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    Replication Data for: Representation in Municipal Government

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    This is the replication data for: Tausanovitch, Chris and Christopher Warshaw. "Representation in Municipal Government." American Political Science Review. August, 2014. 108(3)

    Replication Data for: Representation in Municipal Government

    No full text
    This is the replication data for: Tausanovitch, Chris and Christopher Warshaw. "Representation in Municipal Government." American Political Science Review. August, 2014. 108(3)

    Replication Data for: Mayoral Partisanship and Municipal Fiscal Policy

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    Replication data for Mayoral Partisanship and Municipal Fiscal Polic

    Replication Data for: Mayoral Partisanship and Municipal Fiscal Policy

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    Replication data for Mayoral Partisanship and Municipal Fiscal Polic

    Replication Data for: Incremental Democracy: The Policy Effects of Partisan Control of State Government

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    How much does it matter whether Democrats or Republicans control the government? Unless the two parties converge completely, election outcomes should have some impact on policy, but the existing evidence for policy effects of party control is surprisingly weak and inconsistent. We bring clarity to this question, using regression-discontinuity and dynamic panel analyses to estimate the effects of party control of state legislatures and governorships on a new annual measure of state policy liberalism. We find that throughout the 1936--2014 period, electing Democrats has led to more liberal policies, but that in recent decades the policy effects of party control have approximately doubled in magnitude. We present evidence that this increase is at least partially explained by the ideological divergence of the parties' officeholders and electoral coalitions. At the same time, we also show that party effects remain substantively modest, paling relative to policy differences across states

    Going Beyond Counting First Authors in Author Co-citation Analysis

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    The present study examines one of the fundamental aspects of author co-citation analysis (ACA) - the way co-citation counts are defined. Co-citation counting provides the data on which all subsequent statistical analyses and mappings are based, and we compare ACA results based on two different types of co-citation counting - the traditional type that only counts the first one among a cited work's authors on the one hand and a non-traditional type that takes into account the first 5 authors of a cited work on the other hand. Results indicate that the picture produced through this non-traditional author co-citation counting contains more coherent author groups and is therefore considerably clearer. However, this picture represents fewer specialties in the research field being studied than that produced through the traditional first-author co-citation counting when the same number of top-ranked authors is selected and analyzed. Reasons for these effects are discussed

    Replication Data for: The Dynamics of State Policy Liberalism, 1936--2014

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    Applying a dynamic latent-variable model to data on 148 policies collected over eight decades (1936–2012), we produce the first yearly measure of the policy liberalism of U.S. states. Our dynamic measure of state policy liberalism marks an important advance over existing measures, almost all of which are purely cross-sectional and thus cannot be used to study policy change. We find that, in the aggregate, the policy liberalism of U.S. states steadily increased between the 1930s and 1970s and then largely plateaued. The policy liberalism of most states has remained stable in relative terms, though several states have shifted considerably over time. We also find surprisingly little evidence of multidimensionality in state policy outputs. Our new estimates of state policy liberalism have broad application to the study of political development, representation, accountability, and other important issues in political science

    Replication Data for: Estimating Candidates' Political Orientation in a Polarized Congress

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    Over the past decade, a number of new measures have been developed that attempt to capture the political orientation of both incumbent and non-incumbent candidates for Congress, as well as other offices, on the same scale. These measures pose the tantalizing possibility of being able to answer a host of fundamental questions about political accountability and representation. In this paper, we examine the properties of six recent measures of candidates' political orientations in different domains. While these measures are commonly viewed as proxies for ideology, each involves very different choices, incentives, and contexts. Indeed, we show that there is only a weak relationship between these measures within party. This suggests that these measures are capturing domain-specific factors rather than just candidates' ideology. Moreover, these measures do poorly at distinguishing between moderate and extreme roll call voting records within each party. As a result, they fall short when it comes to facilitating empirical analysis of theories of accountability and representation in Congress. Overall, our findings suggest that future research should leverage the conceptual and empirical variation across these measures rather than assuming they are all synonymous with candidates' ideology

    Replication Data for: Estimating Candidates' Political Orientation in a Polarized Congress

    No full text
    Over the past decade, a number of new measures have been developed that attempt to capture the political orientation of both incumbent and non-incumbent candidates for Congress, as well as other offices, on the same scale. These measures pose the tantalizing possibility of being able to answer a host of fundamental questions about political accountability and representation. In this paper, we examine the properties of six recent measures of candidates' political orientations in different domains. While these measures are commonly viewed as proxies for ideology, each involves very different choices, incentives, and contexts. Indeed, we show that there is only a weak relationship between these measures within party. This suggests that these measures are capturing domain-specific factors rather than just candidates' ideology. Moreover, these measures do poorly at distinguishing between moderate and extreme roll call voting records within each party. As a result, they fall short when it comes to facilitating empirical analysis of theories of accountability and representation in Congress. Overall, our findings suggest that future research should leverage the conceptual and empirical variation across these measures rather than assuming they are all synonymous with candidates' ideology
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