27,485 research outputs found
The political role of the people's liberation army 1949-1973
Full text linkThis thesis is to study the political role of the People's Liberation Army from the approach of structure and function. The framework of the thesis consists of three major parts, first, the influence of Chinese traditional political culture on, and the formation of, the political role of the PL A; second, the influence of domestic political struggles and external military conflicts on the development of the political role of the PLA; and the third, the analysis of the transition of the PLA's political role from the structure and personnel arrangements of the CCPCC Within the above-mentioned three scopes, this thesis make a thorough discussion on the following: (1) The relationship between the structure of the PRC and the formation of the PLA's political role; (2) How has ideology influenced the army's political role; (3) What is Mao's viewpoint and his influence on the development of the army's political role; (4) What is the link between the army and the party, and how has this developed; (6) What accounts for the expansion of the PLA's political functions; (7) What is the influence of political factional struggles on the PLA's political role; (8) Is it political institution or military institution that controls the recruitment of the military elite; (9) What are the disparities between the military elite in handling international conflicts and what are their political considerations; (10) What is the Party's position in the army; (11) How have the Party’s important meetings and personnel arrangements influenced the rise and fall of the PLA's political role
The Relationships between the Shih-huo-chih in the Sung-chao kuo-shih and the Shih-huo-chih in the Sung-shi
Full text linkDuring the Sung dynasty many versions of the national history were compiled. All these national histories included a chapter called Shih-huo-chih 食貨志. These versions of the Shih-huo-chih are not extant now in their original form, but fragments of them have been included in such books as the Sung-shih Shih-huo-chih 宋史食貨志, the Hsü Tzŭ-chih-t’ung-chien ch’ang-pien 續資治通鑑長編, the Wên-hsien t’ung-k’ao 文獻通考, the Yü-hai 玉海, the Huang-chao pien-nien kang-mu pei-yao 皇朝編年綱目備耍, and the Shang-t’ang ch’ün-shu k’ao-so 山堂群書考索. The original form of the Shih-huo-chih, therefore, can be traced to some extent. Among the above works, the preface to the Shih-huo-chih in the Sung-shih states that, though the chapter was based on the Shih-huo-chih in the Sung-chao kuo-shih 宋朝國史, the quotation was limited only to the facts worth quoting because otherwise the chapter would become too voluminous. Comparing, however, the chapter of the Sung-chao kuo-shih with the similar chapters of the above works, the Sung-shih Shih-huo-chih seems to have borrowed in its entirety this chapter in the Sung-chao kuo-shih. In other words, although the Sung-shih Shih-huo-chih is mostly based on the Shih-huo-chih in the Sung-chao kuo-shih, such chapters as the fang-t’ien 方田 were newly added, and the description of the Sung-chao kuo-shih is sometimes corrected or illustrated by new facts. Moreover, for the period after Li-tsung 理宗 at the end of the Southern Sung (1225~1279), the Sung-shih Shih-huo-chih has a unique description because the corresponding part of the Sung-chao kuo-shih is lacking.The author then compares the text of the Sung-shih Shih-huo-chih with that of the above books for the purpose of restoring the original form of the Shih-huo-chih in the Sung-chao kuo-shih. The Hsü Tzŭ-chih t’ung-chien ch’ang-pien not only quotes the Sung-chao kuo-shih most extensively but also exhaustively corrects its errors of the latter. The Wên-hsien t’ung-k’ao also greatly depends upon the Sung-chao kuo-shih without indicating the source, while the Yü-hai, indicating the source, borrows some passages. The Shan-t’ang ch’ün-shu k’ao-so quotes the sections covering the reigns of Chê-tsung 哲宗 and Hui-tsung 徽宗in the Sung-chao kuo-shih which are not clearly recorded in the other books. The Huang-chao pien-nien kang-mu pei-yao quotes, mostly in its notes, the description from the Sung-chao kuo-shih without indicating the source.Thus the Shih-huo-chih in the Sung-chao kuo-shih remains in the form of various versions quoted in other works and from these the author endeavors to restore part of the text of the Shih-huo-chih in the Sung-chao kuo-shih.journal articl
The Treatise on the Yü T'ien 于闐 (Khotan) in the Ming Shih
Full text linkThe account of Khotan in the early Ming period, which occupies the latter part of the Treatise on Yü T’ien in the Ming Shih, was based, as has already been noticed by Dr. E. Bretschneider in his Mediaeval Researches, on the Shih Hsi Yü Chi 使西域記, or the Record of an Embassy to the Western Countries, which was written and presented to the court by Ch’ên Ch’eng 陳誠 on his return from his visit to Herat, Samarkand and fifteen other western countries, in the course of his first embassy to the west from 1414 to 1416. Scholars have long been aware that the Shih Hsi Yü Chi, which became known to the world on its inclusion in the Hsüeh Hai Lei Pien 學海類編, is not the text of the work as submitted by Ch’ên Ch’eng to the court but was taken from the Huang Ming Shih Lu 皇明實録, the Ming archives. However, when in 1944 the Peking Library bought the collection of Mr. Li of Tientsin, it was found that the collection included Ming manuscript copies of a Hsi Yü Hsing Ch’êng Chi 西域行程記, a Record of a Journey to the Western Countries and a Hsi Yü Fan Kuo Chih 西域番國志, an Account of the Foreign Countries of the West, by Ch’ên Ch’eng and Li Hsien 李暹. The latter is considered to be the text of the Shih Hsi Yü Chi, by Ch’ên Ch’'eng, which is included in the Hsüeh.Hai Lei Pien.When we reexamine the latter part of the Treatise on the Yü T’ien in the Ming Shih in the light of this Hsi Yü Fan Kuo Chih, it becomes clear that the account in the Ming Shih was not directly based on the Hsi Yü Fan Kuo Chih, but was taken at second hand from the Huang Ming Ssŭ I K’ao 皇明四夷考, the Study of Foreign Peoples in the Ming Period, by Cheng Hsiao鄭曉 (1499-1566). Moreover, when we compare the accounts given in the Huang Ming Ssŭ I K’ao and the Hsi Yü Fan Kuo Chih (the copy of this work in the Peking Library was once in the possession of Cheng Hsiao), considerations both of content and wording, make it clear that the entries, in the former, which purport to relate to Khotan, relate, in fact, to Bi Shi Ba Li 別失八里, i. e. Moghulistan, at the begining of the 14th century, and that Ch’ên Ch’eng never went to Khotan in the course of his first embassy to the west.journal articl
Wang Shih-chen and His I-yuan chih-yen
No full textIn the history of Ming 明 (1368-1644) literary criticism, the most influential critics were the Former Seven Masters 前七子 and the Latter Seven Masters 後七子. Wang Shih-chen 王世貞 (1526-1590), a most prolific and versatile scholar-writer, is often regarded as the successor of the Former Seven Masters and the leading figure amongst the Latter Seven Masters. In the entire range of Wang's works on literary criticism, I-yüan chih-yen 藝苑巵言 occupies the central position. However, the eminent Ch'ing 淸 (1644-1911) critic, Ch'ien Ch'ien-i 錢謙益 (1582-1664) points out in his Lieh-ch'ao shih-chi 列朝詩集 that Wang Shih-chen, late in his life, wrote that he "regretted having written I-yüan chih-yen and nullified the critical beliefs of his youth" in a review "On Hsi-ya's yueh-fu poems" 書西涯古樂府後. And Ch'ien's remark has always been accepted as the truth. Wang Shih-chen had not written anything of the kind. In this essay, I shall try to prove that, what Ch'ien said of Wang was untrue. I shall, firstly, examine the various editions of the review in question; secondly, go through all the critical writings of Wang Shih-chen. In the course of my arguments, it will be made clear that Wang Shih-chen never regretted having produced the I-yüan chih-yen and he never nullified the central beliefs of his youth; on the contrary, he took pride in his magnum opus even in his old age
Yü-shih/chih 禺氏 as Appeared in the Kuan-tzu 管子
Full text linkIn the Sections on Ch’ing Chung 輕重篇 in Kuon-tzu, there appears several times the name of Yü-shih/chih which is generally considered as identical with the tribe Yueh-shih/chih 月氏 or Ta Yueh-shih/chih 大月氏 which migrated from the north-western part of China as far as Ta-hsia 大夏or what is now the northern half of Afghanistan.The Yü-shih/chih of Kuan-tzu is described as either a tribe or a place in which yü 玉 or jade was collected in abundance. As is well known, it is the region of the present Khotan in Chinese Turkestan where so much jade has been collected from ancient times and brought to China. And the statement of Kuan-tzu concerning Yü-shih/chih is taken as meaning the occupation of the Khotan region by the Yueh-shih/chih tribe or as the trading of jade which the Yueh-shih/chih collected and brought to China.The author of the present article tries to establish that the name Yü-shih/chih itself designates Khotan and that the statement in Kuan-tzu intends to say that the jade was collected in the Khotan region. It is for the following three reasons: (1) the Sections on Ch’ing Chung in Kuan-tzu are considered to have been compiled in or sometime after the reign of emperor Wu 武 of the Former Han Dynasty, as has been clearly pointed out by Professor Ma Fe-po 馬非百, when the name of Khotan was known by the Chinese for the first time as the result of the first mission of Chang Ch’ien 張鶱 to Central Asia; (2) the name of Khotan was recorded by Ssu-ma Ch’ien 司馬遷 in the Shih-chi 史記, Bk. 123, as Yu-t’ien 于○ which later corrupted into Yu-chih 于寘 is shown by almost all current texts of Shih-chi; (3) the compiler of the Sections on Ch’ing Ch’ung of Kuan-tzu who saw the corrupted form Yü-chih, changed it into Yü-shih/chih in reference to the name Yü 禺 which is recorded as a mysterious place or tribe in Mu-t’ien-tzu chuan 穆天子傳 and Shan-hai-ching 山海經.○は寘のうかんむりと眞の間に儿journal articl
Assessing Alternative Policies for Reducing Household Waste in Taiwan
Full text linkIn the last few years, the three major cities in Taiwan have been experimenting with two different demand-side management approaches to reduce the waste generated by households and to promote the recycling of recyclables. Thus, there are three different kinds of approaches of waste management that are concurrently used in Taiwan: fee-per-bag, mandatory recycling with free waste collection services, and the zero price of trash collection. We performed a comparative analysis of these policy instruments to take advantage of this important social experiment. We first developed an economic model for the three different waste charging programs concurrently in use and then performed an empirical study based on the implications from the theoretical analysis. It is clearly seen that the traditional approach of zero pricing of trash collection is very ineffective in terms of waste reduction and recycling. Households have all changed their behavior significantly in those cities with two new approaches. However, of the two, the fee-per-bag program is clearly the most effective approach. The results have important policy implications.
A Study on the Origin and Crystallization of Shih-yen-chih
No full textSince Shih-hsiang Chen proposed the evolution of the source of \ue2Shih-yen-chih\ue2, followed by the lyrical tradition that covered Chinese poetics, the subject of \ue2Shih-yen-chih\ue2, has always been the topic by many scholars. There are many different opinions about its\ue2 origin and development, and the important politics and religion values of \ue2Yen Chih\ue2 has also been in Confucian Poetic Teaching. This study attempts to clarify how \ue2Shih-yen-chih\ue2 exerts a strong influence in the lyrical tradition and to sort out the origin and crystallization. Untill the present time, Shih-yen-chih is still a charming topic among the scholar circle.
The author would like to examine three issues of \ue2Shih-yen-chih\ue2 in this thesis. Firstly, \ue2Chih\ue2 is originally a voice of sympathetic literature. Secondly, the meaning of \ue2Chih\ue2 is deepened when presented in different poetic forms. Thirdly, the meaning of poetry is widened when people's inner feelings or aspirations are expressed. Hence, it\ue2s fully clear that \ue2Poems Endowed With Feeling\ue2 is originated from \ue2Shih-yen-chih\ue2 until the end of the Poetry in the Han Dynasty
The Hanlimwŏn Academy under the Early Koryŏ Dynasty ―― In Relation to the han lin hsüeh shih and the chih chih kao of the Sung China
Full text linkUnder the early kings of the Koryŏ Dynasty, royal rescripts were drafted at the office of Wŏnbongsung, but later the Sung Chinese institutions of the han lin hsüeh shih and the chih chih kao were introduced in the form hanlim haksa and chijego. The Sung han lin hsüeh shih was an important post from which to rise to those of a prime minister (tsai hsiang) or a cabinet minister (chih sheng), while the chih chih kao was a post one filled before becoming a han lin hsüeh shih. It was not much different with the Koryŏ hanlim haksa and jijego. The Koryŏ Hanlimwŏn Academy had a pansa whose post was concurrently held by the prime minister, a feature that is not found in the Sung Han-lin-yüan Academy. In addition to the hanlim haksa, the Koryŏ Hanlimwŏn had the posts of hanlim sitok haksa and hanlim sigang haksa, which corresponded to the Sung han lin shih tu hsüeh shih, and han lin shih chiang hsüeh shih that belonged, not to the Han-lin-yüan, but to the Pi-ko. The Hanlimwŏn also had the chikhanlimwŏn, corresponding to the Sung chih hsüeh shih yüan, but his rank was considerably lower. In the Sung almost all men on the staff at the Han-lin-yüan had started their career as chin shih; in the early Koryŏ, too, there were more and more former chinsa at the Hanlimwŏn. Usually the chinsa who had passed the examinations at the head of his class was immediately appointed chikhanlimwŏn; then he would rise through the posts of jijego, hanlim sitok haksa, hanlim sigang haksa, hanlim haksa, and, finally, became a prime minister.The Sung chih chih kao belonged to the She-jen-yüan. The Koryŏ jijego were of two kinds, nae jijego and oe jijego; the former posts were mostly filled by the staff of the Hanlimwŏn, while the latter by other officials. The oe jijego appears to have belonged to the Kowŏn.The Sung han lin hsüeh shih was employed by the emperor in drafting imperial rescripts and orations at palace sacrifices, a duty that was referred to as “nai chih”. The chih chih kao drafted other documents at the orders of the Chung-shu-sheng, which was known as “wai chih”. It was not the same in the Koryŏ, where the royal rescripts and sacrificial orations corresponding to the Sung nei chih were not necessarily drafted by the hanlim haksa, with the jijego frequently serving in his stead. In the Koryŏ, diplomatic correspondences addressed to the rulers of the Sung, the Liao and the Chin were of vital importance. Those documents, known as pyo, were usually drafted by the hanlim haksa, but at times it was also done by the jijego.journal articl
Cold Mountain poems Zen poems of Han Shan, Shih Te, and Wang Fan-Chih
No full textThe incomparable poetry of Han Shan (Cold Mountain), Shih Te, and Wang Fan-chih--rebel poets who became icons of Chinese poetry and Zen--by a premier translato
Rethinking Import-substituting Industrialization: Development Strategies and Institutions in Taiwan and China
Full text linkimport-substituting industrialization, export-oriented industrialization, development strategies, institutions
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