1,720,964 research outputs found
‘Which side are you on – Mr. Westerberg?’ Reason, affect, and division in public debate
Get PDFThis article studies affect and reason in practices of persuasion through a rhetorical-performative framework. Focusing on the Swedish economic crisis 1988–1993, this piece argues that the successful rise and installation of neoliberal discourse at the elite policy-making level – particularly regarding privatization – can be explained by the prominent role passion played in the presentation of its case outside mainstream media channels. In describing and explaining this shift in discourse away from a previously hegemonic social-democratic regime, the author draws on post-foundational discourse theory and rhetorical political analysis, as well as corpora from a range of fora during this period. Affect and reason are operationalized as the rhetorical concepts pathos and logos. The analysis reveals how they operate in entangled ways as combinations and constellations of etho-pathetic and logo-pathetic argumentation. A significant conclusion is that the eschewing of passion by conventional, mainstream media and hegemonic actors, made it possible for advocates of neoliberal policies to establish inroads into the Swedish political and economic establishment. The article contributes by anchoring the rhetorical-performative theory in empirical research to produce new insights into the role of affect and reason in discursive change and continuity
For hetero for en gjenbrukbar pose? En systematisk litteraturstudie av maskuliniteter i klimaendring
No full textElementet kjønn i klimaendring har fått mer og mer oppmerksomhet i forskning siste årene. Mest fokus har vært på kvinners sårbarhet. Forskning viser at menn er mindre bekymret om klimaendring, mindre urolige for konsekvensene det innebærer og mer skeptiske til klimaendring enn kvinner. Denne bacheloroppgaven handler om maskunitets rolle i klimaendring. Hensikten med oppgaven er å utvikle en forståelse for hva som leder menn til skeptiske tilnærmelser mot klimaendringer. Dette er adressert ved bruk av teorier om maskulinitet, og spesielt hegemonisk maskulinitet.
Ulike former av maskulinitet og dets tilstedeværelse i klimaendring er utforsket gjennom en systematisk litteraturstudie. Mitt mål var å utforske hvordan maskulinitet har blitt diskutert i forskningsartikler om kjønn og klimaendring publisert mellom 2010-2020 i etablerte vitenskapelige tidsskrifter. Jeg fant hvordan normer og ideal rundt maskuliniteter former mens tilnærmelser av klimaproblemer. Hegemonisk maskulinitet skaper for eksempel motstand til forandring og kontrollerer følelsesspekteret. Siden evnen til endring og følelsesmessig arbeid er høyest relevant i handling mot klimaendring er disse store faktorer i menns skeptisisme mot klimaendring
«Å dra i samme retning» - faktorer som påvirker samhandlingen og oppnåelse av felles situasjonsforståelse mellom taktisk og operasjonelt nivå i politiet
Get PDFDenne oppgaven har til hensikt å belyse sentrale faktorer som påvirker samhandlingen og oppnåelse av felles situasjonsforståelse mellom lederne på taktisk og operasjonelt nivå i politiet. For å svare på min problemstilling har jeg valgt å intervjue innsatsledere og operasjonsledere i politiet. Jeg har i tillegg til dette gjennomført en dokumentanalyse av pensum som i dag blir brukt på utdannelsene; «funksjonsrettet ledelse for innsatsledere» og «funksjonsrettet ledelse for operasjons- og oppdragsledere» ved Politihøgskolen.
Resultatet av studien viser at innsats- og operasjonsledere i høy grad har forståelse for rolle- og ansvarsfordelingen, slik som PBS beskriver den. Det kommer frem at denne rolle- og ansvarsfordelingen i praksis er noe mindre rigid, noe som viser seg å av og til være hensiktsmessig. Dette kan tyde på at det effektiv samhandling utfordrer den fastsatte rolle- og ansvarsfordelingen. Dette gjelder spesielt opp mot presiseringen om at innsatsleder skal utføre de oppgaver han blir gitt av operasjonelt nivå. Også operasjonelt nivå sin støttefunksjon ovenfor taktisk nivå vil utfordre denne inndelingen. Studien viser at informantene synes samhandlingen har blitt bedre etter politireformen. Dette begrunnes med økt fokus på profesjonalisering av operasjonssentralen og faget innsatsledelse i distriktet. God samhandling og godt teamarbeid danner et grunnlag for en felles situasjonsforståelse. To av grunnpilarene i teamarbeid er felles målsetning og felles mentale modeller. Relasjoner, tillit og øvelser er faktorer som påvirker dynamikken i teamet i positiv retning og bør derfor vektlegges.
Oppnåelse av en felles situasjonsforståelse krever at innsats-og operasjonslederne er omforent om de kritiske faktorene ved hendelsen, målet med oppdraget og risikoen ved gjennomføring av oppdraget. Arbeidet videre innebærer å opprettholde denne felles forståelsen ved å ha kontinuerlig kommunikasjon med hverandre. Denne kommunikasjonen må være tydelig og av en slik art at misforståelser begrenses så mye som mulig. De bør derfor benyttes kjente begrep, kjente kommunikasjonsmønstre og bekreftende kommunikasjon.This paper aims to shed light on key factors that affect the interaction and achievement of a shared situational awareness between the leaders at the tactical and operational command in the police. In this study I have chosen to interview incident commanders and operational commanders in the police. In addition to this, I have carried out an analysis of the syllabus that is currently used at the education of the incident- and operational leaders at the Police Academy.
The results of the study show that incident commanders and operational commanders to a large extent have an understanding of the division of roles and responsibilities. It emerges that this division of roles and responsibilities is in practice somewhat less rigid, which turns out to be sometimes appropriate. This may indicate that the effective collaboration challenges the established division of roles and responsibilities. This applies in particular to the clarification that the incident commanders must perform the tasks he is given by the operational command. The operational command's possibility to support the incident commander will also challenge this division. The study shows that the informants think the interaction has improved after the police reform. This is justified by an increased focus on the emergency dispatch center and the incident commander´s responsibility. Interaction and teamwork form a basis for a shared situational awareness. Two of the most important factors of teamwork is shared goals and shared mental models. Relationships, trust and training are factors that influence the dynamics of the team in a positive direction and should therefore be emphasized.
Achieving a shared situational awareness requires that the incident commander and operational commander agree on the critical factors in the incident, the goal of the assignment and the risk in carrying out the assignment. The work further involves maintaining this common understanding by having continuous communication with each other. This communication must be clear and of such a nature that misunderstandings are limited as much as possible. They should therefore use familiar concepts, familiar communication patterns and affirmative communication
Kommunal barneverntjeneste i et endringsperspektiv – implikasjoner av Høyesteretts storkammeravgjørelser om barnevern av 27. mars 2020
Get PDFKommunal barneverntjeneste anses å være en av velferdsstaten Norges mest omdiskuterte organisasjon som til stadighet har blitt kritisert både nasjonalt og internasjonalt.
Problemstillingen i denne kvalitative undersøkelsen var slik: «Hvordan påvirkes kommunal barneverntjeneste av Høyesteretts storkammeravgjørelser om barnevern av 27. mars 2020?»
Formålet med studien har vært å fremskaffe ny kunnskap om forholdet mellom overordnede ideal, juridiske aspekter og teoretiske perspektiver i barnevernet på den ene siden og den virkeligheten som gjenspeiler seg i det praktiske barnevernsarbeidet på den andre siden. Hensikten har vært å søke en dypere forståelse av ledere i kommunal barneverntjenestes forståelse av og holdning til Høyesteretts storkammeravgjørelser om barnevern, hvilke implikasjoner de opplevde at storkammeravgjørelsene hadde, om de hadde iverksatt organisatoriske endringer for å klare å imøtekomme føringene, og i så fall hvilke.
Metoden jeg benyttet for å svare på studiens forskningsspørsmål og problemstilling, var en kvalitativ tilnærming med individuelle dybdeintervju hvor jeg tok i bruk en semistrukturert intervjuguide. Utvalget bestod av seks ledere i seks ulike kommunale barneverntjenester hvor alle hadde minimum to års erfaring som leder. Datamaterialet ble analysert innenfor fenomenologisk-hermeneutisk vitenskapelig retning med særlig hjelp fra kvalitativ innholdsanalyse. Braun og Clarkes (2006) seks trinn i tematisk analyse var også til inspirasjon da datamaterialet ble analysert.
Funn fra analysen viser at lederne mente det var på tide med en justering av barnevernspraksisen, og lederne la særlig vekt på følgende tre momenter i sin forståelse av storkammeravgjørelsene: et økt og skjerpet krav til dokumentasjon, midlertidighetsprinsippet av en omsorgsovertakelse og samværsfastsettelse etter omsorgsovertakelse. Lederne erfarte at storkammeravgjørelsene gav seg utslag og påvirket på flere måter, og implikasjonene rettet seg både mot tjenesten som helhet, dem som ledere, samt mot barn og foreldre som tjenestemottakere. Lederne hadde iverksatt kompetansehevings- og opplæringstiltak, samt endringer på rutiner, maler og interne strukturer for å klare å imøtekomme føringene fra Høyesterett.
Konklusjonen viser at lederne var motivert for å justere praksisen i kommunal barneverntjeneste, men at de organisatoriske forholdene i form av ressursknapphet, satte begrensninger for å implementere og følge føringene på en faglig forsvarlig måte
Kulturell Hegemoni og sivil urettferdighet: En Dialektikk om Global og Urfolks perspektiver på kampen for rettferdighet innen neo-kolonial expansjon og kapitalistik utnytting i Fosen og utenlands
No full textABSTRACT: This paper examines the implications of the wind energy expansion in the Fosen region on Indigenous communities, specifically the Sampi region, and the resulting human rights violations. Despite the acknowledgment of these violations, the energy companies, and the Norwegian government, represented by the olje og energidepartementet (OED) and Statkraft, have displayed a lack of substantial action over a span of 600 days to address or hold accountable those responsible for these transgressions. This situation underscores the conflict between the interests of the minority and the majority, emphasizing the need to prioritize the well-being of the Indigenous community. However, the state has yet to launch initiatives or compensatory measures to address the damages inflicted. Instead, the Indigenous peoples find themselves on the brink of assuming a significant role within the context of Norwegian and European green capitalism. The objective of this research is to investigate the complex relationship between Western democratic capitalism, neoliberalism, and Indigenous peoples, particularly in the context of climate change and ongoing efforts to decarbonize the energy and transportation sectors. Furthermore, this study explores the historical and contemporary instances of inaction, inertia, and a lack of willingness to effectively confront climate change and social inequality. By critically examining these dynamics, this paper aims to raise awareness about the inherent shortcomings of prevailing economic and political systems in safeguarding the rights of Indigenous peoples and effectively addressing the urgent challenges posed by climate change in our globally interconnected yet unequal world. The study also highlights the disparities in social outcomes experienced by already marginalized groups, both within national and transnational contexts, acknowledging and recognizing perspectives and grievances from those most exposed to social inequity and climate change outcomes
Norsk massemedia og amerikansk politikk En analyse av norsk mediedekning og dens påvirkning
Get PDFI denne oppgaven har vi spurt om norsk medias dekning av Trump kan ha påvirket nordmenns tillit til det amerikanske demokrati og lederskap. For å komme nærere et svar på dette har det blitt brukt en kvalitativ innholdsanalyse for å undersøke tre saker rundt Trump. Totalt har tre norske nettaviser blitt undersøkt for å se om deres dekning av Trump er balansert, dette resulterte i at ni artikler ble nøye undersøkt og kodet til analyse. For å måle denne relasjonen ble det tatt utgangspunkt i samspillet mellom Trump og media, hvordan sosial kapital kan ha påvirket denne utviklingen og hvordan media setter agenda. Etter å ha analysert funn i empiri og sett på dette i kontekst av sakene og det teoretiske rammeverket, kan det konkluderes at norsk media ikke er verken generøse eller for kritiske mot Trump i deres omtale. Med tanke på at sakene utvalgt er kontroversielle eller politiske vanskelige situasjoner for Trump, viser norsk media at de klarer sitt samfunnsoppdrag om å være en informativ aktør som redegjør for flere synspunkter. Det er vanskelig å konkludere om nordmenn faktisk har mistet tillit til USAs demokrati og ledelse. Det som kan være enn større pådriver basert på resultatene fra innholdsanalysen er USAs handlinger som ikke samsvarer med Norges interesser eller påvirkning fra sosial media internasjonalt
Sweden
No full textThe Swedish response to the COVID-19 pandemic has been exceptional. Unlike its Nordic neighbours, Sweden did not legislate for lockdown, quarantine or social distancing. Authorities issued recommendations that were less severe and always later than neighbouring countries. In the first of two public speeches, the Social Democrat prime minister Stefan Löfven addressed ‘the Swedish people’ and emphasised individual responsibility, solidarity and efforts ‘for our society and for Sweden.’117 He described a crisis and a national ‘us’ but not in contrast to an outside elite or establishment. The outside that united the ‘us’ was either the vulnerable other, a threatening crisis, or COVID-19 itself.publishedVersio
Radikala Fantasier? Djupintervjuer med sex offentligt intellektuella feminister
No full textThis is a thesis situated in a context of feminist debates on gender, class, resistance and social change as well as the contemporary Swedish feminist movement and debate. The aim of this thesis is to discuss questions of gender/sex and class in relation to resistance and social change. Based on theories about public intellectuals and social change I have conducted in-depth interviews with six feminist public intellectuals within the contemporary feminist public debate. Drawing on feminist theories of gender/sex and class in relation to resistance and social change, within contemporary society the analysis centers around the interviewees discussion of these matters. The study concludes that although social change is a debated subject, any real radical feminist ways of resistance towards unequal structures are not present within in the contemporary leftist feminist debate
Hegemony and the Intellectual Function : Medialised Public Discourse on Privatisation in Sweden 1988-1993
Get PDFThis dissertation offers a theorisation of the ways in which the intellectual function is performed through various subject positions. In the thesis, a post-Marxist approach to discourse theory is used to address questions of discursive shifts, hegemony and the intellectual function. It is supplemented by a rhetorical political analysis in order to examine how practices and strategies involved in hegemonic struggles take place on a more fine-grained level of analysis. The theoretical argument is complemented through empirical work that analyses the medialised debate on privatisation in Sweden from 1988 to 1993. As a step in the theorisation process this empirical analysis applies elements of both post-Marxist discourse theory and rhetorical political analysis to shed new light on the intricacies of the intellectual function and the hegemonic processes in which it plays a key part. Using a post-Marxist terminology, the intellectual function is conceived broadly as the articulation and mediation of ideology, and analysed with the aid of conceptual devices derived from the rhetorical political analysis approach. Empirical analysis thus plays an active, constitutive role in the production of theory. This also implies that empirical analysis is not undertaken primarily as an end in itself, but rather because it is needed to support the theorisation process. Nevertheless, the analysis of the privatisation debate in Sweden elucidates important discursive changes that took place in this decisive period of recent Swedish history. The focus of the study is directed towards the shifts in ways of defining and speaking about the concept under contention (in this case, privatisation) in a relational setting of concepts and political positionings; the formation and performance of an intellectual function and the types of subject positions made available in the debate, and the rhetorical practices used to inhabit such positions; and the rhetorical and political strategies employed to achieve (relative) fixation of a particular definition of privatisation by making it (appear to be) commonsensical. The analysis shows how a common sense centred on the right to private ownership, is established in the privatisation discourse. By disentangling moral and efficiency-based arguments, the empirical analysis provides novel insights that contradict existing economistic assumptions about neoliberal politics and ideologies. By fleshing out the post-Marxist notion of an intellectual function, the study offers a way of conceptualising a post-foundationalist theory of intellectuals. Moreover, performances of the intellectual function are typologised into three ideal types: “experts”, “spokespersons”, and “public intellectuals”. The dissertation also points to processual changes in the representation of these ideal types in mainstream and alternative media. By analysing discursive practices of coalitions building and the articulation of political frontiers in the privatisation discourse, the empirical analysis elucidates constructions of unity and division among political subjects. What emerges from these processes is a new hegemonic order which supplants the previous hegemonic formation – which became the common enemy across political lines – the social democratic welfare state
Challenging the hegemonic regime of the petroleum state? The governmental and public discourses on fossil-fuel production and climate risk in Norway
No full textPhD thesis in Social SciencesFrom 2011 to 2018, the Norwegian government justifies continued Norwegian oil and gas production based on resource efficiency. Low-carbon oil and gas production is perceived as an important competitive advantage and vital to ensure a place in a carbon-constrained future. In the same period, fundamental changes occurred in the international climate regime. This deeply affected the construction of the Norwegian public discourse on fossil-fuel production and climate risk in the period from 2013 to mid-March 2019. Through stressing financial implications of petroleum-dependency in an increasingly carbon-restricted world, the environmental NGO’s in Norway helped create grounds for a broader political debate around the future of the Norwegian welfare state. Questions around how Norway ought to transition from a period marked by a high degree of petroleum-dependency to a future where the world increasingly becomes concerned and governed by safe-guarding the climate, has led to clear changes in the Norwegian identity as a petroleum nation.
In 1991, the Norwegian government introduced a carbon tax on petroleum activities on the Norwegian continental shelf, and in 2008 the Norwegian petroleum sector became part of the European Union Emission Trading System. Thus, the petroleum industry has a history of being subjected to climate policy measures by the Norwegian government. However, the previous decade has led to clear changes in what measures are seen as both valid and necessary to prepare Norway for a low-carbon future. The anticipation for stricter climate policies worldwide due to the adoption of the Paris Agreement, the increasing involvement of business and financial sector, and new scientific data on how to limit global warming to 1.5°C, are all examples of how changes in the international climate regime has influenced the Norwegian Public and governmental discourse. Thus, political debate on Norwegian petroleum policy has become increasingly interconnected with the topic of Norwegian climate policy. Ultimately, this has created new opportunities to raise concern and collaborate on providing knowledge on financial climate risk for the industry, government, and environmental NGO’s. For the Norwegian petroleum industry, it is predominantly financial climate risk (as opposed to physical climate risk) that has been the most important to address in the public eye. It has been argued by the government, the industry, the environmental movement, and financial experts that the risk of declining oil price due to more stringent climate policy measures, needs to be addressed. However, as this thesis Points out, the actors vary to the extent to how much they emphasise that this is a threat to the Norwegian welfare state.
This study uses a theoretical framework consisting of discourse theory, rhetorical concepts, and green state theory to address these changes. Discourse theory is used to reconstruct and analyse the frames used in statements from governmental documents and news articles. The result of the analysis reconstructing the governmental discourse is presented in article 1, where discourse theory is combined with state imperatives (green state theory) and the identification of energy policy goals. The main finding presented in this article is that the core framing of the Norwegian petroleum policy remained predominantly stable throughout the period of study. By emphasising that there will still be a need for oil and gas in a carbon-constrained future, and that Norway will be able to compete internationally under such conditions, the government strengthens the Norwegian petroleum industry’s licence to operate. Article 2 addresses the ‘evolutionary model’ of the green state (Hausknost 2020) that builds on the understanding of Dryzek et al. (2002; 2003) on how to bridge the gap to a low-emission society. The article’s contribution is three-folded. First, statements uttered by the environmental movement is analysed, reconstructing the frames used in relation to investments in fossil-fuel production. Second, the frames are incorporated using existing green state theory to validate if the evolutionary model can provide a possible route to a low-carbon society. However, doing so will require a restructuring of the state imperatives; legitimation and economic growth, by closing the gap between ecology and financial interest through emphasising climate-related Financial risks. Finally, the article presents a figure that combines green state theory with discourse theory, summarizing the approach that illustrates that the evolutionary model can be used as a model to solve the integration of state imperatives (figure 3).
Article 3 aims to make a theoretical contribution by applying discourse and rhetoric theory to explain an understudied phenomenon identified as the rhetorical-political strategy of inversion. The counter-hegemonic movement stresses that the Norwegian welfare state will make the best preparations for the future by replacing investments in fossil-fuel production with green investments in renewable energy and low-emission technology. As such, the counter-movement challenges the logic of fossil-fuel investments financially securing the Norwegian welfare state, inverting the pro-fossil fuel investment system in the moment of utterance
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