1,146 research outputs found
Russia and long-range missiles in Europe : deterrence or an arms rade
No full textMaxim Starchak ; editing department: International Cooperation Department, Russia Program of the FE
Russland und Langstreckenraketen in Europa : Abschreckung oder Wettrüsten
No full textMaxim Starchak ; Herausgebende Abteilung International Cooperation Department, Russia Program of the FE
Liftings for noncomplete probability spaces
No full textThe current state of knowledge concerning liftings for noncomplete probability spaces is discussed. This is a somewhat expanded version of the author's talk given at the 1991 Summer Conference on General Topology and Applications in Honor of Mary Ellen Rudin and Her Work.PT: S; CR: BURKE MR, IN PRESS P AM MATH S BURKE MR, 1991, ISRAEL J MATH, V73, P33 BURKE MR, 1992, ISRAEL J MATH, V79, P289 CARLSON T, THEOREM LIFTING CHRISTENSEN JPR, 1974, TOPOLOGY BOREL STRUC FREMLIN DH, 1989, HDB BOOLEAN ALGEBRAS, P877 INOESCUTULCEA A, 1966, 5TH P BERK S MATH ST, V2 IONESCUTULCEA A, 1967, CONTRIBUTIONS PROB 1, P63 IONESCUTULCEA A, 1969, TOPICS THEORY LIFTIN JECH TJ, 1978, SET THEORY JOHNSON RA, 1980, P AM MATH SOC, V80, P234 JUST W, IN PRESS T AM MATH S KUPKA J, 1983, INDIANA U MATH J, V32, P717 LOSERT V, 1983, LNM, V1080, P95 MAHARAM D, 1958, P AM MATH SOC, V9, P987 SHELAH S, 1983, ISRAEL J MATH, V45, P90 TALAGRAND M, 1982, P AM MATH SOC, V84, P379 VONNEUMANN J, 1931, CRELLES J MATH, V165, P109; NR: 18; TC: 0; J9: ANN N Y ACAD SCI; PG: 4; GA: BZ86BSource type: Electronic(1
PROBLEM OF A RATIO OF THE POINTS OF VIEW IN THE NOVEL “FOMA GORDEYEV” BY MAXIM GORKY
No full textVarious points of view of the characters of the novel “Foma Gordeyev” by Maxim Gorky come
to light and are analysed in the article, their complicated ratio supported by certain motives – work or business, dissociation, loneliness, enrichment and search of the place in life – is considered. It is proved that the
ratio of the characters’ points of view understood by the author as positions, from which events are considered, is among the bright artistic touches of early works of Maxim Gorky. This inclusion in the Fin de siècle
era, time of the overall overturn and of the new judgement of many concepts could be used in connection
with unwillingness of Maxim Gorky’s open expression of his author’s opinion. Composing a fancy plot, bringing heroes together, the
writer offers the sooth at the reader’s discretion rather than making emphases. The narrator’s voice is dominating, beginning and finishing the epic narration, at the same time only framing various points of view of the characters. The polyphony of the novel and the
thought-over ratio between the author, the storyteller and the heroes allowed Maxim Gorky creating gallery of living, spatial characters,
emphasising dramatic bases of the Russian life of the represented period and reducing all voices to a uniform denominator. The ratio
of the heroes’ points of view becomes one of the bases of the work’s composition and leads to understanding of the reasons of failures
of many characters. The author of the article analyses ways of introducing the speaking people’s images to the artistic text, emphasises
existence of the special sayings for all occasions in the text designed to influence the recipient by the offer of “wisdom formulas” to it,
only to be taken stock of by the reader. Most likely, the ratio of the points of view in the novel as a special device had, on the one hand,
already been preconditioned, and, on the other hand, could affect a peculiar mosaicity of the upcoming Maxim Gorky’s personal artistic
method. Moreover, features of the narration and substantial aspects of composition allow us saying that in the novel “Foma Gordeyev”,
Maxim Gorky creatively masters and actively uses findings of the Russian classics of the second half of the 19th century
170226 ELDER CARE EVENT BEARD 007
No full textProfessor Laura Olson, a member of the Political Science department at Lehigh, listens to her audience on Wednesday, Feb. 22, 2017 in Williams Hall. Olson is the author of "Elder Care Journey: A View from the Front Lines" (Maxim Beard/B&W Staff
170226 ELDER CARE EVENT BEARD 003
No full textProfessor Laura Olson, author of "Elder Care Journey: A View from the Front Lines", talks during a Brown Bag Series on Wednesday, Feb. 22, 2017 in Williams Hall. Olson is a professor of Political Science at Lehigh. (Maxim Beard/B&W Staff
170226 ELDER CARE EVENT BEARD 005
No full textProfessor Laura Olson, author of "Elder Care Journey: A View from the Front Lines", speaks during a Brown Bag Series on Wednesday, Feb. 22, 2017 in Williams Hall. Olson passionately discussed her personal experience with the long-term care system in the U.S. (Maxim Beard/B&W Staff
Rosyjskie i polskie elity rządzące wobec zagadnienia obrony przeciwrakietowej NATO/USA. Część 2
No full textPolish-Russian relations are among the most difficult and the most complicated neighbourly relations in Europe. They are difficult particularly for Poland, but they are also complicated for Russia. The relations have a difficult history and Poland has more often experienced Russian domination, falling victim to Russia’s imperial policy. These negative experiences have evoked mutual suspicion and distrust in the elites of both countries.After the collapse of communism and the Soviet Union, Poland set out to integrate with the Euro-Atlantic structures, such as NATO and the European Union (EU). Poland’s accession to NATO was meant to strengthen its national security and international position, protecting it from potential Russian neo-imperialism and making it an important element (particularly in Central and Eastern Europe) of a monocentric, US-dominated global order. The attempts made by Russia and the West to achieve mutual agreement in the 1990s ended in failure. Russia is afraid of American hegemony in the world and its progressive marginalisation, and it thus opposes the expansion of NATO to the East. On the other hand, Poland and the Baltic states are afraid of Moscow’s military campaigns, such as those in Georgia and Ukraine. The location of Poland and Russia in global geopolitics makes their interests collide with each other.To increase its security, Poland strengthens cooperation with Washington and strives to actively participate in all American projects implemented under the auspices of NATO with regard to Central and Eastern Europe. One such project is the construction of NATO’s missile defence system on the territory of Poland, which raises Russia’s serious objections. The article presents the attitude of Russia and Poland to the creation of the NATO missile defence system. It analyses bilateral perception, argumentation, fears and methods of achieving goals in negotiations regarding the construction of the American missile shield.Stosunki polsko-rosyjskie należą do najtrudniejszych i najbardziej złożonych sąsiedzkich relacji w Europie. Są one trudne szczególnie dla Polski, ale dla Rosji także są skomplikowane. Nad wzajemnymi stosunkami ciąży trudna historia, na przestrzeni której Polska częściej doświadczała dominacji rosyjskiej, padając ofiarą imperialnej polityki Rosji. Te negatywne doświadczenia zrodziły w elitach obu krajów wzajemną podejrzliwość i nieufność.
Po upadku komunizmu i rozpadzie Związku Sowieckiego, Polska obrała kurs na integrację ze strukturami euroatlantyckimi – z NATO oraz Unią Europejską. Akcesja Polski do NATO miała wzmocnić jej bezpieczeństwo narodowe oraz pozycję międzynarodową, chroniąc ją przed potencjalnym neoimperializmem rosyjskim, i czyniąc istotnym elementem (szczególnie w Europie Środkowo-Wschodniej) monocentrycznego, zdominowanego przez USA, porządku globalnego. Podejmowane w latach 90. XX wieku przez Rosję oraz Zachód próby wzajemnego porozumienia zakończyły się niepowodzeniem. Rosja obawia się amerykańskiej hegemonii w świecie i dalszej swojej marginalizacji, sprzeciwiając się rozszerzaniu NATO na wschód. Natomiast Polska oraz kraje bałtyckie obawiają się wojskowych reakcji Moskwy, np. działań w Gruzji i na Ukrainie. Takie usytuowanie Polski i Rosji w światowej geopolityce powoduje, że ich interesy kolidują ze sobą.
Polska, chcąc zwiększyć swoje bezpieczeństwo, zacieśnia współpracę z Waszyngtonem, stara się aktywnie uczestniczyć we wszystkich projektach amerykańskich realizowanych pod auspicjami NATO w odniesieniu do Europy Środkowo-Wschodniej. Takim projektem jest budowa natowskiego systemu obrony przeciwrakietowej na terytorium Polski, co budzi poważne zastrzeżenia ze strony Rosji. W artykule został przedstawiony stosunek Rosji i Polski do tworzenia obrony przeciwrakietowej NATO. Przeanalizowano obustronną percepcję, argumentację, obawy oraz metody osiągania celów w negocjacjach w kwestii budowy amerykańskiej tarczy antyrakietowej
Rosyjskie i polskie elity rządzące wobec zagadnienia obrony przeciwrakietowej NATO/USA: Część 1
No full textPolish-Russian relations are among the most difficult and the most complicated neighbourly relations in Europe. They are difficult particularly for Poland but they are also complicated for Russia. The relations are affected by a difficult history during which Poland often experienced Russian domination and fell victim to Russia’s imperial politics. These negative experiences gave rise to mutual suspicion and distrust in the elites of both countries.After the collapse of communism and the Soviet Union, Poland set out to integrate with the Euro-Atlantic structures – NATO and the European Union. Poland’s accession to NATO was meant to strengthen its national security and international position, protecting it against potential Russian neo-imperialism and making it an important element (especially in Central and Eastern Europe) of the monocentric, US-dominated global order. Attempts at mutual understanding between Russia and the West in the 1990s ended in failure. Russia is afraid of US hegemony in the world and its further marginalisation, and thus it opposes the expansion of NATO to the east. On the other hand, Poland and the Baltic states are afraid of Moscow’s military reactions, e.g. the operations in Georgia and Ukraine. The positions of Poland and Russia in global geopolitics makes their interests interfere with each other.Wishing to increase its security, Poland strengthens cooperation with Washington and strives to actively participate in all American projects implemented under the auspices of NATO with regard to Central and Eastern Europe. One such project is the construction of NATO’s missile defence system on Poland’s territory, which raises serious reservations in Russia. The article presents the attitudes of Russia and Poland to the creation of the NATO missile defence system. We analyse the bilateral perception, argumentation, fears and methods for achieving the goals of negotiations regarding the construction of the American anti-missile shield.Polish-Russian relations are among the most difficult and the most complicated neighbourly relations in Europe. They are difficult particularly for Poland but they are also complicated for Russia. The relations are affected by a difficult history during which Poland often experienced Russian domination and fell victim to Russia’s imperial politics. These negative experiences gave rise to mutual suspicion and distrust in the elites of both countries.After the collapse of communism and the Soviet Union, Poland set out to integrate with the Euro-Atlantic structures – NATO and the European Union. Poland’s accession to NATO was meant to strengthen its national security and international position, protecting it against potential Russian neo-imperialism and making it an important element (especially in Central and Eastern Europe) of the monocentric, US-dominated global order. Attempts at mutual understanding between Russia and the West in the 1990s ended in failure. Russia is afraid of US hegemony in the world and its further marginalisation, and thus it opposes the expansion of NATO to the east. On the other hand, Poland and the Baltic states are afraid of Moscow’s military reactions, e.g. the operations in Georgia and Ukraine. The positions of Poland and Russia in global geopolitics makes their interests interfere with each other.Wishing to increase its security, Poland strengthens cooperation with Washington and strives to actively participate in all American projects implemented under the auspices of NATO with regard to Central and Eastern Europe. One such project is the construction of NATO’s missile defence system on Poland’s territory, which raises serious reservations in Russia. The article presents the attitudes of Russia and Poland to the creation of the NATO missile defence system. We analyse the bilateral perception, argumentation, fears and methods for achieving the goals of negotiations regarding the construction of the American anti-missile shield
An RNA interference knock-down of nitrate reductase enhances lipid biosynthesis in the diatom Phaeodactylum tricornutum
No full textWhen diatoms are stressed for inorganic nitrogen they remodel their intermediate metabolism and redirect carbon towards lipid biosynthesis. However, this response comes at a significant cost reflected in decreased photosynthetic energy conversion efficiency and growth. Here we explore a molecular genetics approach to restrict the assimilation of inorganic nitrogen by knocking down nitrate reductase (NR). The transformant strain, NR21, exhibited about 50% lower expression and activity of the enzyme but simultaneously accumulated over 40% more fatty acids. However, in contrast to nitrogen-stressed wild-type (WT) cells, which grow at about 20% of the rate of nitrogen-replete cells, growth of NR21 was only reduced by about 30%. Biophysical analyses revealed that the photosynthetic energy conversion efficiency of photosystem II was unaffected in NR21; nevertheless, the plastoquinone pool was reduced by 50% at the optimal growth irradiance while in the WT it was over 90% oxidized. Further analyses reveal a 12-fold increase in the glutamate/glutamine ratio and an increase NADPH and malonyl-CoA pool size. Transcriptomic analyses indicate that the knock down resulted in changes in the expression of genes for lipid biosynthesis, as well as the expression of specific transcription factors. Based on these observations, we hypothesize that the allocation of carbon and reductants in diatoms is controlled by a feedback mechanism between intermediate metabolites, the redox state of the plastid and the expression and binding of transcription factors related to stress responses.Peer reviewe
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