1,721,017 research outputs found
Knowledge Sits in Places: The Vernacularity and Emplacement of Fish Markets in Southern Philippines
Markets sit in places and knowledge produced in these places also constitute the very foundation of markets’ viability and market actors’ performative competitive edge. However, not all markets are created equal primarily in the context of their importance in the global economy. Thus conceived, we imagine a world economy or markets populated by people in front of wide computer screens making sense of financial algorithms and derivatives. In a way, here, we see a market that is run by codified knowledge, or scientific knowledge that transcends boundaries. But what about a conception of market that recognizes the production of knowledge in the periphery, and this instance, fish markets, where place-based knowledge marks the contours of engagement of fishmongers to their wider world and yet, concomitantly, also underscores their attachment to place? In this article, in an ethnographic study of four fish markets in a small coastal town in southern Philippine, fishmongers engage with market processes via their production and deployment of vernacular knowledge which is performed in the form of public specialized knowledge, tacit knowledge and network knowledge. In these forms of vernacular knowledge, we become cognizant of the complexities of market processes even in places that are relegated to the margins, where knowledge plays a crucial role in sensing the world and making it lived and real
Knowledge Sits in Places:The Vernacularity and Emplacement of Fish Markets in Southern Philippines
Markets sit in places and knowledge produced in these places also constitute the very foundation of markets’viability and market actors’ performative competitive edge. However, not all markets are created equal primarily in the context of their importance in the global economy. Thus conceived, we imagine a world economy or markets populated by people in front of wide computer screens making sense of financial algorithms and derivatives. In a way, here, we see a market that is run by codified knowledge, or scientific knowledge that transcends boundaries. But what about a conception of market that recognizes the production of knowledge in the periphery, and this instance, fish markets, where place-based knowledge marks the contours of engagement of fishmongers to their wider world and yet, concomitantly, also underscores their attachment to place? In this article, in an ethnographic study of four fish markets in a small coastal town in southern Philippine, fishmongers engage with market processes via their production and deployment of vernacular knowledge which is performed in the form of public specialized knowledge, tacit knowledge and network knowledge. In these forms of vernacular knowledge, we become cognizant of the complexities of market processes even in places that are relegated to the margins, where knowledge plays a crucial role in sensing the world and making it lived and real
Going Beyond Counting First Authors in Author Co-citation Analysis
The present study examines one of the fundamental aspects of author co-citation analysis (ACA) - the way co-citation
counts are defined. Co-citation counting provides the data on which all subsequent statistical analyses and mappings
are based, and we compare ACA results based on two different types of co-citation counting - the traditional type that
only counts the first one among a cited work's authors on the one hand and a non-traditional type that takes into
account the first 5 authors of a cited work on the other hand. Results indicate that the picture produced through this non-traditional author co-citation counting contains more coherent author groups and is therefore considerably clearer. However, this picture represents fewer specialties in the research field being studied than that produced through the traditional first-author co-citation counting when the same number of top-ranked authors is selected and analyzed. Reasons for these effects are discussed
A 'balikbayan' in the field: scaling and (re)producing insider's identity in a Philippine fishing community
Insider researchers are often construed as having an easy time in the field, with their stay in fieldwork sites less demanding than their outsider counterparts. In some ways, this is true, with less efforts to know the place, its people and history, and master the idioms of everyday life. But being an insider researcher could prove challenging in a place that ascribes a particular salience to a specific identity like ‘balikbayan’, a Filipino word for a native who has either lived or worked abroad for a number of years and returns home for a visit. Based on an empirical ethnographic study of a fishing community in the Philippines, I argue that insider researchers in developing economies like the Philippines are faced with more challenges pertaining to their newly acquired status identity as returning natives in the context of their ability to be mobile and jump scales – from local to national and global – and the economic and symbolic appurtenances, among many, attached to it. Thus, in the context of their status identity, insider researchers’ social reproduction in the field must be attended to in order to further understand the ways in which informants make sense of their place in the world and agency over the conduct of and their involvement in research of homecoming native researchers
'Here, we don't just trade goods, we also "sell" people's lives': sari-sari stores as nodes of partial surveillance in a Philippine fishing community
Home-based neighbourhood stores (locally known in the Philippines as sari-sari stores) are a ubiquitous feature of most Philippine communities. They are small to medium-size trade stores not unlike convenience stores in the West where people buy goods in small quantities. In the Philippines, these stores play a vital role in providing everyday economic sustenance to low-income communities. But more than an economic hub, sari-sari stores also function as a social hub that connects people and acts as eyes and ears of the community through the people who make use of their services. In a sense, sari-sari stores are the community's ‘myopticon’ where people's day-to-day dealings with everyone in the community and its environs are reported and discursively brought under the gaze of the ‘entire community’. Being myopticon as opposed to Foucault's panopticon, surveillance in sari-sari stores is partial, non-hierarchicalized and could be resisted by people in the community. Nonetheless, regardless of the ‘myoptic’ features of sari-sari stores, their presence in the community ‘interpellates’ everyone's daily existence and instantiates a discursive space from which a structure of informal social control is enacted among community members. Sari-sari stores then are an important reminder of how our built environment is also about contestation and negotiation of everyday life as we make use of space and as the architectonics of space both constrain and empower our manoeuvring in places
"Amoy isda": the middle class life of market fishmongers
Fishing communities, especially in developing economies, are,most often than not, economically, socially, and spatially positioned in the fringes of society. People whose lives revolve around fishing and its ancillaries are looked down upon because they are perceived as dirty, uncouth, and unlettered and the very opposite of 'being
modern'. This is so in the case of a fishing community to be
discussed here, though there is a group of people in the fishing community who in some interesting ways resist this broad denigrating socio-cultural description. They do not see themselves as part of the socio-spatial 'other'. Some market fishmongers, by virtue of their good income in relation to the rest of the community,
live, in their own reckoning, a modern life: they have relatively big concrete houses with modern amenities and do as most middle-class living in the town centre would also do. But their 'modern life' as it were, is fraught with contradictions and tensions. Firstly, they maintain residence in the fishing community, and secondly, to sustain their middle-class lifestyle, market fishmongers make a living through fish trading that traps them in a life of perceived servitude or 'backwardness'. Their enjoyment then of modernity is achieved at the cost of embedding themselves further in an economic activity and in a place perceived by many to be the very opposite of what modern life stands for
‘Doon po sa Mauba’y, ang mga bangka’y, nagkakarera’y’: The politics of the production of Maubanog Festival
The Philippines plays host to countless festivals. It is estimated that no less than 800 festivals are being celebrated in the country every year. The reason for celebration varies from thanksgiving to first harvest, to paying homage to the town patron saint to celebration about the town’s dominant and well-known industry or product. Festivals could be as old as the foundation of the town or place itself, signalling its deep rooted twinning with the locale’s history. It could also be very new, created as a response to a need, whether cultural or economic. Maubanog Festival, the focus of this article, belongs to the latter as it was celebrated only in 2003. As a new kid on the block, as it were, Maubanog Festival undergoes a process of defining and refining its image, its very relevance in relation to other festivals in the country. What eludes researches, however, is the backdoor negotiations and interventions that characterize this process. In turn, this process—the ‘unseen’ and the unheard part of many festivals—shapes the very contours and edges of the Maubanog Festival
Variations on the Author
“Variations on the Author” discusses two of Eduardo Coutinho’s recent films (Um Dia na Vida, from 2010, and Últimas Conversas, posthumously released in 2015) and their contribution to the general question of documentary authorship. The director’s filmography is characterized by a consistent yet self-effacing form of authorial self-inscription: Coutinho often features as an interviewer that rather than express opinions propels discourses; an interviewer that is good at listening. This mode of self-inscription characterizes him as an author who is not expressive but who is nonetheless markedly present on the screen. In Um Dia na Vida, however, Coutinho is completely absent form the image, while Últimas Conversas, on the contrary, includes a confessional prologue that moves the director from the margins to the center of his films. This article examines the ways in which these works stand out in the filmography of a director who offers new insights into the notion of cinematic authorship
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