1,727,175 research outputs found
Organising and Sustaining Hegemony: A Gramscian Perspective on Suharto's New Order Indonesia.
The Suharto New Order was born out of ethnic conflict around religious, ideological and regional/cultural issues that were threatening national chaos. As a pre-requisite to pursuing the socio-political and economic developmental agendas deemed necessary to legitimize their hold on power, the new regime committed the resources of the state behind forging national unity and stability out of potentially antagonistic ethnic and cultural diversity. This study examines how the Suharto New Order sustained the processes that organised the Indonesian nation behind its agendas through an exclusive representation of the state ideology Pancasila, as the ideological pillar of socio-political and economic development.
The Italian Marxist, Antonio Gramsci, viewed social politics as an arrangement that inextricably linked pluralism, political participation and ideological supremacy and placed critical emphasis on the methods by which a ruling order deployed ideology and culture to craft mass consensus that would underwrite the moral and intellectual legitimacy of hegemonic rule. The study is original in that it contrasts Gramsci's insights into ideology as a discourse of hegemonic legitimacy, in the context of the Suharto New Order's exclusive representation of Pancasila as the ideological pillar of the regime's arrangement of Indonesian life. The study also examines whether the Gramscian model of hegemonic order is robust when employed to explain the Suharto regime's decline and collapse, as well as the prospects for socio-political and economic stability during the post-Suharto transitionary phase and the pressures of Islamic socio-political resurgence, which were accompanied by demands for more liberal democratic processes and participation.
Antonio Gramsci provides the analytical framework for the study, and the Suharto New Order the behavioural perspective, with the prime purpose of the research being to test Gramsci's model of hegemonic order and ideological legitimacy against a contemporary context. With Indonesia comprising the world's largest Islamic population, the Suharto New Order's endeavours to construct national consensus and unity around Pancasila's secular-nationalist orientation suggest prima facie a highly appropriate perspective in which to test Gramsci's theories. The post-Suharto era of transition, also offers a timely opportunity to test the Italian Marxist's thoughts on crafting national consensus to underwrite a ruling arrangement's ideological legitimacy in the contemporary environment of Islamic socio-political resurgence accompanied by a global spread of secular, liberal democratic ideals
Political Parties in Post-Suharto Indonesia: Between politik aliran and ’Philippinisation’
Surprisingly, the outcome of the 1999 and 2004 elections in Indonesia and the resultant constellation of political parties are reminiscent of the first Indonesian parliamentary democracy of the 1950s. The dynamics of party politics is still marked by aliran (‘streams’), i.e. some of the biggest political parties still have a mass base and are embedded in specific milieus. But politik aliran has lost a lot of its significance and re-emerged in a quite different form after the fall of Suharto in 1998. Starting with this observation, it is argued that parties are still socially rooted, so a modified aliran approach still has its analytical value. However, one can also witness a weakening of aliran (dealiranisasi) and a concomitant ‘Philippinisation’, which is indicated by the rise of presidential or presidentialised parties, growing intra-party authoritarianism, the prevalence of ‘money politics’, the lack of meaningful political platforms, weak loyalties towards parties, cartels with shifting coalitions and the upsurge of new local elites.political parties, post-Suharto Indonesia, Philippinisation, politik aliran
Being Chinese and Indonesian : Chinese organisations in post-Suharto Indonesia
In 1998 Indonesia was on the verge of huge political changes. The economy was in crisis and President Suharto's thirty-two year New Order government was coming to an
end. Violence, largely directed against the ethnic Chinese in a number of cities on the archipelago, accompanied the political and economic crises. The changes which unfolded led to peaceful elections in 1999, which were judged by international observers to be fair and democratic. These elections placed a new administration in power and with it the hopes of the people that reformasi (reform) would ensue.
Immediately after Suharto stepped down things began to change for the ethnic Chinese who had never been fully accepted as Indonesian within Indonesian national discourses. Indeed the presence of ethnic Chinese in Indonesia was constructed as a problem; the "Chinese problem" (inasalah Cina). During the New Order, policy towards Chinese Indonesians was particularly harsh. They were not permitted to celebrate any aspect of their Chinese heritage and official policy dictated that they should assimilate into Indonesian society. This changed after 1998 and the debate about how Chinese Indonesians should behave, and how they should be treated, emerged once again. This
thesis investigates a number of Chinese Indonesian organisations which were established or re-established after May 1998. I am particularly interested in how they
are articulating both their Chinese and their Indonesian identities in this new climate. I argue that as a result of Indonesian national discourses which construct Chinese
Indonesians as "outsiders", it may not be possible for the groups to achieve their joint aims of overcoming anti-Chinese stereotypes and having their Chinese heritage
accepted within Indonesia. During the New Order years many ethnic Chinese were reluctant to declare themselves Chinese publicly, or speak about their experiences, which has led to a dearth of empirical material relating to how Chinese Indonesians themselves understand their identities. Therefore, this research is a particularly useful addition to the study of the ethnic Chinese in Indonesia
Kebijakan Sosial : Sebagai kebijakan publik / Edi Suharto
Sejarah menyaksikan bahwa semakin maju dan demokratis suatu negara, semakin tinggi perhatian Negara tersebut terhadap pentingnya kebijakan social. Sebaliknya, di negara-negara miskin dan otoriter kebijakan social kurang mendapat perhatian. Kebijakan social pada hakikatnya merupakan kebijakan public dalam bidang kesejahteraan social. Seperti anak judul buku ini, “Peran Pembangunan Kesejahteraan Sosial dan Pekerjaan Sosial dalam Mewujudkan Negara Kesejahteraan di Indonesiaâ€, buku ini ingin memberi pesan agar tata kelola pembangunan nasional di Indonesia memperhatikan dengan sungguh-sungguh pendekatan yang berpihak pada rakyat banyak demi terwujudnya masyarakat Indonesia yang sejahtera.Pembangunan kesejahteraan social dan pekerjaan social memiliki peran sentral dalam mewujudkan ‘negara kesejahteraan’ (welfare state) sesuai amanat konstitusi. Memperkuat system Negara kesejahteraan di Indonesia bukanlah mimpi. Melainkan, sebuah misi sekaluigus keniscayaan yang bukan saja bias, melainkan harus, diwujudkan oleh semua anak bangsa.Buku ini merupakan bacaan langka dalam khazanah kebijakan public di Indonesia. Para penentu kebijakan. Dosen, mahasiswa maupun pemerhati pembangunan bias mengambil manfaat dari buku ini, baik sebagai referensi maupun pedoman dalam membuat agenda strategis kebijakan publik, maupun program-program pelayanan sosial yang lebih operasional. Buku Sdr. Edi Suharto, Ph.D. ini membahas tentang kebijakan sosial secara mendalam. Buku yang membahas tentang kebijakan sosial masih sangat langka di Indonesia. Dengan terbitnya buku ini akan menambah kepustakaan tentang kebijakan sosial sehingga lebih membantu para mahasiswa, khususnya tingkat S-2 atau sederajat, untuk lebih mendalami pengetahuan tentang kebijakan sosial sebagai bagian dari kebijakan publik.Prof. Dr. Irawan Soehartono, MSW, Guru Besar Bidang/Ilmu Kesejahteraan Sosial, Fakultas Ilmu Sosial dan Ilmu Politik, UniverritarPasundan Bandung. Jelas, selain merupakan wujud komitmen keberpihakan kepada kaum lemah, buku ini menjelaskan instrumen-instrumen yang dapat digunakan untuk mewujudkan idealisme kesejahteraan yang berkeadilan. Buku ini perlu disambut baik karena akan menjadi acuan bagi kuliah Kebijakan Publik maupun Kebijakan Sosial, baik dalam lingkup Ilmu Kesejahteraan Sosial dan Pekerjaan Sosial, maupun Ilmu Sosial lainnya.Dr. Bambang Shergi Laksmono, M.Sc, Staf Pengajar Departemen Ilmu Kesejahteraan Sosial, Fakultas Ilmu Sosial dan Ilmu Politik Universitas Indonesia. Dr. Suharto's new book on social policy is an important contribution to the growing social welfare; social work literature in Indonesia. Finally, social work has a current text based on Indonesian experience, history and policy. Faculty and students of social welfare will greatly appreciate this informative volume. I cannot wait to add this to the syllabus of courses I teach. Dr. Suharto's book should also be essential reading for a wide group of human service professionals, government workers, volunteers, and people interested in the social policies of this country. Dr. Suharto's book presents frameworks for advancing discussion on social welfare and for advocating policy change.Prof. Martha Haffey, Ph.D, Director, Building Professional Social Work in Developing Country, New York, USA; Visiting Professor. STISIP Widuri, Jakart
H.B. Jassin perawat sastra Indonesia
Buku ini berisi riwayat singkat H.B. Jassin, salah seorang tokoh penting dalam dunia sastra Indonesia. H.B. Jassin adalah seorang pemerhati dan perawat sastra Indonesia yang gigih dan sederhana. Beliau merawat sastra Indonesia dengan cara mengumpulkan karya yang semula berserakan di koran dan majalah, kemudian mengguntingnya, menyatukannya dalam kliping, dan menyimpannya dengan rapi di perpustakaan pribadinya
Trends. Cognitive Complexity, Moral Complexity, and Foreign Policy: Commonalities between President Suharto and William Weld
The author discusses the
cognitive and moral complexities, and foreign policy commonalities between President Suharto and William Weld
Ethno-Nationalism In Post-Suharto Indonesia: The Chinese Question
The purpose of this study is to identify the development of ethno-nationalists’ sentiments, organizations and movements performed by the Chinese elites in Indonesia during post-Suharto era and their influence on Indonesian politics. If compared to most ethno-nationalist groups in Indonesia, Chinese nationalists are considered unique due to their origin as immigrants; Chinese community do not have strong ancestry attachment to Indonesia as their homeland. Therefore, the author wants to find out what motivates the Chinese elites to express their ethnic sentiment especially when such sentiments were not present during the Suharto regime
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