6 research outputs found
Governmentality dan Perberdayaan dalam Advokasi Lingkungan: Kasus Lumpur Lapindo
No full textThis essay examines the social movement within the upturn of environmental problem in ecological disaster case in Sidoarjo. Bringing up the new social movement paradigm, environmental movement is a form of resistance that has never been classified as a Marxist class consciousness social movement. The author argues that Social movement could also be the result of the problem rising from environmental degradation as an effect of state industrialization. As a movement which is not based on determinism of certain class awareness, collaboration turns into important factor of civil society consolidation forces. However, NGO initiative in building alliance with grassroots habitually yields a new problem. The author proposes that NGO’s endeavor to collaborate with the grassroots in the name of empowerment, potentially, could fall into a form of new subjection, coined by Foucault, as governmentality
Political Islam and Religious Violence in Post-New Order Indonesia
No full textThis paper tries to understand why religious violence increasingly occurs in post-New Order Indonesia. There are two dominant views in understanding this. First, the secu- rity approach that perceives the violence as a result of the emergent of “radical” agent of political Islam in the more open political space. In this regard, the state is considered weak because the iron hand as used by the authoritarian regime in the past New Order has disappeared. Thus, the strong security instruments are needed as a solution, such as the law on anti-terrorism and the police force of anti-terrorism (Densus 88). Second, the cultural approach views violence as caused by the inability of society to build the religious tolerance. Society is considered weak. Religious expression in the political arena is believed as the source of the emergent of intolerant acts. To conquer this, intensive inter-religious dialogues are required. The author argues that those two approaches are not adequate. The historical fact shows that the emergence of political Islam today is the result of the oscillated relationship between Islam and the authoritarian state during the New Order period. In addition, the Indonesian historical experience also clearly illustrates that the presence of political Islam is nothing but a form of response to the critical social-political- economic situation. Political Islam does not appear in a vacuum, but it emerges from the crisis where another populist response from the left is absent
Governmentality dan Pemberdayaan dalam Advokasi Lingkungan: Kasus Lumpur Lapindo
No full textthis essay examines the social movement within the upturn of environmental problem in ecological disaster case in Sidoarjo. Bringing up the new social movement paradigm, environmental movement is a form of resistance that has never been classified as a Marxist class consciousness social movement. the author argues that Social movement could also be the result of the problem rising from environmental degradation as an effect of state industrialization. As a movement which is not based on determinism of certain class awareness, collaboration turns into important factor of civil society consolidation forces. However, NGO initiative in building alliance with grassroots habitually yields a new problem. the author proposes that NGO’s endeavor to collaborate with the grassroots in the name of empowerment, potentially, could fall into a form of new subjection, coined by Foucault, as governmentality
Long-Term Outcomes of Aneurysm Management in Elderly Patients with Subarachnoid Hemorrhage
No full textObjective: To analyze the long-term outcomes of patients with poor-grade aneurysm management of elderly patients with subarachnoid hemorrhage (aSAH).
Materials & Methods: A prospective study was conducted at Shahida Islam Medical College and Hospital, Lodhran, Pakistan from March 2023 to February 2024. The study enrolled patients aged 65-85 years who were admitted to the hospital with a diagnosis of poor-grade aneurysmal subarachnoid hemorrhage. Evaluations involved clinical examinations, imaging studies, and standardized outcome measures such as the modified Rankin Scale (mRS) to assess neurological and functional outcomes.
Results: At the 3-month follow-up, 23.8% of patients had an mRS score of ? 3, while 76.2% had an mRS score of > 3. Among those with an mRS score of ? 3, 44.8% were aged 65-75 years, and 55.2% were aged 76-85 years. Similarly, at the 12-month follow-up, 26.2% of patients had an mRS score of ? 3, and 73.8% had an mRS score of > 3. Among patients with mRS score of ? 3, 37.5% were aged 65-75 years. Among those with an mRS score of > 3, 43.3% were in the 65-75-year age group and 56.7% were in the 76-85-year age group.
Conclusion: Long-term outcomes gradually improved even among elderly patients with severe subarachnoid hemorrhage (SAH) if they were provided with aneurysm repair as surgical management. Patients with older age having SAH should not be ignored for surgical management based on their age
Political Islam and Religious Violence in Post-New Order Indonesia
No full textThis paper tries to understand why religious violence increasingly occurs in post-New Order Indonesia. There are two dominant views in understanding this. First, the security approach that perceives the violence as a result of the emergent of “radical” agent of political Islam in the more open political space. In this regard, the state is considered weak because the iron hand as used by the authoritarian regime in the past New Orderhas disappeared. Thus, the strong security instruments are needed as a solution, such as the law on anti-terrorism and the police force of anti-terrorism (Densus 88). Second, the cultural approach views violence as caused by the inability of society to build the religious tolerance. Society is considered weak. Religious expression in the political arena is believedas the source of the emergent of intolerant acts. To conquer this, intensive inter-religious dialogues are required. The author argues that those two approaches are not adequate. The historical fact shows that the emergence of political Islam today is the result of the oscillated relationship between Islam and the authoritarian state during the New Order period. In addition, the Indonesian historical experience also clearly illustrates that the presence of political Islam is nothing but a form of response to the critical social-politicaleconomic situation. Political Islam does not appear in a vacuum, but it emerges from the crisis where another populist response from the left is absent.Tulisan ini berupaya memahami mengapa kekerasan agama meningkat di Indonesia pasca Orde Baru. Selama ini, ada dua pandangan dominan dalam memahami persoalan di atas. Pertama, pendekatan keamanan yang memandang kekerasan agama sebagai hasil dari munculnya agen Islam politik yang radikal dalam arena politik yang semakin terbuka. Dalam konteks ini, negara dianggap lemah karena kehilangan tangan besinya seperti yang sebelumnya digunakan oleh rezim otoriter Orde Baru. Konsekuensinya, dibutuhkan negara yang kuat dengan membentuk instrumen-instrumen keamanan semacam undang-undang anti-terorisme dan satuan khusus kepolisian anti-teror. Kedua, pendekatan kultural yang melihat meningkatnya kekerasan disebabkan oleh ketidakmampuan masyarakat dalam membangun toleransi keagamaan. Dengan kata lain, masyarakat dianggap lemah. Solusinya, dibutuhkan dialog antar-agama yang intensif. Menurut penulis, dua pendekatan tersebut kurang memadai dalam memahami meningkatnya kekerasan agama pasca-Orde Baru. Fakta sejarah menunjukkan bahwa kemunculan kelompok-kelompok Islam politik merupakan hasil dari hubungan yang fluktuatif antara Islam dan negara sepanjang Orde Baru. Dan, kehadiran eksponen Islam politik juga merupakan bentuk respon terhadap situasi sosial-ekonomi-politik. Artinya, Islam politik tidak hadir dalam ruang kosong, melainkan muncul sebagai respon terhadap krisis di tengah absennya respon populis lain dari kelompok kiri
An analysis of the Concept of Freedom and its Implications for Educational Theory and Practice in Egypt, 1805-2000
No full textThe current study attempts to analyse the learners' right to freedom in education in order to determine the nature and content of their education. This analysis will be in relation to the philosophy of education in Egypt to improve the efficiency of the educational system. In this sense the aims of the study can be determined as follows: first to propose a theoretical framework of freedom in education in relation to its meaning, conditions, restrictions and
value, secondly, to develop this theoretical framework of education based on freedom so that it suits Egyptian society, can improve the efficiency of the educational system through the idea of freedom, and thirdly, to identify the difficulties and challenges that might
confront the claim to freedom in education in Egypt.
To achieve these aims the study contains seven chapters, an introduction, a conclusion and appendix that are necessary to achieve its aims and answer its questions. The introduction discusses the general outline of the study and the major issues, questions, aims, methodology and plan of the study. The main aim of chapter one is to analyse the concept of freedom in western and Islamic thought to build a theoretical framework of the meaning of freedom, its conditions and value, which is necessary and important to construct a theoretical framework of the meaning, conditions and value of freedom in education for
learners at school level. Chapter two aims to construct a theoretical framework of freedom in education that will depend on the analysis of the concept of freedom made in chapter one. This analysis will deal with the implications of freedom in education with respect to its conditions, restrictions and value in education. Through this analysis, chapter two aims also to analyse and examine the learners' rights to be free regarding their education. To have a
complete theoretical framework of freedom in education, chapter three discusses other implications with respect to restrictions which might limit learners' freedom by being
subject to state authority.
Chapter four investigates and analyses freedom in educational theory and practice in the history of Egypt from 1805 to 1991, whereas chapter five focuses on the period from 1992 to 2000. Following the analysis of the concept of freedom and its implications in education that will be made in the first five chapters, it would be sensible to construct a framework of educational theory based on freedom that, on one hand, should suite the Egyptian context in chapter six, on the other hand, that guarantees a range of freedom that allows learners and
society derive benefit from its value in education. Having proposed a framework of a theory of education based on freedom that suits the Egyptian context to improve the
efficiency of its educational system chapter seven will discover and examine the conditions and difficulties which need to be considered for the successful implementation of freedom in education. Also, the study will attempt to give some suggestions that might help to reduce the gap between the educational situation, its circumstances and the conditions that must be satisfied for the successful implementation of freedom in education
