10 research outputs found
Penmanship in print: English copy-books and their makers, 1570-1763
No full textStarting in the 1570s, printed penmanship manuals promised to teach Englishpeople speedy, legible, even beautiful writing through textual instruction and illustrated specimens. Based upon an extensive survey of extant writing-books, this dissertation contends that writing-masters developed and deployed a range of strategies to establish their authority over their subject, their command over their art. As such, despite their fundamentally commonplace material (the accepted forms of the letters of the alphabet), their books could serve as proprietary proxies for their hands, bodies, and voices. By studying the construction of authorial expertise within functional, non-literary books circulating in a crowded, competitive market, this study argues for broader understandings of authorship beyond its inscription in canonical textual works. Examining a dispute between two late-sixteenth-century writing-masters, William Panke and Peter Bales, about creating letterforms through individual strokes, Chapter 1 shows why their common hybrid script-and-print method was an early revolution in the search for ways to successfully teach writing in absentia. An Interchapter exploring the early shift from relief to intaglio methods in printing English writing-books establishes the importance of illustrative technologies in the creation of successful calligraphical specimens. Chapter 2 captures how seventeenth-century writing-master Edward Cocker marketed himself, through an exceptionally large, innovative corpus and through verbal and visual rhetoric, as an instructor, artisan, and author-figure. As a counterpoint, Chapter 3 investigates the two-way trade in content between attributable and unattributed writing-books, and the motivations of the stationers who published them, to promulgate anonymity as an alternative model of authority. A second Interchapter traces the advent of an unembellished round hand, starting in the 1660s, placing the move toward uniformity in writing within the context of England\u27s increasingly mercantile culture. Chapter 4 consolidates late-seventeenth century writing-masters\u27 affinity for flourishes, drawings, and ornament into an aesthetics of excess that directly responded to the new emphasis on legibility and pragmatism in writing. Finally, Chapter 5 analyzes the emergence of a retrospective, curatorial impulse among eighteenth-century writing-masters, who, through visual anthologies and textual histories of domestic writing-books, depicted Britain\u27s economic power as a function of a national tradition in literacy
Wolfgang Ernst. Stirrings in the Archives: Order from Disorder.
No full textBe warned: Stirrings in the Archives is dense. Wolfgang Ernst’s erudite, citation-stuffed monograph rests upon a basic tenet of media archaeology: that the material form of what is archived, and the structure of how it is archived, affect the ways in which a given archive has been, is, and will be accessed and interpreted. Deconstruction is at work everywhere in this book, comparing and contrasting individual vs. collective records; presence vs. absence; hidden vs. public; chance vs. by design; abundance vs. scarcity; and so on. Ernst draws fruitfully upon the work of theorists (Michel Foucault, Jacques Derrida), material-cultural historians (Natalie Zemon Davis, Carlo Ginzburg), and premodernist scholars (Ernst Kantorowicz, Stephen Greenblatt) alike. The result is a hefty series of short essays—connected but distinct(ive)—on various aspects of archival theory.</jats:p
Writing about Writing in Early Modern Writing-Books
No full textEssay on 17th century writing manuals in the Kislak Center\u27s collection
As-built design specification for the Patterson-Pitt-Thadani minimum loss classifier
No full textThere are no author-identified significant results in this report
Compression following treatment of superficial venous incompetence: systematic review
No full textBACKGROUND: International guidelines recommend postprocedural compression when treating symptomatic superficial venous incompetence (SVI). This updated review of RCTs investigated the requirement for postprocedural compression and how it can be applied optimally. METHODS: The National Institute for Health and Care Excellence's Healthcare Databases Advanced Search engine was used to identify all English-language RCTs of compression following treatment for SVI. Outcomes of interest included postprocedural pain, venous thromboembolism, health-related quality of life (HRQoL), and anatomical occlusion. RESULTS: A total of 18 studies were included comprising some 2584 treated limbs. Compression was compared with no compression in four studies, nine studies compared different durations of compression, and a further five compared different types of compression. A 1-2-week period of compression was associated with a mean reduction of 11 (95 per cent c.i. 8 to 13) points in pain score on a 100-mm visual analogue scale compared with a shorter duration (P < 0.001). This was associated with improved HRQoL and patient satisfaction. Longer durations of compression did not add further benefit. There was low-quality evidence suggesting that 35-mmHg compression with eccentric thigh compression achieved lower pain scores than lower interface pressures. There were no significant differences in venous thromboembolism rates or technical success in any group, including no compression. CONCLUSION: Postprocedural compression of 1-2 weeks after SVI treatment is associated with reduced pain compared with a shorter duration. The optimal interface pressure and type of compression, and the impact on venous thromboembolism risk, remain to be determined
Carter, John. <i>ABC for Book Collectors</i>. 9th ed., revised by Nicolas Barker and Simran Thadani. New Castle, DE: Oak Knoll Press, 2016. 264 pp. $29.95. Hardcover (ISBN: 978-1-5845-6352-5).
No full textEfecto del boca oreja electrónico (eWOM) en la intención de compra de los usuarios de la red social Facebook en Colombia
No full textEl ascenso y alcance del internet ha sido precursor de nuevas posibilidades. Tras el auge del comercio electrónico como modelo de negocio, el concepto del boca oreja tradicional se diversifica, adaptándose al contexto digital en todas sus formas (Cheung y Thadani, 2012, p. 462).
El comercio social, es un concepto que nace al combinar los efectos de las compras tradicionales en línea, y el marketing boca a boca. Arraigado a este contexto, el boca oreja electrónico, o eWOM, es contenido generado por un usuario, que transmite información positiva o negativa, con relación a diferentes bienes (Woong y Jim, 2020, p. 2).
En Colombia, las redes sociales cuentan con 35 millones de usuarios, de las cuales, el 95% le pertenecen a Facebook (Hootsuite, 2020, pp. 101-105). Además de esto, el 81% de empresarios en Colombia, afirman que Facebook My Business satisfacer las necesidades de su negocio, y 64% señalan que Facebook ha dado lugar a mejores ventas (Cámara de Comercio de España en Colombia, 2020, párr. 5).
Según Hajli (2019), debido a una alta exposición al tránsito de información comercial en el entorno digital, los usuarios le atribuyen mayor credibilidad al contenido de cocreación generado por otros usuarios. Por consiguiente, a través de esta investigación, se analiza el efecto que tienen las variables del eWOM sobre la intención de compra, examinando cómo estos estímulos orgánicos influyen o no, de acuerdo con la valencia del mensaje y el involucramiento de la fuente, y sí la Credibilidad de la fuente modera la relación entre las variables independientes y dependientes (p. 778).The internet’s outreach has been a key component and a booster for new
possibilities. Since the inception of social commerce as a business model, the notion
of electronic word of mouth has diversified, migrating, and adapting its core concept
into a digital context (Cheung y Thadani, 2012, p. 462).
Social commerce is a concept that emerges when combining the traditional online
buying effects, and the word-of-mouth Marketing. Within the same context line, the
electronic word-of-mouth, or eWOM, is user generated content, transmitted on either
a positive or negative way, towards goods and services (Woong y Jim, 2020, p. 2).
In Colombia, social media is a 35 million user network, in which 95% belongs to
Facebook (Hootsuite, 2020, pp. 101-105). Furthermore, 81% of business owners in
Colombia confirm that Facebook My Business have helped their business’ need,
while 64% points out that Facebook have given place to better sales (Cámara de
Comercio de España en Colombia, 2020, párr. 5).
The author Hajli (2019) denotates that, due to the high level of commerce information
users face in digital environments, users tend to attribute a higher level of credibility
to co-creation content, brought out by other users. Therefore, this research is subject
to analyze the effect of eWOM variables towards purchase intentions, exploring how
these organic stimuli are potential influences or not, depending on the message’s
valence, and the source's experience and involvement. Likewise, it pursues
discovering if the source credibility moderates the effect between the dependent and
independent variables of study (p. 778)Proyecto de grado (Magíster en Mercadeo Estratégico)-- Universidad Autónoma de Occidente, 2022MaestríaMagíster en Mercadeo Estratégic
NeuroBlu, an electronic health record (EHR) trusted research environment (TRE) to support mental healthcare analytics with real-world data
No full textPURPOSE: NeuroBlu is a real-world data (RWD) repository that contains deidentified electronic health record (EHR) data from US mental healthcare providers operating the MindLinc EHR system. NeuroBlu enables users to perform statistical analysis through a secure web-based interface. Structured data are available for sociodemographic characteristics, mental health service contacts, hospital admissions, International Classification of Diseases ICD-9/ICD-10 diagnosis, prescribed medications, family history of mental disorders, Clinical Global Impression—Severity and Improvement (CGI-S/CGI-I) and Global Assessment of Functioning (GAF). To further enhance the data set, natural language processing (NLP) tools have been applied to obtain mental state examination (MSE) and social/environmental data. This paper describes the development and implementation of NeuroBlu, the procedures to safeguard data integrity and security and how the data set supports the generation of real-world evidence (RWE) in mental health. PARTICIPANTS: As of 31 July 2021, 562 940 individuals (48.9% men) were present in the data set with a mean age of 33.4 years (SD: 18.4 years). The most frequently recorded diagnoses were substance use disorders (1 52 790 patients), major depressive disorder (1 29 120 patients) and anxiety disorders (1 03 923 patients). The median duration of follow-up was 7 months (IQR: 1.3 to 24.4 months). FINDINGS TO DATE: The data set has supported epidemiological studies demonstrating increased risk of psychiatric hospitalisation and reduced antidepressant treatment effectiveness among people with comorbid substance use disorders. It has also been used to develop data visualisation tools to support clinical decision-making, evaluate comparative effectiveness of medications, derive models to predict treatment response and develop NLP applications to obtain clinical information from unstructured EHR data. FUTURE PLANS: The NeuroBlu data set will be further analysed to better understand factors related to poor clinical outcome, treatment responsiveness and the development of predictive analytic tools that may be incorporated into the source EHR system to support real-time clinical decision-making in the delivery of mental healthcare services
Microsoft Word - Wp65.doc
No full textSummary This paper focuses on the links between migration and sustainable livelihoods, looking in particular at the institutional factors that connect the two. It argues that much of the development literature makes the false assumption that sedentary patterns in society are the norm, instead making the case that migration is often the rule, rather than the exception. It concludes that migration should be seen as just one of the livelihood strategies open to households, that it is often combined with other strategies, and that it is frequently a two-way process in which migrants maintain close links with their areas of origin over a much longer period than is frequently assumed. Pointing out the range of different types of migration, ranging from voluntary to forced, the paper highlights the complex institutional factors involved in determining who is able to migrate, and who benefits most from it. 3 INTRODUCTION This paper is a critical review of the literature on migration and development. It focuses on the links between migration and sustainable livelihoods (rather than development in general). The review is part of the first phase of the research programme on sustainable livelihoods, carried out by the Institute of Development Studies, the Poverty Research Unit at Sussex, and IIED. This research focuses on Bangladesh, Mali and Ethiopia, and so does this literature review. The Sustainable Livelihoods Programme (SLP) looks at three elements of livelihoods in developing countries in Africa and South Asia: agricultural intensification, livelihood diversification, and migration. Hence the first aim of this review is to identify what has been said in the literature about the way migration contributes to sustainable livelihoods, as one of the three main strategies of poor rural households. We believe that households are the appropriate unit of analysis of migration, acknowledging of course that the forms of households vary across time, space, and socio-economic groups. The research on sustainable livelihoods takes an institutional approach. This, we will argue, is very suitable for the study of migration. This paper proposes that the most appropriate framework for the study and explanation of migration goes beyond, on the one hand, studies that isolate individuals as rational decision makers in explaining migration; and on the other hand theories that focus only on macroeconomic or political developments as explanatory factors. It discusses various forms of migration, including international, rural-rural, rural-urban, 'economic', 'forced', and 'development-induced' migration and the often overlooked dynamic interaction between forms of movement. We will touch briefly on the pastoralist literature -to indicate the variety of population movements -although generally migration researchers have not included pastoral or nomadic movements in their sphere of interest. This paper will refer to migration studies on different parts of the world, although the focus will be Ethiopia, Mali and Bangladesh. ADDRESSING WEAKNESSES IN MIGRATION STUDIES In Western discourse, rooted as it is in sedentarism and what van der Post has called the 'static absolute ' (1987: 79), migration receives a poor press. Population movements, whether haphazard or ordered, are regarded as a threat to stability and a challenge to established lifestyles. In much of Africa and South Asia, however, movement is the established pattern and migration is both a strategy of survival and livelihood, and inseparable from identity. Population movement, however, is not an exclusively modern phenomenon. Waller, for example, described East Africa, before the advent of colonialism, as ... a frontier region where society was fluid, highly adaptable, and capable of absorbing outsiders easily. Labour, rather than land, was the scarce resource. This placed a high premium on the ability of pioneering groups of individuals to contract and manipulate effectively a wide range of kinship and other ties in order to mobilise the social and political resources necessary for colonisation ... as a 4 result of the need for mobility, there were few barriers to the flow of populations from one smallscale unit to another and the definitions of identity tended to be inclusive rather than exclusive. (1985: 348-49) Historical research on South Asia similarly point out that migration is by no means a new phenomenon. Within Bengal, complex patterns of labour migration have existed for centuries, including 'dual migration' strategies whereby many households both hire-in labour in and are at the same time experience out-migration. Over time, in Bengal, this mobility seems to have decreased because the risks of migration have increased, or have been perceived to increase, due to a growing labour surplus (van Schendel 1984). However, new streams of migration have developed, abroad (to India and the Gulf), to Dhaka, and to Green Revolution areas. Also, environmental change has traditionally resulted in regular displacements of large numbers of people; for example, river erosion, particularly along the channels and tributaries of the Brahmaputra in Assam and Bangladesh. In the late-twentieth century, however, we are seeing population movement on an arguably unprecedented scale. At this moment, in addition to the hundreds of millions of economic migrants, UNHCR estimated that there are some 18 million refugees in international transit, 35 million people internally displaced, 100 million people uprooted by planned development, and an estimated 25 million people in danger of displacement as a consequence of environmental change (McDowell 1996b). Such migrations are by no means restricted to developing countries and there is a strong argument for challenging the sedentary bias in Western history and policy-making, and accepting instead that the 'modern' condition is indeed one of movement rather than sedentary place attachment. This challenge to the prevailing and cherished orthodoxies is also a challenge to Western development models that seem to export the myth of non-movement while advancing policies (commercialisation, agricultural intensification, industrialisation, and liberalisation) which induce and often demand population movement. We believe that donors' strategies -and arguably for example current Ethiopian Government economic and political policies -fail to address the needs of migrants and pastoral people and fail to consider the importance of population movement for sustainability. We concur with Green, that migration should generally be welcomed rather than seen as a problem: rural-rural migration in Africa is large, frequent and ongoing. Most does not take place in officially structured contexts ... Certainly outcomes vary but on balance it can be said that they do not usually involve major losses in respect to food security or livelihood, continuous incomer/old resident conflicts as opposed to episodic and resolvable tensions. Green (1996: 46). An exception to the literature that generally defines migration as a problem is the West Africa Long Term Perspective Study (Snerch 1995); this, however, focuses on rural-urban migration and neglects rural-rural movements. 5 Changing Population Movements: Ethiopia, Bangladesh, Mali In certain parts of Ethiopia, for example in the Lower Omo Valley, absence of rigidly imposed administrative boundaries and weak government representation, has contributed to a prevalence of relations described by Waller (Turton, pers. comm. February 1997). However, from the overthrow of Selassie and the onset of the 'scientific socialist revolution ' in 1974, through Mengistu in 1977 and up to the dissolution of the state in the 1990s, such fluidity was exceptional. Marxist-Leninist rule and state planning in Ethiopia brought centre stage the control of population movement. On the one hand, through much of this period 'voluntary' rural-rural and rural-urban migration was far lower in Ethiopia than in the rest of sub-Saharan Africa (University of Addis Ababa 1995:22) -and it was not until the more recent lifting of restrictions that migration, labour or otherwise, was made easier. While on the other, 'involuntary' politically-induced population displacement and resettlement occurred on an unprecedented scale and led to enormous population shifts, largely within rural areas; and related to these movements were the tremendous population upheavals brought about by conflict within the country related to the rise of nationalism and the globalisation of inter-state conflict within the region (Agyeman-Duah 1996:46): most notably the destructive war between Ethiopia and Somalia in 1977-1978 over the disputed Ogaden region. Recent policies -of liberalisation, macro-economic reforms, decentralisation and regionalisation, and regarding food security for example -are likely to influence population movements. Planners usually are ambivalent about the relationship between development and population movement. The Ethiopian Government and its advisers would appear to share this ambivalence, mindful perhaps of the legacy of the Derg period when population control was inseparable from political control. Policy documents make few direct references to migration; where they do the control and limiting of migration remains a stated goal. For example: 'In nomadic areas numerous water wells shall be dug so that the nomads can use the grazing grounds properly. In addition to this, favourable conditions shall be created for the nomadic population to use irrigation to grow not only animal feeds but crops as well, so that they will ultimately become settlers' (EPRDF 1995: 18, emphasis added). Elsewhere in the Action Plan there is mention of the need to limit urbanisation. Most migration occurs within national borders, but many countries send and receive international migrants. Bangladeshis, particularly Sylhetis, have migrated in great numbers to Europe and the Gulf countries; perhaps less within the South Asian region -although from other parts of Bangladesh large numbers do move to India. As Shah has noted, the 'volume of emigration has become numerically as well as financially so large that emigration is now intrinsically tied up with development planning in most South Asian countries ' (1994: 223). He estimates that there is a 'stock' of 3.3 million South Asian migrants working outside the region. About half a million originate from Bangladesh and Sri Lanka each, about one million from India, and 1.3 million from Pakistan. In Mali attention has recently refocused on migration in the Sahel region because of the high rates of out-migration. For example, there are estimated to be 8-9 million Malians in Mali and three million 6 Malians in other countries most notably Cote D'Ivoire, Gabon, Zaire, South Africa and France, with growing numbers entering the US and other European countries. Certainly migration is not a new phenomenon in the Sahel, and survival strategies, as the IIED's Bulletin of the Drylands notes, in such a risky environment have hinged for centuries upon movement in search of new land and pastures, for trade and conquest. Over the last forty years, however, out-migration from rural areas in the Sahel has reached new heights resulting in a quadrupling of the Sahelian urban population (David 1995:13). The Development-Migration Relationship In current development planning the development-migration relationship plays out in two main ways. First, development strategies are proposed to reduce population movements which are seen as inimical to development -an example would be so called stay-at-home development strategies which are designed to promote development and at the same time reduce emigration pressure (cf, Ghosh 1992: 423). In Ethiopia, the influential EPRDF strategy document makes only two direct references to migration. The first states as 'desirable' the objective to a reduce urban-bound migration as a consequence of 'increased utilisation of labour within the agricultural sector' (EPRDF Agricultural Sector Strategy, 1995:12); and the second, recommends the creation of 'favourable conditions for the nomadic population ... ultimately [to] become settlers ' (ibid. 1995:18). Second, population movements are seen as consequences, often unintended, of development interventions. For example, structural adjustment measures indirectly induce displacement. Sometimes, forced population displacement is even justified to advance development and provide an opportunity for national poverty reduction measures -for example, infrastructural development projects that directly induce population displacement and resettlement (McDowell 1996b), or for the alleviation of overcrowding and land-tenure reform in South Africa. We believe there is a need for research into the development-migration relationship to challenge the assumptions described above, to influence development policies. Research on population movements, put in the context of broader societal changes, should shed light on how the 'development' impact of migration affects people's ability to achieve a sustainable livelihood, and to what extent positive impacts can be maximised and negative incidence avoided or minimised. In order to make a contribution of this kind, an approach to the study of migration is needed that overcomes some of the migration studies' weaknesses. We discuss some of these below, particularly the dominant view of migrants as isolated individual decisions makers, the need to focus on the multi-dimensionality of the migration process, and the need to focus on the continuing links between the migrants and their areas of origin. The Tendency to Over-Rationalise A dominant strand of migration studies stresses the rationality of the migrants. Todaro, for example, assumed that migrants acted individually according to a rationality of economic self interest. The decision to migrate took into account the expected probability of employment at the destination; implicitly a 7 personal cost benefit analysis took place in the prospective migrant's mind (Todaro 1969, Harris and Todaro 1970). More recently, Oded Stark has developed this framework, in which rationality is still central. However, it is not exclusively the individual that decides about migration. Rather, decisions are taken in the context of the family and the household, and migration is seen as a form of port-folio diversification by families (Stark 1991). Decisions about migration are not taken in an ideal world of free choice in which individuals rationalise in order to maximise net advantage. In human behaviour there are degrees of autonomy and constraint that influence individual and group decisions about migration. Those degrees of autonomy and constraint could usefully be plotted on a continuum that tracks proactive to reactive migration where greater relative freedom in situations of proactive migration allows for greater individual and group choice (cf, Richmond 1994). 2 Particularly for research that looks at different types of migration and the institutional factors that structure these migration movements, this continuum approach can be a useful starting point. Such a continuum, however, would not suggest that in situations of spontaneous reactive migration, individual choice and maximising tendencies are absent. Recent studies (cf, McDowell 1996a) have shown clear rational planning, decision-taking and instrumentality in population movements which appear on the surface to be immediate and unplanned reactions to shocks. Rather, it is suggested that analyses of structural factors alone (conflict, poverty, shortage of land, employment-in-destination/unemployment-in origin) are inadequate to explain the dynamics and patterns of migration. To achieve this one has to analyse migrants' motivation, attitudes and people's understanding of the structures within which they act. 3 One has to account for recursiveness, and to accept that people follow historical patterns of behaviour for reasons that are not immediately clear. One has to consider antecedence, the forming of bridgeheads and the presence of diasporic states in which movement is thought critical for 'survival'. The Tendency to Isolate It is common in popular journalism, and not entirely absent from academic writing, that 'waves of movement' in a particular site are misinterpreted as exceptional disjunctures related to specific events. A different approach seeks to make explicit the interlinkages between migration streams, to look for dynamics of continuity and to superimpose displacement waves on previous migratory patterns (Black and Sessay 1995). Migration decisions which at first appear irrational -for example, to move cattle and people into areas with high concentrations of tsetse -make sense when they are seen as part of a continuing effort, consistent with traditional values, to solve, by well-tried means, recurrent problems to do with a balance between available resources and population numbers (Turton 1996, author' emphasis). In southern Ethiopia, spontaneous movement and settlement, when placed in a wider context, should be seen not as a 2 Richmond's multivariate analysis is influenced by earlier migration models and typologies, including those by Petersen (1958), Lee (1966 An Argument for Multidimensionality Some migration studies has tended to over-emphasise the constraining nature of formal institutions on mobility. 5 Colonialism, the capitalist labour market, socialist labour markets, European asylum policies, South African pass laws, are sets of rules designed to regulate behaviour and protect often narrow interests, but they also provide opportunity and room for manoeuvre for those they seek to constrain. Approaches which have sought to incorporate a more multidimensional and multivariate nature of population movements (be they voluntary or involuntary, short-distance or long-distance, short-term or long-term) have tried to overcome the limiting dualism between individualist and structuralist approaches by building in an awareness of autonomy, structural constraints, people's perceptions about and manoeuvring within constraints, recursiveness, established patterns of behaviour and cultural underpinnings (senses of persecution, fulfilling 'destiny', 'myths of origin', uniqueness, land attachment and so on) (de Haan, 1994; de Haan and Rogaly 1996; Richmond, 1994; Gardner 1995, McDowell, 1996a Turton, 1996). Such approaches are rooted in a fuller understanding of the social and cultural factors which may dovetail with economic imperatives, or contradict those imperatives. There is for example current academic interest in those who do not migrate when all around them do. 'Stayees' are as enmeshed in migratory processes as the migrants themselves, and their decision to remain (to occupy land or property, pursue education, to bury the dead, and so on) are likely to be elemental in household migration-related decision-taking. 6 Remaining behind, therefore, may be an indicator of immobility arising out of sociocultural factors to do with, for example, caste, gender, religion or region, or economic factors including relative deprivation (Ghosh 1992: 426; Singh 1984; Thadani and Todaro 1984). 4 Pettigrew (1977), Ballard (1983), Helweg (1983. Robinson (1986) stresses the importance of honour in the Punjabi migration movements. 5 See, for example, Breman (1985( , 1990( , 1996( ), Standing (1985, Shrestha (1990), Chapman and Prothero (1985), Singh (1995), Parnreiter 1995. Migration is seen not as an individual choice -as in the individualistic theories referred to above, but as the only option for survival, for example following technological change in agriculture. 6 Research on those who stay behind includes Gardner (1995) on Bangladesh, Roodenburg (1993) on Indonesia, Brettell (1986) for Portugal; Stark's (1991) concept of family portfolio diversification referred to above is also relevant here. 9 Migration models constructed to predict the scale, composition, distance and length of migratory movements are easily contradicted. McDowell (1996a) sought to single out the key conditions necessary for large-scale, long-distance migration in a situation of conflict, and to identify the factors explaining choice of destination: while plausible in the Sri Lankan context, where almost three quarters of the Tamil population were displaced and at least 350,000 sought asylum in Europe and North America; the predictive value of the model was shown to be minimal when applied to Natal in South Africa. The conditions were very similar but people affected by conflict opted not to seek asylum beyond South Africa's borders. Other models based on push-pull theories in which the city was seen as a giant magnet of opportunity fails to explain why only some move, it doesn't explain who those people are, why they choose to move when others remain, when they moved, to where and for which job. Wittman pointed out that push and pull factors are one and the same, together they provide the perception of difference between 'here' and 'there' (Wittman 1975:23) and therefore have limited heuristic value. Place-utility and other micro-theories are weakened by the assumption that decision-makers have perfect knowledge about the costs and benefits of migration. Clearly, this is not the case, people act with limited and often flawed knowledge. Migrants fabricate stories of success and the imperative of success and the fear
Evaluation of the effects of consumer trust on electronic word-of-mouth (e-WoM) in e-commerce stores in Colombia
No full textilustraciones, gráficas, tablasEl comercio electrónico tuvo un crecimiento significativo durante el 2020 debido a las medidas impuestas para contener la pandemia de COVID-19. Sin embargo, no todas las categorías de productos aumentaron sus ventas a través del canal digital, por lo que aquellas con comportamientos menos favorables requieren estrategias que contribuyan a estimularlas. En este sentido, el boca-oído electrónico, voz a voz electrónico o e-WoM se ha convertido en una herramienta fundamental para incentivar el e-commerce, razón por la cual es importante analizar las variables que afectan el e-WoM. En otros países se ha demostrado que la confianza del consumidor en una tienda en línea promueve el e-WoM sobre esta; no obstante, la relación entre estas variables no se había estudiado en el contexto colombiano, por lo que esta investigación ha planteado llenar este vacío. Para el análisis, se estableció un modelo de ecuaciones estructurales a partir de las escalas de confianza y e-WoM encontradas en la literatura, que se comprobó mediante la técnica de regresión de mínimos cuadrados parciales en el software SmartPLS3. A partir de ello fue posible concluir que los expertos en marketing del mercado nacional deben buscar mecanismos para fortalecer la confianza en las tiendas de comercio electrónico, tales como mejorar las garantías de los productos y optimizar los procedimientos de devolución y reclamación, pues con ello contribuirán a la difusión de recomendaciones y comentarios por diferentes medios online. (Texto tomado de la fuente).E-commerce saw significant growth during 2020 due to the measures imposed to contain the COVID-19 pandemic. However, not all product categories increased their sales through the digital channel, so those with less favorable behaviors require strategies that help stimulate them. In this sense, electronic word-of-mouth or e-WoM has become a fundamental tool to encourage e-commerce, which is why it is important to analyze the variables that affect e-WoM. In other countries it has been shown that consumer trust in an online store promotes e-WoM; however, the relationship between these variables had not been studied in the Colombian context, so this research has proposed to fill this gap. For the analysis, a structural equation model was established from the scales of trust and e-WoM found in the literature, which was tested using the partial least squares regression technique in SmartPLS3 software. From this it was possible to conclude that marketing experts in the domestic market should seek mechanisms to strengthen trust in e-commerce stores, such as improving product warranties and optimizing return and complaint procedures, as this will contribute to the dissemination of recommendations and comments through different online media.Incluye anexosMaestríaMagíster en AdministraciónMarketin
