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Yeo Lay Hwee
No full textYEO Lay Hwee is Director of the European Union Centre in Singapore. She is also Council Secretary and Senior Research Fellow at the Singapore Institute of International Affairs (SIIA), and Adjunct Fellow at the S Rajaratnam School of International Studies (RSIS). An international relations expert, her research interests revolve around comparative regionalism, principles of multilateralism and governance networks, and on EU-Asia/ EU-ASEAN relations.
Yeo Lay Hwee
No full textYEO Lay Hwee is Director of the European Union Centre in Singapore. She is also Council Secretary and Senior Research Fellow at the Singapore Institute of International Affairs (SIIA), and Adjunct Fellow at the S Rajaratnam School of International Studies (RSIS). An international relations expert, her research interests revolve around comparative regionalism, principles of multilateralism and governance networks, and on EU-Asia/ EU-ASEAN relations.
Indonesia's good intentions, bad "fengshui": Projecting international image and coping with domestic disasters
No full textYeo Lay Hwee and Cynthia Chang of Southeast Asia Peace and Security Net write that amidst internal problems of battling bird flu, dealing with the after effects of the earthquake in Central Java, and now flash floods and landslide, Indonesia played host to the second International Conference of Islamic Scholars, topping off with SBY\u27s budding attempt to play a mediating role in North Korea, while dealing with yet another Australia-Indonesia row
Mutual perceptions of Asia and the EU/Europe. Media, elite and public opinion in Singapore and Germany. EU Centre in Singapore Working Paper No. 12, December 2012
Get PDFIn an increasingly interlinked and interdependent world, Europe and Asia are key players. Free trade agreements (FTAs), such as the ones the EU concluded with South Korea and Singapore, are indicative of strong mutual economic interests. It is therefore timely to take a closer look at the mutual perceptions of Asians and Europeans – not only at the governmental and policymaking levels, but also in terms of public opinion and the media.
Drawing on data from an extensive research project led by the National Centre for Research on Europe (NCRE), New Zealand, the empirical study in this paper assesses the mutual perceptions of the EU/Europe and Asia, and their respective actors, focusing on two countries – Germany and Singapore. It seeks to do so through an analysis of the data collected from print and broadcast media, interviews with media practitioners, and the findings from public opinion surveys
EFPU: EU foreign policy after Lisbon: The view from Asia
No full textOn 1 May 2012 the LSE’s European Foreign Policy Unit hosted the eighth of ten roundtables on ‘EU Foreign Policy after Lisbon’, entitled ‘The View from Asia’. The panellists were Professor Martin Holland (University of Canterbury, New Zealand), Dr Yeo Lay Hwee (EU Centre, Singapore), and Dr Michito Tsuruoka (National Institute for Defence Studies, Japan). The event was moderated by Dr Spyros Economides of the LSE
The Lisbon Treaty : has it made the European Union a more effective global security actor?
No full textSince the entry into force of the Lisbon Treaty on 1 December 2009, its implementation of the changes introduced to the European Union's (EU) Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP) and Common Defence and Security Policy (CSDP) remains an on-going project. This dissertation aims to examine these changes and analyse their impact on the Union's foreign affairs, security and defence policies as well as actions to date. By aptly addressing the questions of the EU's leadership, ambition, political will, and resources and capabilities in these policy areas, and adopting Hill's "capability-expectations gap" framework, I shall conclude that the gap has widened and the Lisbon Treaty has not yet made the EU a more effective global security actor. This pessimistic outlook is underpinned by the fact that the intergovernmental nature of CFSP and CDSP continues to dominate the EU's decision- making process and hence, the political will of the member states will remain a hindrance to the Union's "capacity to act" on the global security scene.Master of Science (International Relations
The modernisation of China (from 1978-1988) and its impact on ASEAN.
Get PDFModernisation has been a goal in China for more than a
century. The late Qing Court, the Nationalist Government and the
Communist leadership had all tried to launch China onto the road
to modernisation. It has been a goal shared by all Chinese
leaders but questions concerning the strategy, the scope, the
timetable and practical implementation caused mud, debate, even
till these days.
The sweeping economic changes in China in the name of
modernisation since Mao's death had sparked off lots of
controversies among China watchers as regards to China's future
direction and its impact on the international scene. China's
embarkment upon a path of modernisation based on increasing
dependence on foreign trade, foreign investments and financing
was greeted initially with enthusiasm by many countries,
particularly Japan and the advanced industrialised countries of
the West, partly because of the potential that the China market
presented.
However, China's smaller ASEAN neighbours in South-east Asia
looked at China's modernisation with some ambivalence. China, by
virtue of its physical size, huge population, geographical
location, its cultural and historical influence and its communist
ideology and rhetorics expounded since the formation of the
People’s Republic of China in 1949, has over the years resulted
in some uneasiness and apprehension amongst her southern
neighbours.
It is in the light of these interesting developments in
China for the last ten years (1978-88) that this thesis is
written. The thesis is essentially a discussion of China's
modernisation efforts for the past decade and the impact these
had on her ASEAN neighbours.
Based primarily on library research and secondary sources, a
historical background of China's long experience with
modernisation is given in the first chapter. The immediate
reasons behind the change to the present model of development
adopted not long after Mao's death are also explored. Chapter Two
then goes on to describe the various new policies adopted by the
Chinese leadership in order to achieve the goals of modernisation
that they have set.
The impact of China's modernising efforts on ASEAN's
security is discussed in Chapter Three. Chinese influence on
ASEAN's security is examined with regards to four main areas:
China's relations with other superpowers in the Southeast Asia
region, its policies towards the ASEAN communist parties and the
overseas Chinese and China's claims over the Spratly Islands in
the South China Sea.
The economic impact of China's modernisation on the ASEAN
countries is dealt with in Chapter Four. As the costs and
benefits of China’s modernisation is unevenly spread amongst the
ASEAN countries, the evaluation is done in the perspective of
individual ASEAN countries.
Chapter Five summarises the impact of China's modernisation
in the last decade, 1978 to 1988, on the ASEAN countries. It
attempts to determine if indeed a modernising China had .been a
stabilising influence in the Southeast Asian region, contributing
to the overall security of ASEAN. It also answers the questions
if efforts at economic modernisation in China has helped to
explain any changes in China's policies towards the ASEAN
communist parties and the overseas Chinese communities in the
ASEAN countries
The EU and ASEAN – in search of a new regional paradigm?
No full textThe European Union (EU) has been hailed as the most successful model of regional integration thus far, while the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN), despite its fair share of critics and doomsayers, has been seen as a relatively successful regional organisation in the developing world. However, both seemed to have arrived at a critical juncture in their respective regional projects. Challenged by recent events, internal and external, and faced with increasing uncertainties and complexities, the EU and ASEAN are forced to re-examine the journey they have taken so far and ponder the road ahead.
This paper seeks first to provide an overview of the two parallel processes of regionalism in Europe and Southeast Asia by focusing on the developments of the EU and ASEAN, and dissecting both the external forces and internal dynamics that shape the respective regional processes. It then sketches out some of the global trends likely to impact regional developments in Europe and Asia, and questions if the EU and ASEAN would need a new regional approach or paradigm if they are to maintain their salience and relevance as regional actors
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