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Legal Aspects of the Common Foreign and Security Policy After the Lisbon Treaty Reform
No full textArtykuł przedstawia analizę prawną rozwiązań dotyczących Wspólnej Polityki Zagranicznej i Bezpieczeństwa wprowadzanych przez Traktat Lizboński. Koncentruje się na trzech grupach zagadnień: miejsca WPZiB w strukturze Unii Europejskiej, relacji między WPZiB a działaniami zewnętrznymi Unii oraz niejasności prawnych i terminologicznych powstałych w wyniku wprowadzenia przepisów nowelizujących. Autor zwraca uwagę, iż mimo podjętej próby skupienia wszystkich sfer aktywności Unii w jej ramach, nadal możemy mówić o strukturze fi larowej, bowiem WPZiB zachowała swoją międzyrządową specyfi kę. Ponadto uczynienie z Wysokiego Przedstawiciela jedynego organu odpowiadającego w pełni za reprezentowanie Unii Europejskiej na arenie międzynarodowej niezbyt się powiodło, bowiem może dochodzić do sporów kompetencyjnych pomiędzy nim a Przewodniczącym RE wynikających z nieprecyzyjności przepisów. Poza tym autor wskazuje, iż z przyczyn politycznych prawdopodobnie pozostaną w strukturze Komisji sfery działań zewnętrznych Unii, niepodporządkowane Wysokiemu Przedstawicielowi. Niemniej jednak długość jego kadencji, połączona z podporządkowaniem mu rozbudowanego aparatu administracyjno-dyplomatycznego, może sprawić, iż stanie się on „twarzą” Unii na arenie międzynarodowej, wypierając z tej roli Przewodniczącego RE. W konkluzjach autor wskazuje jednak, iż bardzo wiele będzie zależało od praktyki pierwszych lat funkcjonowania tych organów.The paper is a legal analysis of the solution concerning the Union of Foreign Affairs and Security Policy introduced by the Lisbon Treaty. It is focused on the three groups of issues: the place of the CFSP in the European Union structure, the relation between the CFSP and the internal Union actions and finally the legal and terminological ambiguities which arose after the introduction of amendments. The authors points out that despite the attempts to focus all Union activities within its framework, we can still talk about a diversified structure as the CFSP has kept its crossgovernmental specification. Moreover, making the High representative the onlybody responsible for the representation of the European Union in the international area has not been successful because there can be issues concerning jurisdiction between the High Representative and the Council of Europe Chairperson arising from the inaccuracy of regulations. The author also shows that for political reasons the structure of the Council and the sphere of external activities remain out of the High Representative’s control. The length of the HR’s term of office and the extended administrative and diplomatic apparatus may make the High Representative the ‘face’ of the EU in the international arena displacing the CE Chairperson from this role. The author concludes that a lot depends on the first years of the practical functioning of these bodies
Discursive Nodal Points within a Eurosceptical Discourse about the EU’s External Actions
No full textThe 2014 European Parliament election began an unprecedented increase of societal support for Eurosceptic parties. They topped the polls in some EU member states and often gained parliamentary representation for the fi rst time. For that reason, it is necessary to deepen knowledge about the Eurosceptic identity. This paper is focused on the Eurosceptic attitude towards the EU’s external actions. A Constructivist approach is used to achieve that goal, in particular the concept of discursive nodal points (DNP) created by Thomas Diez. Opening with an analysis of notions of Euroscepticism and the DNP, the paper shows DNPs in Eurosceptic discourses about TTIP, the conflict in Eastern Ukraine, and the EU’s environmental policy. As a result of that analysis, DNPs in the Eurosceptic discourse about the EU’s external actions as a whole are teased out. These DNPs are used to define a meta-narrative in the Eurosceptic discourse about the EU’s external actions. In conclusion, the Author claims that an assentation for EU’s activity in some external areas from Eurosceptic politicians could mean that they have moved from Euroscepticism to Eurorealism, which means that the appearance of Eurosceptic parties in national and European legislatures could signal a shift away from Eurosceptic orthodoxy, and therefore away from its original identity
Rola Unii Europejskiej na arenie międzynarodowej według partii eurosceptycznych — nowy wymiar wspólnoty?
Get PDFW artykule zostało omówione podejście partii eurosceptycznych, których członkowie zasiadają w Parlamencie Europejskim VIII kadencji, do kwestii polityki zagranicznej, a także ich wizja miejsca Unii w nowym układzie międzynarodowym. Autor prezentuje elementy łączące te ugrupowania stosunek do USA, Rosji, NATO, imigracji oraz obszary, które według nich mogłyby nadal być realizowane w ramach ogólnoeuropejskiej współpracy polityka współpracy rozwojowej, polityka klimatyczna. Na koniec została zaprezentowana wizja „eurosceptycznej tożsamości europejskiej”, która może stanowić podstawę do szukania roli, którą mniej lub bardziej zjednoczona Europa mogłaby odgrywać w nowym ładzie międzynarodowym w przypadku wzrastającego poparcia społecznego dla ugrupowań eurosceptycznych.The role of the European Union in the international arena by the Eurosceptic parties: A new dimension of the community?A Eurosceptical attitude towards EU foreign affairs and an EU position in a new international order is presented in the paper. The author concentrates on Eurosceptic parties whose members are sitting in the European Parliament 8th term. Elements which are common for these politicians are described the attitude toward US, Russia, NATO and immigration. Activities which, in the opinion of the Eurosceptic MEP, could be conducted in the framework of the European cooperation are identified development assistance, environmental policy. At the end we are presented with a “Eurosceptical European identity”, which could be a basis for the international activity of the more or less integrated Europe. W artykule zostało omówione podejście partii eurosceptycznych, których członkowie zasiadają w Parlamencie Europejskim VIII kadencji, do kwestii polityki zagranicznej, a także ich wizja miejsca Unii w nowym układzie międzynarodowym. Autor prezentuje elementy łączące te ugrupowania stosunek do USA, Rosji, NATO, imigracji oraz obszary, które według nich mogłyby nadal być realizowane w ramach ogólnoeuropejskiej współpracy polityka współpracy rozwojowej, polityka klimatyczna. Na koniec została zaprezentowana wizja „eurosceptycznej tożsamości europejskiej”, która może stanowić podstawę do szukania roli, którą mniej lub bardziej zjednoczona Europa mogłaby odgrywać w nowym ładzie międzynarodowym w przypadku wzrastającego poparcia społecznego dla ugrupowań eurosceptycznych.The role of the European Union in the international arena by the Eurosceptic parties: A new dimension of the community?A Eurosceptical attitude towards EU foreign affairs and an EU position in a new international order is presented in the paper. The author concentrates on Eurosceptic parties whose members are sitting in the European Parliament 8th term. Elements which are common for these politicians are described the attitude toward US, Russia, NATO and immigration. Activities which, in the opinion of the Eurosceptic MEP, could be conducted in the framework of the European cooperation are identified development assistance, environmental policy. At the end we are presented with a “Eurosceptical European identity”, which could be a basis for the international activity of the more or less integrated Europe
Von der Leyen’s European Commission’s Vision of the EU’s International Role as a Normative-Regulatory Power in the Digital Area for the 2019–2024 Period
Get PDFThe aim of this paper is to examine whether the documents prepared by the European Commission (EC) under the leadership of Ursula von der Leyen are based on a coherent vision of the international role to be played by the EU in the digital area. It attempts to achieve this goal by referring to two concepts popular in the analysis of the international role of the EU: as a normative and regulatory power. The question posed is, To what extent does the European Commission want the EU to play the role of a normative or regulatory power on the international stage in the field of digital policy? To answer it, the author focuses on an analysis of von der Leyen’s speeches and selected EC documents. Following Mayring, the author has used a method involving the qualitative content analysis of speeches and policy documents. The author tries to find signs that the EC wants the Union to play a role as a normative or regulatory power in the digital sphere. The study shows that the titular institution refers to these concepts in its documents. The Commission also assumes that the Union can play both roles simultaneously, thus strengthening its ability to influence third parties in the digital sphere. However, whether it does so intentionally or because it lacks a concrete vision of the EU’s international role in the digital area remains unresolved
Human Security as a Paradigm of European Union Security Policy in Times of Crisis
No full textArtykuł bada, czy podejście Human Security jest paradygmatem unijnej polityki bezpieczeństwa. Koncentruje się on na dwóch ostatnio opublikowanych dokumentach: Europejskiej agendzie bezpieczeństwa oraz Globalnej strategii UE. W pierwszej kolejności została wyjaśniona koncepcja Human Security. Następnie zaprezentowano założenia metodologiczne procesu badawczego, w ramach którego postawiono trzy pytania w celu zidentyfikowania w omawianych dokumentach podejścia Human Security: Czy są one skoncentrowane na bezpieczeństwie ludzkim? Czy zagrożenia są w nich rozlegle zidentyfikowane? Czy podmioty realizujące politykę bezpieczeństwa są szeroko zdefiniowane? Przeprowadzona analiza pokazała, że Europejska agenda bezpieczeństwa oraz Globalna strategia UE zostały oparte na perspektywie Human Security. Oznacza to, że bezpieczeństwo ludzkie jest paradygmatem unijnej polityki bezpieczeństwa. W konkluzjach autor zastanawia się, czy owo podejście pasuje do nowych wyzwań dla bezpieczeństwa, które narastają w Europie po rosyjskiej agresji na Ukrainę.This paper examines whether or not the Human Security approach is a paradigm of EU security policy. It focuses on two recently published EU documents: the European Agenda on Security (EAS) and the EU Global Strategy (EUGS). First, the concept of Human Security is explained. Next, the methodology of the research is presented, in which three questions are posed to identify the presence of the Human Security approach: Are they concerned with the security of people? Are threats broadly defined? Are entities that execute the EU’s security policy broadly defined? Analysis conducted within this paper shows that the EAS and EUGS have been built on the Human Security approach, meaning that it is a paradigm for EU security policy. In the conclusion, the author wonders whether the Human Security approach is well-suited to new challenges for security that have arisen in Europe after Russian aggression in Ukraine
Going Beyond Counting First Authors in Author Co-citation Analysis
Get PDFThe present study examines one of the fundamental aspects of author co-citation analysis (ACA) - the way co-citation
counts are defined. Co-citation counting provides the data on which all subsequent statistical analyses and mappings
are based, and we compare ACA results based on two different types of co-citation counting - the traditional type that
only counts the first one among a cited work's authors on the one hand and a non-traditional type that takes into
account the first 5 authors of a cited work on the other hand. Results indicate that the picture produced through this non-traditional author co-citation counting contains more coherent author groups and is therefore considerably clearer. However, this picture represents fewer specialties in the research field being studied than that produced through the traditional first-author co-citation counting when the same number of top-ranked authors is selected and analyzed. Reasons for these effects are discussed
Variations on the Author
Get PDF“Variations on the Author” discusses two of Eduardo Coutinho’s recent films (Um Dia na Vida, from 2010, and Últimas Conversas, posthumously released in 2015) and their contribution to the general question of documentary authorship. The director’s filmography is characterized by a consistent yet self-effacing form of authorial self-inscription: Coutinho often features as an interviewer that rather than express opinions propels discourses; an interviewer that is good at listening. This mode of self-inscription characterizes him as an author who is not expressive but who is nonetheless markedly present on the screen. In Um Dia na Vida, however, Coutinho is completely absent form the image, while Últimas Conversas, on the contrary, includes a confessional prologue that moves the director from the margins to the center of his films. This article examines the ways in which these works stand out in the filmography of a director who offers new insights into the notion of cinematic authorship
Appropriate Similarity Measures for Author Cocitation Analysis
Get PDFWe provide a number of new insights into the methodological discussion about author cocitation analysis. We first argue that the use of the Pearson correlation for measuring the similarity between authors’ cocitation profiles is not very satisfactory. We then discuss what kind of similarity measures may be used as an alternative to the Pearson correlation. We consider three similarity measures in particular. One is the well-known cosine. The other two similarity measures have not been used before in the bibliometric literature. Finally, we show by means of an example that our findings have a high practical relevance.information science;Pearson correlation;cosine;similarity measure;author cocitation analysis
Analiza dokumentów strategicznych Unii Europejskiej: Human Security jako paradygmat unijnej polityki przeciwdziałania terroryzmowi
No full text AN ANALYSIS OF EU STRATEGIC DOCUMENTS: MAKING HUMAN SECURITYA PARADIGM WITHIN EUROPEAN UNION COUNTERTERRORISM POLICYThis paper analyses European Union strategic documents for evidence that EU counterterro­rism policy is founded on the Human Security HS approach. It concentrates on three main strategic documents: the EU Counter-Terrorism Strategy 2005, the European Agenda on Security 2015, and the EU Global Strategy 2016 which define the EU’s current approach to terrorism. Three determinants are established to research whether counterterrorism policy is founded on the HS pa­radigm: a people-centred approach, the presence of a wide range of threats, and a strong presence of non-state actors. The analysis shows that counterterrorism policy is constructed on the HS paradigm, however with strong and influential leverage from member states. This paradigm was chosen by EU institutions because it guarantees a strong position of EU agencies in contrast to the traditional mem­ber state-centred approach to security. It helps also to show that EU security policy makes citizens a priority, which could increase legitimacy of the EU in the eyes of its people. AN ANALYSIS OF EU STRATEGIC DOCUMENTS: MAKING HUMAN SECURITYA PARADIGM WITHIN EUROPEAN UNION COUNTERTERRORISM POLICYThis paper analyses European Union strategic documents for evidence that EU counterterro­rism policy is founded on the Human Security HS approach. It concentrates on three main strategic documents: the EU Counter-Terrorism Strategy 2005, the European Agenda on Security 2015, and the EU Global Strategy 2016 which define the EU’s current approach to terrorism. Three determinants are established to research whether counterterrorism policy is founded on the HS pa­radigm: a people-centred approach, the presence of a wide range of threats, and a strong presence of non-state actors. The analysis shows that counterterrorism policy is constructed on the HS paradigm, however with strong and influential leverage from member states. This paradigm was chosen by EU institutions because it guarantees a strong position of EU agencies in contrast to the traditional mem­ber state-centred approach to security. It helps also to show that EU security policy makes citizens a priority, which could increase legitimacy of the EU in the eyes of its people
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