2,091 research outputs found

    Um povo à escuta: evocações e invocações em Barack Hunssein Obama

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    Dissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Federal de Santa Catarina, Centro de Comunicação e Expressão, Programa de Pós-Graduação em Literatura, Florianópolis, 2013.Na campanha eleitoral de 2008, Barack Hussein Obama se tornou politicamente, e em escala mundial, visível - ou, de acordo com a proposta desta pesquisa, audível. Em uma cena caracterizada por oito anos de mandato de George W. Bush, uma política belicista e uma enorme crise financeira, Obama surge em uma condição de antagonismo. Um antagonismo que expõe uma nova figuração de sujeito-presidente. A proposta deste trabalho é propor como este antagonismo vem, também, pela voz. A intenção é, partindo de registros acústicos da campanha de Obama, propor a voz como espaço de constituição deste novo sujeito, desta nova forma de se apropriar da tradicional cena política americana. É importante ressaltar, a voz é pensada antes e/ou além de qualquer sistema de significação. O que se tenta apreender, escutar, não é o dito por Obama, mas a singularidade e unicidade deste dizer. O gesto de escuta aqui proposto procura fazer ouvir a sonoridade, o ritmo, a esfera puramente acústica. Que traços vocais se estão presentes em Obama e não em Bush? Qual o potencial de convocação, invocação e evocação que esta nova voz apresenta? Como Obama parece por em movimento, através de uma sonoridade vocal, um povo que estava à escuta e à espera de uma transformação e saída para a crise, o desastre. Para tal, este trabalho toma como ponto de partida a noção de voz, e alguns gestos de escuta já empreendidos, a partir de Adriana Cavarero, Mladen Dolar, Jean-Luc Nancy e Pedro de Souza <br

    U.S. President Barack Obama speaks at the V & M Star Plant in Youngstown, Ohio

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    President Barack H. Obama speaks about investments in the industrial heartland of America at the V&M Star Plant in Youngstown, Ohio. He describes his Administration\u2019s efforts to restore the economy and increase employment by providing assistance to major industries and small business loans. Obama also defends his economic recovery package, developing export markets, the need for education and college affordability, and improved health insurance coverage

    A política externa dos Estados Unidos para o Brasil no primeiro governo Obama (2009-2012)

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    TCC (graduação) - Universidade Federal de Santa Catarina. Centro Sócio-Econômico. Economia.O presente trabalho tem como objetivo apresentar a política externa dos Estados Unidos elaborada para o Brasil no primeiro governo do presidente Barack Obama (2009- 2012). Tendo em vista esse objetivo, esta pesquisa será embasada na teoria da Economia Política Internacional, bem como no conceito de sistema internacional. A pesquisa tornará possível avaliar o porquê de a política externa elaborada para o Brasil nesse período não ter sido de fato efetiva no que diz respeito à aproximação da relação bilateral, tanto em termos econômicos quanto institucionais, entre os Estados Unidos e o Brasil. Para tal, será observado o histórico contemporâneo da relação bilateral, apresentando os antecedentes à posse de Obama em 2009; num segundo momento, será exposta a política externa formulada pelos EUA e os principais fatos que ocorreram no período e que interferiram em ambos os países. Também será abordada a perspectiva brasileira em relação ao posicionamento estadunidense, além das principais consequências que esse período de relacionamento bilateral trouxe para a região como um todo

    U.S. President Barack Obama marks Equal Pay Day at the White House by signing an executive order seeking to strengthen enforcement of equal pay laws for women

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    President Barack Obama marks Equal Pay Day at the White House by signing an executive order seeking to strengthen enforcement of equal pay laws for women. He tells the audience that America succeeds when women succeed and that "pay in secrecy fosters discrimination." Obama is introduced by pay equity advocate and author Lilly Ledbetter

    Obama vs. Trump regarding the Paris Agreement

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    Environmentální politika a klimatické změny jsou celosvětové aktuální téma. Pařížská dohoda z roku 2015 měla představovat dosud nejrozsáhlejší klimatickou dohodu díky zapojení rozvojových států do plnění závazků dohody. Spojené státy zde měly hrát důležitou roli lídra, kterou Barack Obama spolu se svou administrativou hodlal zaujmout. Necelého půl roku po podepsání dohody Spojenými státy od ní ale nově nastupující prezident Donald Trump odstoupil. Tato práce si klade tedy za cíl vyhodnotit odlišné postoje v otázce Pařížské dohody dvou amerických ex-prezidentů prostřednictvím komparativní případové studie s využitím abstraktní typologie tradic americké zahraniční politiky Waltera Russella Meada. Práce zkoumá argumenty obou administrativ prezidentů v otázce Pařížské dohodě; reakci světová společnost na vystoupení z Pařížské dohody; a k jaké ze čtyř tradic americké zahraniční politiky podle W. R. Meada patří Barack Obama a Donald Trump. K zodpovězení otázek je využito v průběhu práce deskriptivní, analytické a komparativní metody. Práce dochází k závěru, že se Obama se svými intervencionistickými tendencemi řadí k tradici wilsonovské, naopak Trump s izolacionistickými tendencemi na pomezí jeffersonovké a jacksonovské. Dále pak, že širší světová společnost reagovala spíše negativně na Trumpovo rozhodnutí vystoupit z Pařížské dohody.Environmental policy and climate change are a global current topic. The Paris Agreement of 2015 was to be the largest climate agreement to date, thanks to the involvement of developing countries in meeting the agreement's commitments. The United States were to play an important role here as the leader that Barack Obama and his administration intended to take. However, less than six months after the signing of the agreement by the United States, the incoming President Donald Trump resigned from it. This thesis aims to evaluate the different positions on the Paris Agreement of the two American ex-presidents through a comparative case study using the abstract typology of traditions of American foreign policy by Walter Russell Mead. This thesis examines the arguments of both presidential administrations on the issue of the Paris Agreement; the response of the world society to the withdrawal from the Paris Agreement; and determines which of the four traditions of American foreign policy, according to W. R. Mead, belongs to Barack Obama and Donald Trump. Descriptive, analytical and comparative methods are used to answer the questions. This thesis concludes that Obama, with his interventionist tendencies, belongs to the Wilsonian tradition, on the contrary, Trump with isolationist tendencies balances on the border of Jefferson and Jackson tradition. Furthermore, the wider world society reacted rather negatively to Trump's decision to withdraw from the Paris Agreement

    Sports diplomacy of the USA during the reign of Barack Obama

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    Hlavním cílem této bakalářské práce bylo zjistit, které z nástrojů sportovní diplomacie byly použity v zahraniční politice Spojených států amerických v období vlády prezidenta Baracka Obamy. V první části bylo stručně popsáno běžné klišé týkající se problematiky spojování politiky a sportu. Po tomto stručném popisu následovalo vymezení pojmu sportovní diplomacie. V této části byly také autorem stanoveny nástroje, s nimiž sportovní diplomacie pracuje. Ve druhé části práce bylo nejprve přiblíženo fungování americké sportovní diplomacie a její hlavní programy. Následovaly chronologicky seřazené roky vlády Baracka Obamy, které byly rozděleny do dvou oddílů. V prvním oddílu byly uvedeny mediálně nejviditelnější události spojené s využitím sportovní diplomacie. Ve druhém oddílu bylo zjišťováno, které ze stanovených nástrojů sportovní diplomacie se objevovaly v uvedených událostech. V závěru práce je uvedeno, který ze stanovených nástrojů sportovní diplomacie byl nejvíce využíván v americké zahraniční politice v období vlády prezidenta Baracka Obamy.ObhájenoThe main objective of this bachelor thesis was to find out, what tools of sport diplomacy were used in the foreign policy of the United States of America during the government period of president Barack Obama. In first theoretical part was briefly described the common cliché about connecting policy and sport together. This briefly description was followed by definition of the concept of sport diplomacy. In this first part was determined by the author which particular tools sport diplomacy uses. In second empirical part was firstly introduced the functioning of American sports diplomacy and its main programs followed by the chronologically compiled years of the reign of Barack Obama divided into two divisions. In first division were mentioned the most medially visible events connected with the using of sport diplomacy. In second division the author finds out which of the determined tools of sport diplomacy were used in mentioned events. Which of the determined sport diplomacy tools was most used in the foreign policy of the United States of America during the government period of president Barack Obama is mentioned in the final part of the thesis

    Barack Obama's rise to power : reinventing political campaigns

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    Includes abstract.Includes bibliographical references.This research paper uses content analysis to analyse the subtext of Obama's campaign messages and virtual ethnography to analyse the way that information technology was used to further his campaign's goals. The findings suggest that while historic forces, such as economic turbulence and the unpopularity of outgoing President George W Bush, helped propel Obama to power, his campaign was nonetheless revolutionary. It will be argued that it contained several elements of trail blazing innovation that are likely to redefine political communications in the U.S and globally

    Barack Obama´s Doctrine and His Approach Towards Iran: Did Obama Act as a Wilsonian of the 21st Century?

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    The dissertation´s main goal is to analyze to what degree Barack Obama acted as a Wilsonian in his overall foreign policy doctrine and specifically towards Iran. Through contrasting the 44th US president´s rhetoric and his actual foreign policy steps on certain topics, the dissertation aims to answer two central research questions:1. To what extent does Barack Obama´s foreign policy satisfy the criteria of Wilsonianism of the 21st century?2. Regarding the Iran Deal, to what extent does Barack Obama´s approach towards Iran satisfy the criteria of Wilsonianism of the 21st century? The case study of Iran deal was selected for its unprecedented international legitimacy given by the format of negotiations (the five permanent members of the UN Security Council plus Germany and Iran). The deal was sponsored by Obama´s vision of a world without nuclear weapons which was one of his original doctrinal ideals.For the study of Obama´s rhetoric, the method of in-vivo coding is applied to the president´s fifteen selected doctrinal speeches and documents, generating 7 clusters of testable codes representing his self-proclaimed foreign policy priorities. Those topics then subsequently undergo a newly developed test of Wilsonianism of the 21st century. The test was inspired by the theoretical contributions of Anne-Marie Slaughter, John Ikenberry, and Tony Smith and consists of four original questions which allows for the assessment of Obama´s Wilsonianism.The dissertation establishes Wilsonianism of the 21st century as a testable orientation of foreign policy and offers the tool to do so (i.e. the test of Wilsonianism of the 21st century can be reiterated in further research). Importantly, the dissertation confirms that Wilsonianism should remain an integral part of the study of international relations; the term has been misused and misunderstood many times in the past US foreign policy. It is only through a properly developed framework of Wilsonianism, which would at the same time entail the realities of the 21st century politics, that international liberalism can become rehabilitated as valid foreign policy and this dissertation should serve as a step towards that. The research determines that Barack Obama majorly acted as a Wilsonian in his foreign policy. Most importantly, the assessment of the Wilsonian criteria showed that Obama did not attempt to impose democracy onto third states which had been a widespread feature of his predecessor´s foreign policy. Obama´s most prominent non-Wilsonian shortcomings relate to his unilateral demonstrations of US military power, notably through the employment of drone strikes. Towards Iran, the dissertation determines that Obama´s foreign policy was overwhelmingly Wilsonian (even more so than within his overall foreign policy doctrine). Therefore, the dissertation successfully answers both its research questions and thereby fulfills its main goals.Hlavním cílem této dizertační práce je analyzovat, nakolik Barack Obama ve své zahraničněpolitické doktríně a v přístupu k Íránu jednal jako wilsonista. Dizertace proti sobě klade rétoriku a skutečné zahraničněpolitické kroky 44. prezidenta Spojených států amerických a cílí na zodpovězení dvou hlavních výzkumných otázek:1. Do jaké míry splňuje zahraniční politika Baracka Obamy kritéria wilsonismu 21. století?2. Do jaké míry splňuje politika Baracka Obamy vůči Íránu kritéria wilsonismu 21. století s ohledem na íránskou jadernou dohodu?Íránská případová studie byla zvolena, protože formát vyjednávání, který vedl k podpisu íránské dohody, tj. ve složení pěti stálých členů Rady bezpečnosti OSN spolu s Německem a Íránem, jí poskytuje bezprecedentní mezinárodní legitimitu. Dohoda byla inspirována Obamovou představou světa bez jaderných zbraní, což byla jedna z jeho původních doktrinálních myšlenek. K analýze Obamovy rétoriky bylo vybráno patnáct Obamových doktrinálních dokumentů a projevů, které byly podrobeny analýze metodou in-vivo kódování. Výsledkem je 7 klastrů testovatelných kódů, které reprezentují Obamovy proklamované zahraničněpolitické priority. Všechna tato témata jsou posléze podrobena testu wilsonismu 21. století. Tento test je složený ze čtyř nezávislých otázek a vznikl na základě teoretických příspěvků Anne-Marie Slaughterové, Johna Ikenberryho a Tonyho Smithe.Dizertace představuje wilsonismus 21. století jako testovatelné směřování zahraniční politiky a poskytuje k tomu i řádné nástroje (jinými slovy, test wilsonismu 21. století je možné zopakovat v dalším výzkumu). Dizertace potvrzuje, že wilsonismus by měl být považován za integrální součást studia mezinárodních vztahů. Termín wilsonismus byl v historii americké zahraniční politiky mnohokrát zneužit. Pouze skrze plně vyvinutou teoretickou konstrukci wilsonismu, který bude zároveň reflektovat realitu 21. století, bude možné, aby byl mezinárodní liberalismus rehabilitován jako plně hodnotné směřování zahraniční politiky.Výzkum stanovil, že Baracka Obamu je možné z velké většiny považovat za wilsonistu. Nejdůležitější výsledky analýzy kritérií wilsonismu 21. století ukazují, že se Obama nepokoušel o nastolení demokracie ve třetích státech jako jeho předchůdce. Naopak jeho největší prohřešky vůči kritériím wilsonismu se týkaly americké vojenské síly a Obamova četného nasazení útoků drony. S ohledem na Írán dizertace odpovídá, že Barack Obama jednal z naprosté většiny jako wilsonista (poměrně více než v rámci jeho celkové zahraničněpolitické doktríny). Dizertace tedy úspěšně zodpovídá obě své výzkumné otázky a naplňuje tím pádem své hlavní cíle

    US policy on Cuba during the presidency of Barack Obama

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    The article is devoted to U.S. policy on Cuba during the presidency of Barack Obama. The author identifies that during its first six years, the Obama Administration continued the dual-track policy approach toward Cuba that maintained U.S. economic sanctions and continued measures to support the Cuban people, such as U.S. government-sponsored radio and television broadcasting and funding for democracy and human rights projects. At the same time, however, the Obama Administration initiated a significant shift in policy toward Cuba beginning in 2009 that included the abolition of certain restrictions on remittances and travel. The article emphasizes that the significant changes in US-Cuban relations were occurred in the second term of Barack Obama. A new course in U.S. relations with Cuba, announced by the President, included the reestablishment of diplomatic relations with Cuba; a review of Cuba’s designation by the Department of State as a state sponsor of international terrorism; and an increase in travel, commerce, and the flow of information to and from Cuba. The author examines the factors that influenced the change of the Washington’s policy on Cuba, in particular failure of U.S. policy of the embargo; the economic benefits of normalization of Cuba-United States relations; the impact of public opinion; the political influence of the Cuban American lobby; the attitude of Latin America towards the US-Cuban stand-off; the changes under way within Cuba since the assumption of the presidency by R. Castro in 2008 and others. The article contained evaluation of the current state and progress of the US-Cuban normalization proces
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