HOPE (Hauptbibliothek Open Publishing Environment)
Not a member yet
5698 research outputs found
Sort by
“Flipped Examination Room“: Ascriptions of Vulnerability Between Trans Patients and Their Healthcare Providers
No full textThe history of pathologisation has left traces in trans healthcare contexts, especially barriers to receiving healthcare. These can be explained with theories of biopower—the disciplining of non-normative bodies, which often results in breached boundaries and repudiation of agency. Embedded in frameworks of Institutional Ethnography and Community-Based Participatory Research, we analysed recordings from one trans Community Team discussion (N = three) and one training session for healthcare providers (HCPs; N = eight) with Charmaz’ Grounded Theory. In this exploratory phase of an ongoing research project, we investigated current practices and underlying beliefs about “trans-sensitive healthcare” in Austria. By depicting trans patients as vulnerable, some HCPs practice benevolent pathologisation. Yet, negotiations of intimacy and responsibility along with power imbalances can render both parties vulnerable. HCPs’ own vulnerability frequently stems from knowledge gaps and expectations concerning expertise and authority. We conclude that a caring and transparent approach to contextual vulnerabilities in interactions between trans patients and HPCs is paramount. The notion of caring encounters, where being uncertain is not a flaw but a mere fact of human existence, is a transformative perspective. By offering their support to HCPs, trans people extend their circle of care and imagine a society built on compassion
Abschied von nachträglichen stationären Massnahmen (Art. 65 StGB)?
No full textArt. 65 StGB erlaubt die nachträgliche Anordnung einer stationären therapeutischen Massnahme (Abs. 1) oder einer Verwahrung (Abs. 2). Jene Bestimmung hat in der bundesgerichtlichen Praxis eine einschränkende Auslegung erfahren, diese ist vor kurzem vom EGMR zurückgestutzt worden, was Abs. 1 noch einmal weiter einschränkt: Das pure Nachschieben einer neuen Sanktion (stationäre therapeutische Massnahme im Fall von Abs. 1, Verwahrung im Fall von Abs. 2) lässt sich nicht (mehr) auf sie stützen, ohne dass auch der Tatpunkt und/oder der Schuldpunkt abgeändert würde. Im Ergebnis bleibt, nach heutigem Kenntnisstand, von beiden Bestimmungen nicht viel übrig.
--
L\u27art. 65 CP autorise le prononcéultérieur d\u27une mesure thérapeutique institutionnelle (al. 1) ou d\u27internement (al. 2). Al. 1 a fait l\u27objet d\u27une interprétation restrictive de la part du Tribunal fédéral, al. 2 a récemment été remise en question par la CourEDH, ce qui a restreint encore davantage l\u27application de l\u27al. 1. L\u27ajout ultérieur d\u27une nouvelle sanction (mesure thérapeutique institutionnelle dans le cas de l\u27al. 1, internement dans celui de l\u27al. 2) ne peut (plus) reposer sur cette disposition sans qu\u27un élément de fait et/ou de culpabilité soit également modifié. En l\u27état actuel des connaissances, la portée effective de ces deux normes est significativement réduite
Fabrizia Ramondino e la voce dei “disoccupati organizzati”. La battaglia per il diritto al lavoro nella Napoli degli anni Settanta
No full textPrima del suo esordio narrativo con Althénopis (1981), Fabrizia Ramondino pubblica nel 1977 un libro dal titolo Napoli: i disoccupati organizzati. I protagonisti raccontano, dalla fisionomia ibrida, all’incrocio tra pamphlet politico, inchiesta sociologica e intervista a più voci. Inaugurando un filone di ricerca legato all’impegno civile e sociale che correrà sempre parallelo alla sua produzione prettamente romanzesca, il primo lavoro di Ramondino racconta da vicino le esperienze di contestazione dei componenti del movimento napoletano dei “disoccupati organizzati”, formatosi a metà degli anni Settanta sulla scia del clima di protesta e ribellione sorto in Italia dopo il 1968, in un momento di grande crisi occupazionale, ancora più gravosa in una città come Napoli caratterizzata da storiche carenze strutturali nel settore produttivo e industriale. L’obiettivo del saggio è quello di ragionare sulle modalità compositive, formali e linguistiche attraverso le quali Ramondino trasla, monta e ricompone nel testo le voci di coloro che lottano per il diritto alla casa e al lavoro, integrandole con la sua riflessione personale, all’interno di una disamina storico-critica volta a sezionare al tempo stesso le ragioni politiche e le istanze progettuali di un movimento capace di smascherare le contraddizioni di un mercato del lavoro caratterizzato da corruzione, nepotismo e collusioni e di occupare per diversi anni il vuoto istituzionale lasciato dai partiti di sinistra.
Before making her narrative debut in 1981 with Althénopis, Fabrizia Ramondino published a book in 1977 entitled Napoli: i disoccupati organizzati. I protagonisti raccontano, which has a hybrid form, at the crossroads between a political pamphlet, a sociological inquiry, and a multi-voiced interview. Inaugurating a line of research linked to civil and social commitment that would always run parallel to her purely fictional and theatrical production, Ramondino’s first work closely recounts the experiences of protest of the members of the Neapolitan movement of the “organized unemployed”, formed in the mid-seventies in the wake of the protest movements that developed in Italy after 1968, during a period of severe employment crisis, particularly acute in a city like Naples, historically marked by structural deficiencies in the production and industrial sector. The aim of the essay is to examine the compositional and linguistic methods through which Ramondino integrates into the text the voices of those personally fighting for the right to housing and work, interweaving them with her own reflections, within a historical-critical study that seeks to dissect both the political motivations and the planning strategies of a movement capable of unmasking the contradictions of a labor market characterized by opaque dynamics, and of occupying for several years the void left by the left-wing parties
The Telegram COVID-19 Protest Dataset 2020-2022
No full textTelegram, known for its hybrid architecture combining features of instant messaging and social networking sites, offers various communication modes and a high degree of anonymity. This has made it a key platform for contentious political movements and extremist actors and the most important platform for COVID-19-related protest communication. This paper presents a novel, manually curated dataset, capturing the German-language COVID-19 protest mobilization on Telegram from 2020 to 2022. The dataset includes public messages from 715 broadcast channels and 229 public group chats N= 5,641,026 messages. Unlike other datasets, this collection was manually classified and processed, providing a detailed longitudinal overview of this movement and its network. Data were collected at multiple points during the observation period, minimizing data loss due to deletions and enhancing the historical value of the dataset. Additional variables, including network data and geolocations, are available for further research. Ethical considerations were addressed through consultation with data protection officers and an ethics review board, ensuring compliance with data protection regulations. The dataset adheres to the FAIR principles, making it accessible and useful for future scholarly research on digital mobilization
Zwingli’s Hohe Schule and the Book and Reading Culture in Zürich until 1601
No full textThe origins of the library at the Grossmünster are unknown. The position of a librarian has been documented since 1260. Equally unknown are the book holdings from the period before the Reformation. To date, 32 manuscripts and 37 incunabula from the medieval library have been discovered. As a result of the Reformation, many books were destroyed, but these were usually multiple copies of works that were important for the pre-Reformation worship. After the Reformation, several notable donations were made. In addition, a budget for book purchases was made available from 1543 onwards. Various librarians, such as Konrad Pellikan and Johann Jakob Fries, devoted themselves to cataloguing and systematically arranging the books, as well as regulating their loan. The subject composition of the library, which numbered at about 1,000 volumes around 1600, shows that the collection was interdisciplinary in nature.The origins of the library at the Grossmünster are unknown. The position of a librarian has been documented since 1260. Equally unknown are the book holdings from the period before the Reformation. To date, 32 manuscripts and 37 incunabula from the medieval library have been discovered. As a result of the Reformation, many books were destroyed, but these were usually multiple copies of works that were important for the pre-Reformation worship. After the Reformation, several notable donations were made. In addition, a budget for book purchases was made available from 1543 onwards. Various librarians, such as Konrad Pellikan and Johann Jakob Fries, devoted themselves to cataloguing and systematically arranging the books, as well as regulating their loan. The subject composition of the library, which numbered at about 1,000 volumes around 1600, shows that the collection was interdisciplinary in nature
Le droit d\u27accès aux codes sources des systèmes algorithmiques utilisés par l\u27administration publique: Une approche comparée franco-suisse
No full textCet article examine le traitement juridique de l\u27accès au code source algorithmique au sein de deux systèmes juridiques distincts. En France, le code source est défini comme un document administratif, et son accès est réglementé par le Code des relations entre le public et l\u27administration. En Suisse, le code source pourrait être considéré comme relevant des conditions légales d\u27un document officiel en vertu de la loi sur la transparence. Néanmoins, en France comme en Suisse, l\u27accès au code source est assujetti à diverses restrictions. D\u27abord, les secrets protégés par la loi limitent l\u27accès, compliquant l\u27identification de biais algorithmiques. Ensuite, l\u27accès peut être est limité par la nature intrinsèquement technique du code source. Enfin, l\u27inintelligibilité du code source pour la population restreint le droit d\u27accès, étant donné que celui-ci constitue la transcription informatique des instructions données à un programme. Malgré ces obstacles, le droit d\u27accès au code source constitue une étape importante vers plus de transparence, mais il nécessite le soutien de mécanismes complémentaires pour être pleinement efficace.
--
Der Beitrag untersucht das Zugangsrecht zum algorithmischen Quellcode in zwei Jurisdiktionen. In Frankreich gilt der Quellcode explizit als Verwaltungsdokument, der Zu gang richtet sich nach dem Gesetz über die Beziehungen zwischen der Öffentlichkeit und der Verwaltung. In der Schweiz könnte der Quellcode als amtliches Dokument i. S. d.Öffentlichkeitsgesetzes aufgefasst werden. Das Zugangsrecht unterliegt in beiden Jurisdiktionen indes verschiedenen Einschränkungen. So schränken gesetzlich geschützte Geheimnisse zunä chst den Zugang ein, wodurch die Identifikation algorithmischer Diskriminierungen erschwert wird. Sodann begrenzt die technische Natur des Quellcodes das Zugangsrecht. Da der Quellcode in einer Programmiersprache abgefasst wird, führt schliesslich die Unverständlichkeit für die breite Öffentlichkeit zu weiteren Einschränkungen. Dennoch stellt der Zugang zum Quellcode einen wichtigen Schritt zu mehr Transparenz algorithmischer Systeme dar. Um der Transparenz allerdings tatsächlich zum Durchbruch zu verhelfen, bedarf es zusätzlicher Mechanismen wie die aktive staatliche Information über den Einsatz algorithmischer Systeme sowie externe Prüfungen und Kontrollen
Rezension: Capus/Griebel/Havelka, Sprachmittlung in der geheimen Kommunikationsüberwachung
No full textIn der Kommunikationsüberwachung werden von der Polizei im Rahmen eines strafprozessual angeordneten Zwangsmittels schriftliche und mündliche Kommunikationsinhalte von Personen, die schwerwiegender Straftaten verdächtigt werden, abgefangen. Ziel ist die Informationssammlung für die Ermittlung der Straftaten und die Beweiserhebung. Die Tätigkeit der Sprachmittlerinnen an der Schnittstelle zwischen Kriminal- und Sprachwissenschaften haben Nadja Capus, Cornelia Griebel und Ivana Havelka einer umfassenden Untersuchung unterzogen, deren Ergebnisse sie nunmehr in einer Monografie zusammengetragen haben.
--
Dans le cadre de la surveillance des communications, la police intercepte, conformément aux mesures de contrainte prévues par le code de procédure pénale, les échanges écrits et oraux de personnes suspectées d\u27infractions graves. L\u27objectif est de recueillir des informations pertinentes pour l\u27enquête et de collecter des preuves. Nadja Capus, Cornelia Griebel et Ivana Havelka ont, dans ce contexte, mené une étude approfondie sur le rôle des interprètes communautaires, à la croisée des sciences criminelles et de la linguistique, et viennent de publier les résultats de leurs recherches dans une monographie
Politicization of Science
Full text linkThe politicization of science refers to the changing relationship between science and politics (e.g., Post & Ramirez, 2018). Different concepts of politicization of science focus on various aspects, e.g. political actors highlighting scientific uncertainty to question the scientific consensus or influencing scientific processes and research. In general, the politicization of science refers to the process by which science gradually takes on a political meaning and is used to pursue political goals, leading to a closer relationship between science and politics (e.g., Alinejad & Honari, 2024; Schmid-Petri et al., 2022). However, there is a lack of a multidimensional conceptualization that reflects this general understanding and also considers the media as a driver of the politicization of science (Brüggemann et al., 2020). In this perspective, the politicization of science is a process that unfolds in as well as through media coverage and can be analyzed using indicators such as the thematic blurring of politics and science, politicized actor structures, and politicized news values in media coverage (e.g., Brück et al., 2024).
Field of application/Theoretical foundation
The relationship between science and politics has been discussed for decades. Theoretical perspectives, such as those from Luhmann (e.g., social systems theory; 1995) and Habermas (e.g., scientization of politics; 1987), explore the complexities of this relationship and its societal implications. The politicization of science presents significant challenges, especially for science communication, which is central to the interaction between politics, science, and publics (e.g., Brüggemann et al., 2020). As science becomes more media-oriented, strategic science communication must navigate the politicized public discourses while maintaining scientific integrity. Journalists play a crucial role in this process by selecting scientific information and providing it for public and political discourse (e.g., Brüggemann et al., 2020; Scheufele, 2014). The politicization of science in media coverage is mainly analyzed regarding science and health communication, with public debates on climate change and COVID-19 being prominent examples (e.g., Hart et al., 2020; Post & Ramirez, 2018).
References/Combination with other methods of data collection
To identify trends in the politicization of science, the media coverage is often analyzed through content analysis. Mixed-methods approaches have not yet been used; however, Alinejad and Honari (2024) focus on the online politicization of science on Twitter in a quantitative-qualitative approach, and there are survey experiments that test the effects of the politicization of science and ways to counteract it (e.g., Bolsen & Druckman, 2015).
Example studies
Depending on how the politicization of science is understood, various studies examine distinct aspects of the politicization of science in media coverage: Chinn et al., 2020; Hart et al., 2020; Leidecker-Sandmann & Lehmkuhl, 2022; Schmidt, 2023. Brück et al. (2024) offer a holistic concept of multiple indicators of the politicization of science that is applied to media coverage.
Information on Schmidt (2023)
Author: Hans Schmidt
Research question: What differences in politicization existed between COVID-19 and other pandemic reporting? (RQ1)
Object of analysis: The study analyzed a sample of 1,196 news articles from the New York Times and the Washington Post covering key pandemic periods in the 20th and 21st centuries. For 2020 and 2009–2010, due to the extensive volume of content, articles were selected based on one constructed week per month.
Time frame of analysis: January 1918–December 1919; February 1957–December 1958; September 1968–April 2009; December 1970–April 2010; January 2020–June 2020 (the first 6 months of the COVID-19 pandemic).
Information about Variables
Variables: The politicization of pandemic-related reporting was examined by four measures: (a) political angle, (b) mentions of political actors, (c) quotes from political actors, and (d) story origin.
Level of analysis: news article
Variables and values: see Table 1
Table 1: Variables and values (Schmidt, 2023).
Variables
Description
Political angle
The variable investigates, “if a political perspective or angle (involving policy, implications, analysis, or strategy) was addressed” (p. 35).
Mentions of political actors
The variable investigates “the number of times political actors were mentioned (…) in each news report” (p. 35).
Quotes from (political) actors
The variable investigates “the number of times political actors (…) quoted in each news report” (p. 35). In addition, quotes from other actors were also measured, such as “public health officials, individual health care professionals, representatives of health care institutions, researchers, business spokespersons or analysts, health-related NGOs, civil society and movement groups, alternative practitioners, ordinary people/patients, others” (p. 36).
Story origin
The variable investigates, “if the story originated with the activities of a political actor” (p. 35). These include actions or statements of political actors, government agencies, health care institutions, researchers, international agencies, nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) or “businesses, breaking news, research publications, legal hearings, court judgments, other/undetermined” (p. 36).
Reliability: “Coding was conducted by the lead researcher and an assistant, a communications undergraduate student who had been trained by the lead researcher. To ensure intercoder reliability, both individuals coded 96 overlapping articles, accounting for 8.0% of the sample of COVID-19 pandemic-related articles. Analysis of nominal/categorical data showed a 94.8% agreement between coders, which is considered acceptable (Lombard et al., 2010), and a Cohen’s Kappa test also indicated a strong level of agreement between coders, κ = .883 (p < .001) (McHugh, 2012)” (p. 36).
Codebook: n.a. (see Schmidt, 2023, p. 35–36)
Information on Brück et al. (2024)
Authors: Janise Brück, Julia Serong, & Lars Guenther
Research question: The overall question of this research project was: How can the politicization of science in and through media coverage be theoretically conceptualized and empirically operationalized? In a pilot study, the theoretical concept was partially tested regarding the politicization of science in media coverage by asking: To what extent has science been politicized in German COVID-19 media coverage?
Object of analysis: The pilot study analyzes 262 science-related (online) media articles about the COVID-19 pandemic from German (online) journalistic quality media (Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung, Süddeutsche Zeitung, Die Zeit). The articles were systematically collected as an artificial week in two time periods.
Time frame of analysis: Two periods in the first and second pandemic wave in 2020 in Germany (t1: March 2nd–April 19th; t2: August 17th–October 4th).
Information about Variables
Variables: The politicization of science in media coverage was measured using three overarching indicators: (a) the thematic blurring of politics and science, (b) the (politicized) actor structure in the public (media) discourse, and (c) politicized news values in (science) reporting.
Level of analysis: news article
Variables and values: see Table 2
Table 2. Variables and values (Brück et al., 2024).
Indicator
Description
Variables
Value
Thematic blurring of politics and science
It deals with the presence of one or more (opposing) political angles/ perspectives, story origin (see Schmidt, 2023), as well as (political/ scientific) dependencies due to the exchange of political (e.g., political commissions and funding) or scientific resources (e.g., policy advice).
Presence of political perspective(s)
0 = not identifiable
1 = one political perspective
2 = different political perspectives (controversy)
Presence of (political) story origin
0 = not identifiable
1 = scientific origin
2 = scientific and political origins
3 = political origin
Presence of dependencies between science and politics
- political resources
- scientific resources
0 = not present
1 = present
Politicized actor structure
It deals with the presence of political and scientific actors as well as scientific administration, based on the distinction between mentions and citations.
Mentions/ citations of political actors
0 = not present
1 = mention
2 = citation
Mentions/ citations of scientific actors
Mentions/ citations of scientific administrations
Politicized news values
Due to the pilot study approach, this indicator is assessed solely on the emphasis on science-related uncertainty. Previous research has identified this as the most prominent indicator, focusing on how media coverage either downplays, highlights or accurately conveys (un)certainty in scientific contexts (Guenther, 2014). The variables capture the presence of different types of science-related uncertainty (Gustafson & Rice, 2020).
Emphasis on
different types of science-related uncertainty:
- deficient
- technical
- consensus
- scientific
0 = not present
1= emphasis without political (de)legitimization
2 = emphasis with political (de)legitimization
Reliability: Since only one coder was involved in the final coding, 44 randomly selected articles (about 15 % of the original sample) were coded twice – at the beginning and halfway through the coding phase – to test the codebook. The intracoder reliability was satisfying for all variables included in the analysis (Holsti’s CR: > .81; Krippendorff’s α: > .72).
Codebook: in the appendix (in German; for the original version, see Brück, 2024)
References
Alinejad, D., & Honari, A. (2024). Online politicizations of science: Contestation versus denialism at the convergence between COVID-19 and climate science on Twitter. Public Understanding of Science, 33(4), 396–413. https://doi.org/10.1177/09636625231216054
Bolsen, T., & Druckman, J. N. (2015). Counteracting the Politicization of Science. Journal of Communication, 65(5), 745–769. https://doi.org/10.1111/jcom.12171
Brück, J. (2024). Politicization of Science in German COVID-19 Media Coverage. https://doi.org/10.17605/OSF.IO/83XKY
Brück, J., Serong, J., & Guenther, L. (2024). Politicization of science in German COVID-19 media coverage: Theoretical conceptualization and empirical evidence. 8th Annual Conference of the Science Communication Division of the German Communication Association. Zurich, June.
Brüggemann, M., Lörcher, I., & Walter, S. (2020). Post-normal science communication: exploring the blurring boundaries of science and journalism. Journal of Science Communication, 19(03), Article A02, 1–22. https://doi.org/10.22323/2.19030202
Chinn, S., Hart, P. S., & Soroka, S. (2020). Politicization and Polarization in Climate Change News Content, 1985-2017. Science Communication, 42(1), 112–129. https://doi.org/10.1177/1075547019900290
Guenther, L. (2014). The coverage of (un)certainty: Science journalists’ perceptions and reporting on scientific evidence [Doctoral dissertation, Friedrich Schiller University Jena].
Gustafson, A., & Rice, R. E. (2020). A review of the effects of uncertainty in public science communication. Public Understanding of Science, 29(6), 614–633. https://doi.org/10.1177/0963662520942122
Habermas, J. (1987). Toward a Rational Society. Beacon Press.
Hart, P. S., Chinn, S., & Soroka, S. (2020). Politicization and Polarization in COVID-19 News Coverage. Science Communication, 42(5), 679–697. https://doi.org/10.1177/1075547020950735
Leidecker-Sandmann, M., & Lehmkuhl, M. (2022). Politisierung oder Aufklärung? Analysen der Akteur:innen- und Aussagenstruktur in medialen Diskursen über gesundheitliche Risikophänomene und die Rolle wissenschaftlicher Expert:innen. SCM Studies in Communication and Media, 11(3), 337–393. https://doi.org/10.5771/2192-4007-2022-3-337
Luhmann, N. (1995). Social Systems. Stanford University Press.
Post, S., & Ramirez, N. (2018). Politicized Science Communication: Predicting Scientists’ Acceptance of Overstatements by Their Knowledge Certainty, Media Perceptions, and Presumed Media Effects. Journalism & Mass Communication Quarterly, 95(4), 1150–1170. https://doi.org/10.1177/1077699018769668
Scheufele, D. A. (2014). Science communication as political communication. Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences, 111(suppl. 4), 13585–13592. https://doi.org/10.1073/pnas.1317516111
Schmid-Petri, H., Bienzeisler, N., & Beseler, A. (2022). Chapter Three - Effects of politicization on the practice of science. In T. Bolsen & R. Palm (Eds.), Progress in Molecular Biology and Translational Science (Vol. 188, pp. 45–63). Academic Press. https://doi.org/10.1016/bs.pmbts.2021.11.005
Schmidt, H. (2023). Pandemics and Politics: Analyzing the politicization and polarization of pandemic-related reporting. Newspaper Research Journal, 44(1), 26–52. https://doi.org/10.1177/0739532922109585
Criteria and prognostic factors for survival and success rates for autotransplantation in the area of first and second molars: a systematic review and meta-analysis
No full textAutotransplantation of immature third molars is an effective treatment option, offering high success rates, minimal complications, and notable improvements in occlusal function and dental aesthetics. This study aims to review and evaluate the available evidence specifically on the survival and success rates of immature autotransplanted third molars and to identify prognostic factors that influence these outcomes.
A comprehensive search was conducted in the Elsevier Journals (ScienceDirect), MEDLINE (PubMed), and Dentistry & Oral Sciences Source (EBSCOhost) databases up to May 2024. Risk of bias within studies was asse ssed with the CASP guidelines. Nine studies met the inclusion criteria for qualitative and quantitative analysis. The pooled survival rate was consistently high across studies, estimated at 91.867% (95% CI: 85.058% to 96.741%), while the success rate, though slightly lower, remained substantial at 90.162% (95% CI: 79.813% to 97.067%).
Key prognostic factors identified include the developmental stage of the donor teeth (Moorrees stages from R ¼ to Rc), showing enhanced success due to better potential for pulp revascularization and continued root growth. Additionally, innovative techniques, including advanced methods like computer-aided rapid prototyping (CARP) and platelet-rich plasma (PRP), were found to positively impact healing and integration. Fixation methods also played a role, as excessive rigid fixation was linked to higher rates of ankylosis and inflammatory root resorption.
Future research should prioritize recipient site and donor tooth characteristics, standardized success criteria, extended follow-up periods, and refined treatment protocols to enhance predictability and long-term outcomes in teeth autotransplantation