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Political ambition and piety in Xenophon's Memorabilia
textThis thesis analyzes Books III and IV of Xenophon’s Memorabilia. The Memorabilia is Xenophon’s defense of Socrates or the philosophic life against Athens or the political community as such. In Book III, Xenophon presents six portraits of ambitious young men. These portraits, read closely, unveil the psychological nature of ambition and convey important lessons about the Socratic understanding of healthy politics, as a realm that is necessarily pious. Book IV’s four Socratic conversations with a dim-witted youth named Euthydemus both underscore the lessons of Book III and explore piety itself, as a phenomenon that is necessarily political. These sections of the Memorabilia may be read as an argument for the necessity of a fissure between healthy politics and philosophy – and as a bridge from the one to the other.Governmen
Graz, Universitätsbibliothek Ms 1234 : Xenophon. Poggius Brachiolinus. Duo opera
1. (fol. 1r-173r) Xenophon: De vita Cyri a Giovanni Francesco Poggio Bracciolini in latinum edita2. (fol. 174r-190v) Giovanni Francesco Poggio Bracciolini: De vera nobilitateTitel fingiert, Stand 2025Historische Signatur der Universitätsbibliothek Graz: 33/13 (Spiegelblatt vorne)Barocke Inventarnummer des Zisterzienserstiftes Neuberg: 191 (Einbandrücken)Handschriftlicher Besitzvermerk: Johannes Lichtennfelser de Lichtenfels (fol. 174r; ca. 1500; vermutlich Besitzer der Handschrift
Socrates’ Physiognomy: Plato and Xenophon in Comparison
This paper aims to shed new light on the physiognomy of Socrates by comparatively examining Plato's and Xenophon’s passages on the topic. A comparative analysis of these texts is of primary importance for understanding the reception of Socrates’ physiognomy in antiquity, inasmuch as subsequent literary and visual depictions of Socrates almost completely depend on them. The first part of the paper deals with the Silenus motif in Plato and Xenophon: this motif describes a peculiar feature which defines what Socrates is, i.e., his seriocomicness. But Plato and Xenophon also provide other motifs that describe what Socrates does, how he behaves, and which skills he is famous for. These motifs are zoomorphic: Xenophon compares Socrates with a crab; Plato compares him with a bull, a pelican, young female Laconian hounds, a torpedo ray, and a gadfly. This “Socratic bestiary” provides a wealth of information about Socrates’ activity as a philosopher—and even as a young talented ephebe, still far from getting acquainted to philosophy: Socrates had a charismatic gaze, which was at times menacing, at times magnetic; he was able to track down arguments even before getting acquainted with philosophy; he would benumb his interlocutor with confusing arguments; and he would stir up his fellow citizens, reproaching and persuading them not to stick to their convictions. However, Plato and Xenophon do not provide a physiognomic diagnosis in the strict sense: as the paper shows, Plato's and Xenophon's interest in Socrates’ appearance is not physiognomic, but philosophical
Xenophontis oratoris et historici, propter summam eius eloquentiam, doctissimorum omnium iudicio longe clarissimi, opera, quae quidem graece extant omnia : eademque eruditissimorum virorum labore in Latinam linguam conversa, ac nunc primum ... recognita
[s.c.
Xenophontis philosophi et imperatoris clarissimi, quae extant opera in duos tomos divisa
Vermutlich in einer Basler Offizin im Auftrag Zetzners gedruck
[Xenophon]
Nach links gerichtete Büste des Sokratikers und Historikers Xenophon (ca. 430-355 v.Chr.)H. Lips fec.Auf Sockel der Büste bezeichnet "ZΕNOΦΩΝ" (i.e. Xenophon)Verso handschriftliche Notiz "Xenophon"Datierung gemäss Lips' chronologischem InventarAuf Unterlagenblatt Nummerierung nach Lips' Inventarisierung übernommen: Nr. 256, Album
Xenophontis philosophi ac historici excellentissimi Opera, quae quidem extant, omnia : tam Graeca quam Latina hominum doctissimorum diligentia, partim iam olim, partim nunc primum latinitate donata, ac multo accuratius quam antea recognita : ... Adiecimus historiarum et rerum memoratu dignarum Indicem locupletissimum
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Xenophontis philosophi et historici clarissimi Opera, quae quidem Graece extant, omnia : partim iam olim, partim nunc primum, hominum doctissimorum diligentia, in latinam linguam conversa, atque nunc postremum per Seb. Castalionem de integro ... recognita
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Law, reconciliation and philosophy : Athenian democracy at the end of the fifth century B.C.
The purpose of this thesis is to defend Athenian democracy against a long-established suspicion that the Athenian government, with its radical form of popular participation, was not only incompetent but also dangerous. There are two serious misunderstandings in this traditional view; one is the myth of the decline of Athens after the death of Pericles, the other being the outright denial of Athenian democracy by its philosophers, Xenophon and Plato. These two common presumptions about Athenian history and philosophy are therefore examined.
The historical examination focuses on three important events: the law reform, the reconciliation and the trial of Socrates. All of them were conducted by Athenian democracy at the end of the fifth century B.C., a period of time that is often cited for the failure of democracy. However, it is found that the democracy demonstrated its excellent ability to manage political conflicts through the laws and the reconciliation. As to the infamous trial of Socrates, there were reasons for the popular suspicion of the Philosopher’s way of life.
Following what we have learnt in the historical survey, we search for responses to the three events in the works of Xenophon and Plato. There are passages, though often dismissed by scholars, which indicate remarkable recognition of the democratic achievements in domestic politics. As regards the trial of Socrates, there are also signs of second thoughts in their works that reveal understandings of the democracy’s condemnation of philosophy. The works of Socrates’ pupils show mixed evaluation rather than outright denial of Athenian democracy.
The traditional suspicion of Athenian democracy is therefore problematic due to its misconception of Athenian history and philosophy
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