtypes)
· “None”
Semiotic violence: Accuracy = 0.72 F1 = 0.73
Type of Semiotic Violence:Accuracy = 0.65Macro F1 = 0.63F1 Invisible = 0.58F1 Incompetent = 0.58F1 Both = NA (The NA value represents a minimum co-occurrence of the presence of semiotic violence from subtypes “Invisible” and “Incompetent”, within the analyzed sample)F1 None = 0.70
References
Albaine, L. (2021). Violencia contra las mujeres en política: Hoja de ruta para prevenirla, monitorearla, sancionarla y erradicarla. Atenea: por una Democracia 50/50. PNUD, ONU Mujeres e IDEA Internacional. https://lac.unwomen.org/es/digiteca/publicaciones/2021/03/violencia-contra-las-mujeres-en-politica
Bardall, G., Bjarnegård, E., & Piscopo, J. (2020). How is Political Violence Gendered? Disentangling Motives, Forms, and Impacts. Political Studies, 68(4), 916-935. https://doi.org/10.1177/0032321719881812
Benoit, K., Watanabe, K., Wang, H., Nulty, P., Obeng, A., Müller, S., & Matsuo, A. (2018). Quanteda: An R package for the quantitative analysis of textual data. Journal of Open Source Software, 3(30), 774. https://doi.org/10.21105/joss.00774
Kharde, V., & Sonawane, S. (2016). Sentiment Analysisi of Twitter Data: A survey of Techniques. International Journal of Computer Applications, 139(11), 5-15. https://doi.org/10.48550/arXiv.1601.06971
Krook, M. L. (2017). Violence Against Women in Politics. Journal of Democracy, 28(1), 74-88. https://doi.org/10.1353/jod.2017.0007
Krook, M. L. (2022). Semiotic Violence against Women: theorizing Harms against Female Politicians. Signs: Journal of Women in Culture and Society, 47(2), 371-397. https://doi.org/10.1086/716642
Krook, M. L. & Restrepo, J. (2016a). Violencia contra las mujeres en política [Violence Against Women in Politics]. A defense of the Concept. Política y Gobierno, 23(2), 459-490.
Krook, M. L. & Restrepo, J. (2016b). Género y violencia política en América Latina [Gender and political violence in Latin America]. Concepts, debates and solutions. Política y Gobierno, 23(1), 125-157.
Krook, M. L. & Restrepo, J. (2019). The Cost of Doing Politics? Analyzing Violence and Harassment against Female Politicians. Perspectives on Policies. Published Online. https://doi.org/10.1017/S1537592719001397
Kuperberg, R. (2021). Incongruous and illegitimate. Antisemitic and Islamophobic semiotic violence against women in politics in the United Kingdom. Journal of Language Aggression and Conflict, 9(1), 100-126. https://doi.org/10.1075/jlac.00055.kup
Olivares, F. (2023). Mujeres políticas y violencia online: explorando la violencia semiótica a través de Twitter. [master’s thesis].
Rehault, L., Rayment, E., & Musulan, A. (2019). Politicians in the line of fire: Incivility and the treatment of women on social media. Research and Politics, 6(1), 1-7. https://doi.org/10.1177/2053168018816228
Solovev, K. & Pröllochs, N. (2022). Hate Speech in the Political Discourse on Social Media: Disparities Across Parties, Gender, and Ethnicity. In Proceedings of the ACM The Web Conf (WWW ’22), April 25–29, 2022, Lyon, France. ACM, New York, NY, USA, 5 pages. https://arxiv.org/abs/2201.06638
Theocharis, Y., Barberá, P., Fazekas, S., Adrian Popa, S., & Parnet, O. (2016). A Bad Workman Blames His Tweets: The Consequences of Citizens‘ Uncivil Twitter Use When Interacting with Party Candidates. Journal of Communication, 66(6), 1007-1031. https://doi.org/10.1111/jcom.1225
Zwischen Wissenserwerb und wahrgenommener Glaubwürdigkeit: Effekte unterschiedlicher sprachlicher Gestaltung in den Fernsehnachrichtensendungen Tagesschau, RTL aktuell und logo!
Get PDFDie vorliegende Forschung beschäftigt sich mit dem Sprachniveau von TV-Nachrichten und dessen Auswirkungen auf den Wissenserwerb von Rezipient:innen sowie auf die durch diese wahrgenommene Glaubwürdigkeit. Außerdem wurde untersucht, welche Rolle die mentale Anstrengung bei der Rezeption spielt. Nachrichtentexte, welche den drei Nachrichten Tagesschau, RTL aktuell und logo! entnommen wurden und sich in ihrem Sprachniveau unterschieden (hoch, mittel, niedrig), wurden von einer Sprecherin neu vor einem Greenscreen als Video aufgenommen, um möglichst reale Nachrichten, die sich sprachlich unterscheiden, als Stimuli verwenden zu können, und gleichzeitig zu verhindern, dass unsere Versuchspersonen durch Kenntnis der konkreten Sendung beeinflusst werden. Mittels einer Online-Studie bekamen diese randomisiert eines der drei Nachrichtenvideos präsentiert und beantworteten im Anschluss verschiedene Fragen (u. a. Wissenstest sowie Fragen zu Glaubwürdigkeit und mentaler Anstrengung). Die Ergebnisse bestätigen, dass ein niedriges Sprachniveau (logo!) zu höherem Wissenserwerb führt. Außerdem fanden sich Unterschiede zwischen dem auf RTL aktuell basierenden Nachrichtenvideo mittleren Sprachniveaus und den beiden anderen Nachrichten hinsichtlich der wahrgenommenen Glaubwürdigkeit, und zwar zugunsten der beiden Nachrichtensprachvarianten öffentlich-rechtlichen Ursprungs. Über alle Sendungen hinweg korrelierte wahrgenommenes Sprachniveau signifikant sowohl mit Glaubwürdigkeit als auch mit berichteter mentaler Anstrengung.
The present research deals with the language level of TV news and its effects on the knowledge acquisition of recipients as well as on their perceived credibility. The role of mental effort in reception was also investigated. News texts, which were taken from the three news programs Tagesschau, RTL aktuell and logo! and differed in their language level (high, medium, low), were newly recorded by a speaker in front of a green screen as a video in order to be able to use the most realistic news possible, which differ linguistically, as stimuli and at the same time to prevent our test subjects from being influenced by knowledge of the specific program. Using an online study, they were randomly presented with one of the three news videos and then answered various questions (including a knowledge test and questions on credibility and mental effort). The results confirm that a low language level (logo!) leads to higher knowledge acquisition. In addition, differences were found between the news video of medium language level based on RTL aktuell and the two other news items in terms of perceived credibility, in favor of the two news language variants of public service origin. Across all programs, perceived language level correlated significantly with both credibility and reported mental effort
Affects and emotions: Pathways to power-reflexive higher education through productive uncertainty
No full textDer Beitrag untersucht Affekte und Emotionen als bislang wenig beachtete Dimension in der Hochschulbildung. Er basiert auf den Ergebnissen einer bildungswissenschaftlichen Interviewstudie mit Lehrenden verschiedener Disziplinen an Deutschschweizer Fachhochschulen, die mit der Grounded Theory Methodologie in Kombination mit einer intersektionalen Analyseperspektive, durchgeführt wurde. Als zentrales Ergebnis der Studie steht die produktive Verunsicherung im Kontext von Diversität im Zentrum des Interessens. Diese verdeutlicht, wie Affekte und Emotionen Bildungsprozesse an Hochschulen beeinflussen und zu Polemik und Abwehr, aber auch zu machtsensibler Selbstreflexion führen können. Diese Prozesse ermöglichen die Anerkennung von Unsicherheit und Verletzlichkeit als Teil der Hochschulbildung und unterstützt die Infragestellung hegemonialer Wissensordnungen. Der Text diskutiert die Notwendigkeit einer machtsensiblen Hochschullehre, welche die Integration von Affekten und Emotionen in ein transformatorisches Bildungsverständnis sowie in die macht- und differenztheoretische Betrachtung und Analyse von Bildungsprozessen mit einem intersektionalen Analysefokus beinhaltet.This article examines affects and emotions as a dimension of higher education that has received little attention to date. It is based on the results of an educational science interview study with teachers from various disciplines at universities of applied sciences in German-speaking Switzerland, which was conducted using the grounded theory methodology in combination with an intersectional analytical perspective. The central result of the study is productive uncertainty in the context of diversity. This illustrates how affects and emotions influence educational processes at universities and can lead to polemics and defence, but also to power-sensitive self-reflection. These processes enable the recognition of uncertainty and vulnerability as part of university education and support the questioning of hegemonic knowledge orders. The text discusses the necessity of a power-sensitive university teaching that includes the integration of affects and emotions into a transformational understanding of education as well as into the power and difference-theoretical consideration and analysis of educational processes with an intersectional focus
Health in Knowledge: Measuring the Effectiveness of a Transmedia Strategy for Health Literacy Promotion in Portugal
No full textThe improvement of health communication strategies is an objective that has assumed high importance in the light of recent health crises, such as the Covid-19 pandemic, and against a background of ever-growing misinformation on health-related issues. Over time, this objective can also establish and maintain high health literacy rates for the general public. In this study, we quantitatively tested the effectiveness of a transmedia storytelling strategy in transmitting health knowledge – one of the sectors of health literacy – through evaluation sessions with participants of different health literacy levels, ages, and education levels in Portugal. This study demonstrated that transmedia strategies significantly improved the transmission of health knowledge compared to conventional multimedia strategies, as evidenced by significant increase in a quantitative pre-test/post-test difference in participants exposed to the transmedia strategy. Our study highlights the potential of transmedia strategies as more effective instruments for enhancing societal health literacy in Portugal and beyond. Among other things, this empowers citizens to adopt better practices and decisions regarding their own health