78,924 research outputs found

    The Menkaure Triad, Numerical Thinking, and Divine Configurations in Ancient Egypt

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    About the Author Formerly an undergraduate at the University of California, Los Angeles, Wen Li Teng is a transfer student at the University of Chicago. Wen Li is currently pursuing a major in History

    Division and Unity: The History and Historiography of the Pennsylvania Constitution

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    About the author: Wen Li Teng is pursuing a double major in History and Political Science at the University of Chicago

    Civilization and Nature: A Reading of Ancient Texts

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    About the Author Hailing from Singapore, Wen Li Teng is a first-year student at the University of California, Los Angeles. She intends to declare a major in History

    Teng Yen-lin, Tchong-wen ts'an-k'ao-chou kiu-yao

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    Stein Rolf Alfred. Teng Yen-lin, Tchong-wen ts'an-k'ao-chou kiu-yao. In: Bulletin de l'Ecole française d'Extrême-Orient. Tome 41, 1941. pp. 393-394

    A Study of Taiwan's Go South Policy in the Lee Teng-Hui Period(1994~2000)

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    Based on the research method of historical analysis, this paper divides the Go South Policy promoted by Lee Teng-hui into the first wave and the second wave of research. The first wave of Go South Policy is from 1994 to 1996, and the second wave is from 1997 to 1999.In this paper, the first-hand data and the second-hand data are filtered, re-integrated, rearranged, and re-edited in this paper by the method of literature analysis.This paper studies the domestic environmental factors and foreign environmental factors during Lee Teng-hui's promotion of the Go South Policy period.This paper studies the purpose of Lee Teng-hui's promotion of the Go South Policy.This paper examines the success or failure of Lee Teng-hui's promotion of the Go South Policy and assesses its influencing factors.This article is used to understand the " Go South Policy " promoted by Lee Teng-hui as a part of "pragmatic diplomacy."In order to avoid excessive dependence on the People\ue2s Republic of China on the economy. Taiwan launched The "no haste, be patient" policy.During the Lee Teng-hui period, the " Go South Policy " was promoted in response to the trend and changes in the global village, globalization, and regionalization.Because the United States established diplomatic relations with China, Taiwan broke diplomatic relations with the United States, causing Taiwan to be internationally isolated.In politics, Taiwan opposes diplomatic isolation in a pragmatic manner.Taiwan hopes that other countries will establish diplomatic relations with Taiwan in politics.In terms of economy or culture, Taiwan hopes to maintain close exchanges, interactions and contacts with Southeast Asian countries, hoping to enhance bilateral and multilateral economic, trade and investment relations between Taiwan and Southeast Asian countries.Finally, when Taiwan promoted the second wave of Go South Policy, it experienced financial crisis in Southeast Asia. This incident is also an important factor affecting Taiwan\ue2s success or failure in promoting Go South Policy.Politically, from 1995 to 1996, cross-strait relations experienced the crisis in the Taiwan Strait, because US President Bill Clinton agreed with Lee Teng-hui to visit his alma mater.In 1999, Lee Teng-hui\ue2s speech on special state-to-state relations triggered the Taiwan Strait crisis. Both are the historical context for the study of this article. The results of SWOT research and analysis of the Go South Policy of this paper show that the advantages of the Go South Policy (Strengths) include Taiwan's advantage of using the geographical relationship with Southeast Asia, and exerting the advantages of Taiwan's economy, trade, science and technology and soft power.The disadvantage of Taiwan's promotion of the Go South Policy (Weaknesses) refers to the transfer of Taiwanese businessmen to Southeast Asia to set up factories. This will not actually increase the "job opportunities" in Taiwan, and will not solve the problem of high unemployment rate in Taiwan.Opportunities brought about by Taiwan's promotion of the Go South Policy include opening informal dialogues between Taiwan and Southeast Asian countries, signing bilateral investment guarantee agreements, and enhancing the international status of institutions. Taiwan hopes to increase its participation in international affairs to understand the international situation. On the political and diplomatic level, Taiwan\ue2s and Southeast Asian national leaders and high-level officials began to interact and dialogue.The threat to Taiwan's Go South Policy (Threats) included China's economic reform and opening up policy at that time, and preferential policies to attract Taiwanese businessmen to invest in China. The international situational factors of the Southeast Asian financial crisis occurred in 1997, which led to the negative chain effect of the anti-China movement in Southeast Asia in 1998.All in all, Taiwan\ue2s first successful Go South Policy has successfully raised the amount of investment in Southeast Asia. However, due to various factors, the second wave, due to the Southeast Asian financial crisis, the amount of investment in Southeast Asia declined

    The strategic symbiosis between us Asian policy and Taiwanese nationalism

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    This thesis explores the influence of us Asian policy on the evolution of Taiwanese nationalism and the role of Taiwanese nationalism in America's Asian policy. The study consists of five parts. The first part (1895-1950) introduces the source of Taiwanese nationalism and America's strategic scheme on Taiwan before 1945, and explores American options after the germination of Taiwanese nationalism. America's intention to separate Taiwan from the mainland so as to deny the island to Chinese Communists late 1948 helped preserve inchoate Taiwanese nationalism. The second part (1950-1970) examines how America simultaneously exploited the Chinese Nationalist regime's anti-communism and facilitated the growth of Taiwanese nationalism in the bipolarized Cold-War era. The Truman administration's separatist intention after the Korean War, US aid and American scholars' Taiwan independence theories had significant implications for the evolution of Taiwanese nationalism. The third part (1970-1989) examines how America reconciled US-PRC rapprochement with its promotion of Taiwanese nationalism. Taiwan's democratisation evolved in the context of US political, economic and military intervention. During the transition to democratisation, secessionists turned political opposition movement into nation-building revolution. The fourth part (1989-2000) examines how US conservatives and Taiwanese nationalists jointly promoted Taiwanization. The dynamics of democratisation, native president Lee Teng-hui's domination of political agenda, the ambience of US-Taiwan strategic realignment and the maturity of political nationalism together facilitated Taiwanization. The fifth part (2000֊present) explores how America and Taiwan establish a strategic symbiosis for US-China strategic competition. The 9/11 Incident has little influence on the course of strategic symbiosis. The consolidation of Taiwan identity obliged thepan-blue camp to identify with Taiwan, promote political nationalism and deviate from their pro-unification ideology. The increased antagonism between Taiwanese nationalism and Chinese nationalism ossifies the symbiotic partnership between USAsian policy and Taiwanese nationalism and hinders China's rise to regional hegemonyand global superpower

    Intracellular labeling of live cells via transient membrane permeabilization for fluorescence and super resolution microscopy

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    Fluorescence imaging of intracellular proteins is often achieved by using transfection-induced expression of fluorescent protein. This can potentially impose artifacts such as loss of function or over-expression of target proteins. Direct labeling of the intracellular protein is an alternative to transfection, but is largely limited by permeability of the fluorescent probes. Here, we have developed a high-throughput technique for labeling intracellular proteins of living cells. The technique makes use of Streptolysin O (SLO), a bacterial enzyme that permeabilizes cells to DNA, RNA, proteins. We show that SLO can be used to deliver a variety of fluorescent probes; ranging from organic dyes (<1 kDa in size) to fluorescent immunoglobulin antibody (~150 kDa) for specific labeling of intracellular proteins. We demonstrate in numerous ways that after permeabilization the cells remained viable and responded normally to cell signaling protein. We applied this technique to observe the dynamic motion of labeled actin and mitochondria using super-resolution fluorescence microscopy (dSTORM). Furthermore, we show the ability to image single proteins inside the living cell by tracking single molecules of kinesin using photostable probes.Submission published under a 24 month embargo labeled 'U of I Access', the embargo will last until 2018-12-01The student, Kai Wen Teng, accepted the attached license on 2016-07-13 at 16:36.The student, Kai Wen Teng, submitted this Dissertation for approval on 2016-07-13 at 16:46.This Dissertation was approved for publication on 2016-07-20 at 17:08.DSpace SAF Submission Ingestion Package generated from Vireo submission #9824 on 2017-02-28 at 14:35:24Made available in DSpace on 2017-03-01T16:37:13Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 2 TENG-DISSERTATION-2016.pdf: 4093370 bytes, checksum: bb6a8ab2df8e7dbfeba9847e1ed557bf (MD5) LICENSE.txt: 4209 bytes, checksum: 5730f28a2753746b90b631e1649226f2 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2016-07-20Embargo set by: Seth Robbins for item 98642 Lift date: 2019-03-01T16:37:19Z Reason: Author requested U of Illinois access only (OA after 2yrs) in Vireo ETD systemU of I Only Restriction Lifted for Item 98642 on 2019-03-02T10:15:30Z

    The relationship between the exercise of political power and language during the cultural revolution in Inner Mongolia - 1967-1969

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    This is an analysis of the relationship between language contained in political documents and the exercise of power and authority from the Cultural Revolution in the Inner Mongolian Autonomous Region of the People's Republic of China from 1967 to 1969. It is based on analytic methods found in the works of Foucault, Bourdieu, Gramsci and others. The material analysed falls into four periods. The first phase in 1967 saw the initial impact of the CR manifesting itself locally by causing conflict between two key entities in the IMAR - the army and student rebellion groups. The response by the Centre to this was the conduct of dialogues with the local groups, resulting in the issuing of a key document, the '13th April Decision,' to 'resolve' the local problems and impose hegemony from the Centre, through promoting standardised narratives and a specific ideology - CR Maoism. The -second phase from 1967 to 1968 saw the implementation of this strategy through the attack on the local leader, Ulanfu. During this period the discourse to 'handle' the region was articulated promoting a narrative and ideology from the Centre in Beijing of power based on class, excluding any assertions of the primacy of ethnicity and nationality locally. The third phase from 1968 to 1969 saw the promotion by the Centre of the newly installed leader, Teng Haiqing, using this new discourse. In this period, a local enemy - the Inner Mongolian People's Party - was gradually articulated. The final phase in 1969 saw the social turmoil and violence caused by the purge of those claimed to be members of this party, and the withdrawal of support from the Centre for Teng Haiqing, resulting in his use of a self-critical language, the creation of an adapted narrative and ideology, conveyed through a new discourse in which the key issues of class and ethnicity/nationality were approached in different ways. The focus of this thesis is the signification of power in language and discourse through this period, and the techniques by which to describe and understand this
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