1,011 research outputs found
UNVEILING DUALITIES: US RHETORIC AND REALITY IN GLOBAL NUCLEAR NON-PROLIFERATION UNDER TRUMP AND BIDEN ADMINISTRATIONS
Full text linkThe image the United States has always projected of itself in the international community is that of a state that is nuclear responsible and bears the responsibility to keep nuclear proliferation in check. To this effect, it uses sanctions, international pressure, and harsh language with states it deems to be in violation of the obligations of the global nuclear non-proliferation regime. On the other hand, however, there is doubt about the United States' own dedication to the cause of nuclear non-proliferation. This paper is an attempt to examine the role the US has played vis-à-vis nuclear proliferation. It deals with the question: what role US has played in promoting nuclear non-proliferation and what its probable effects are on the international nuclear non-proliferation landscape. It argues that the US has not only engaged in excessive nuclear proliferation since 1945 but has also damaged the international nuclear non-proliferation regime, thereby reduced restraints, and set dangerous precedence for other states. The paper recommends that US may lead the world towards nuclear non-proliferation and disarmament by example rather than unfair coercion.
Bibliography Entry
Rashid, Asma and Aiman Saif Ullah. 2023. "Unveiling Dualities: US Rhetoric and Realty in Global Nuclear Non-Proliferation under Trump and Biden Administrations." Margalla Papers 27 (2): 60-70
UNVEILING DUALITIES: US RHETORIC AND REALITY IN GLOBAL NUCLEAR NON-PROLIFERATION UNDER TRUMP AND BIDEN ADMINISTRATIONS
Full text linkThe image the United States has always projected of itself in the international community is that of a state that is nuclear responsible and bears the responsibility to keep nuclear proliferation in check. To this effect, it uses sanctions, international pressure, and harsh language with states it deems to be in violation of the obligations of the global nuclear non-proliferation regime. On the other hand, however, there is doubt about the United States\u27 own dedication to the cause of nuclear non-proliferation. This paper is an attempt to examine the role the US has played vis-à-vis nuclear proliferation. It deals with the question: what role US has played in promoting nuclear non-proliferation and what its probable effects are on the international nuclear non-proliferation landscape. It argues that the US has not only engaged in excessive nuclear proliferation since 1945 but has also damaged the international nuclear non-proliferation regime, thereby reduced restraints, and set dangerous precedence for other states. The paper recommends that US may lead the world towards nuclear non-proliferation and disarmament by example rather than unfair coercion.
Bibliography Entry
Rashid, Asma and Aiman Saif Ullah. 2023. "Unveiling Dualities: US Rhetoric and Realty in Global Nuclear Non-Proliferation under Trump and Biden Administrations." Margalla Papers 27 (2): 60-70
ROLE OF BRANCHED CHAIN AMINO ACIDS IN THE MANAGEMENT OF HEPATIC ENCEPHALOPATHY
No full textDr. Saif Ullah Khalid*, Dr. Rabia Pervaiz, Dr. Umair Youna
OCCURRENCE OF HYPERURICEMIA AMONG PATIENTS WITH BACKACHE IN GENERAL POPULATION
No full textDr. Umair Younas, Dr. Aneela Munawar*, Dr. Saif Ullah Khali
Przegląd powiązań regionalnych i reform rozwoju społeczno‑gospodarczego przed i po wystąpieniu pandemii COVID–19: czego mogą się nauczyć państwa Europy Środkowej i Wschodniej na przykładzie Korytarza Gospodarczego Chiny–Pakistan?
Full text linkThis paper aims to highlight the role of mutual assistance of China and Pakistan’s regional connectivity through the China‑Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC) and show what lessons can be learned by Central and Eastern European Countries (CEECs). CPEC promotes trade, FDI, peace, and sustainable socio‑economic development, and it can help to alleviate the effects of COVID–19 in the region to promote socio‑economic development. In this study, we employed the Rolling Window Approach (Rolling Moving Average Approach) for data analysis of pre‑ and post‑COVID–19. It also focuses on before and after the CPEC initiative’s impact on the Pakistani economy through the Rolling Window Approach and graphical trends. In Pakistan, thanks to CPEC; trade, FDI, remittance, and the stock exchange (PSX) showed an upward shift. Terrorism decreased, which indicates a positive sign for peace and socio‑economic development. However, currency depreciation increased, and the exchange rate trend is going up against the dollar, hurting the economy badly in several ways, such as the balance of payment, current account deficit, and lower some exports. To mitigate these issues, Pakistan and China have taken steps as trade formulated in domestic currency between China and Pakistan. During COVID–19, the provision of health care equipment on a priority basis from China helped to combat the COVID–19 effects and stabilize Pakistan’s Economy. CPEC is structured to connect regional economic zones by forming local, regional, and global value chains. To cope with the COVID–19 impacts, socio‑economic reforms and regional cooperation are suggested for CEECs with a pre‑post circumstances review. Regional integration and cooperation are key to coping with this pandemic. CEECs can learn lessons from CPEC for socio‑economic development, reducing violence, and improving the economy.Niniejszy artykuł ma na celu podkreślenie roli wzajemnej pomocy w ramach powiązań regionalnych Chin i Pakistanu realizowanych za pośrednictwem Korytarza Gospodarczego Chiny–Pakistan (CPEC) oraz wskazanie wniosków dla państw Europy Środkowej i Wschodniej. CPEC promuje handel, bezpośrednie inwestycje zagraniczne (BIZ), pokój i zrównoważony rozwój społeczno‑gospodarczy, a także może pomóc w łagodzeniu skutków COVID–19 w regionie w celu promowania rozwoju społeczno‑gospodarczego. W badaniu tym zastosowano metodę „Rolling Window” do analizy danych sprzed i po pojawieniu się pandemii COVID–19. Artykuł prezentuje również wpływ sytuacji przed i po wprowadzeniu inicjatywy CPEC na gospodarkę Pakistanu za pomocą podejścia „Rolling Window” i graficznej prezentacji trendów. Dzięki CPEC, handel, BIZ, wielkość przekazów pieniężnych i indeks giełdy papierów wartościowych (PSX) w Pakistanie wykazały wzrosty. Zmniejszył się terroryzm, co jest pozytywnym sygnałem dla pokoju i rozwoju społeczno‑gospodarczego. Nastąpiła jednak zwiększona deprecjacja waluty a kurs walutowy rośnie w stosunku do dolara, szkodząc gospodarce w kilku aspektach, takich jak bilans płatniczy, deficyt na rachunku obrotów bieżących i spadek części eksportu. Aby złagodzić te problemy, Pakistan i Chiny podjęły kroki zgodnie z formułą handlu w walucie krajowej między Chinami a Pakistanem. Podczas pandemii COVID–19 zapewnienie na zasadzie pierwszeństwa dostaw sprzętu dla opieki zdrowotnej z Chin pomogło w zwalczaniu skutków COVID–19 i ustabilizowaniu gospodarki Pakistanu. CPEC został skonstruowany z zamiarem połączenia regionalnych stref ekonomicznych poprzez tworzenie lokalnych, regionalnych i globalnych łańcuchów wartości. Aby poradzić sobie ze skutkami COVID–19, państwom Europy Środkowej i Wschodniej zaleca się reformy społeczno‑gospodarcze i współpracę regionalną, po uprzednim przeanalizowaniu ich specyficznej sytuacji. Integracja i współpraca regionalna mają kluczowe znaczenie dla radzenia sobie z tą pandemią. Kraje Europy Środkowej i Wschodniej mogą wyciągnąć wnioski z przykładu CPEC w zakresie rozwoju społeczno‑gospodarczego, ograniczenia przemocy i poprawy sytuacji gospodarki
Adapting authoritarianism: institutions and co-optation in Egypt and Syria
No full textThis PhD thesis compares Egypt and Syria’s authoritarian political systems. While the tendency in social science political research treats Egypt and Syria as similarly authoritarian, this research emphasizes differences between the two systems with special reference to institutions and co-optation. Rather than reducibly understanding Egypt and Syria as sharing similar histories, institutional arrangements, or ascribing to the oft-repeated convention that “Syria is Egypt but 10 years behind,” this thesis focuses on how events and individual histories shaped each states current institutional strengthens and weaknesses. Specifically, it explains the how varying institutional politicization or de-politicization affects each state’s capabilities for co-opting elite and non-elite individuals.
Beginning with a theoretical framework that considers the limited utility of democratization and transition theoretical approaches, the work underscores the persistence and durability of authoritarianism. Chapter two details the politicized institutional divergence between Egypt and Syria that began in the 1970s. Chapter three and four examines how institutional politicization or de-politicization affects elite and non-elite individual co-optation in Egypt and Syria. Chapter five discusses the study’s general conclusions and theoretical implications.
This thesis’s argument is that Egypt and Syria co-opt elites and non-elites differently because of the varying degrees of institutional politicization in each governance system. Rather than view one country as more politically developed than the other, this work argues that Syria’s political institutions are more politicized than their Egyptian counterparts. Syria’s political arena is, thus, described as politicized-patrimonialism. Syria’s politicized-patrimonial arena produces uneven co-optation of elites and non-elites as they are diffused through competing institutions. Conversely, the Egyptian political arena remains highly personalized as weak institutions and individuals are manipulated and molded according to the president’s ruling clique. This is referred to as personalized-patrimonialism. As a consequence, Egypt’s political establishment demonstrates more flexibility in ad hoc altering and adapting its arena depending on the emergence of crises.
This study’s theoretical implications suggest that, contrary to modernization and democratization theory’s adage that institutions lead to a political development, politicized institutions within a patrimonial order actually hinder regime adaptation because consensus is harder to achieve and maintain. It is within this context that Egypt’s de-politicized institutional framework advantages its top political elite. In this reading of Egyptian and Syrian politics, Egypt’s personalized political arena is more adaptable than Syria’s. These conclusions do not indicate that political reform is a process underway in either state
GASTROINTESTINAL MANIFESTATIONS OF COVID-19: A SYSTEMATIC REVIEW AND META-ANALYSIS
No full textMuhammad Saif Ullah, Saher Taj Shiza, Moyosoreoluwa Onobun, Warda Shahnawaz, Mercy Ekeoma Azubuko-Udah, Muneeba Ali, Syeda Sumbul Zahra Zaidi, Usama Rehma
Report on Saif Al-Islam bin Saud bin Abdul Aziz
No full textتقريرإيمان رافع حول ندوة في معرض القاهرة الدولي للكتاب وقيام عدد من المثقفين بمنافشه كتاب السعودي سيف الاسلام بن سعود بن عبد العزيز الذي يحمل عنوان "تنهيدة العربي الاخيرة" .A report by Iman Rafi about a symposium at the Cairo International Book Fair, and the discussion of a number of intellectuals with the Saudi author Saif al-Islam bin Saud bin Abdul Aziz's book, which is titled "The Last Arab Sigh"
Consigue un empleo, trabaja de manera segura
No full textThis archived document is maintained by the Oregon State Library as part of the Oregon Documents Depository Program. It is for informational purposes and may not be suitable for legal purposes.Title from PDF caption (viewed on March 11, 2015)."SAIF Corporation 4/10."Mode of access: Internet from the Oregon Government Publications Collection.Text in Spanish
6-(4-Nitrophenoxy)hexanol
No full textThe title compound, C12H17NO4, features an almost planar molecule (r.m.s. deviation for all non-H atoms = 0.070 Å). All methylene C-C bonds adopt an antiperiplanar conformation. In the crystal structure the molecules lie in planes parallel to (1\overline{1}2) and the packing is stabilized by O-H...O hydrogen bonds. Key indicators: single-crystal X-ray study; T = 173 K; mean σ(C–C) = 0.003 Å; R factor = 0.066; wR factor = 0.185; data-to-parameter ratio = 13.2
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