1,720,953 research outputs found
Going Beyond Counting First Authors in Author Co-citation Analysis
Get PDFThe present study examines one of the fundamental aspects of author co-citation analysis (ACA) - the way co-citation
counts are defined. Co-citation counting provides the data on which all subsequent statistical analyses and mappings
are based, and we compare ACA results based on two different types of co-citation counting - the traditional type that
only counts the first one among a cited work's authors on the one hand and a non-traditional type that takes into
account the first 5 authors of a cited work on the other hand. Results indicate that the picture produced through this non-traditional author co-citation counting contains more coherent author groups and is therefore considerably clearer. However, this picture represents fewer specialties in the research field being studied than that produced through the traditional first-author co-citation counting when the same number of top-ranked authors is selected and analyzed. Reasons for these effects are discussed
Variations on the Author
Get PDF“Variations on the Author” discusses two of Eduardo Coutinho’s recent films (Um Dia na Vida, from 2010, and Últimas Conversas, posthumously released in 2015) and their contribution to the general question of documentary authorship. The director’s filmography is characterized by a consistent yet self-effacing form of authorial self-inscription: Coutinho often features as an interviewer that rather than express opinions propels discourses; an interviewer that is good at listening. This mode of self-inscription characterizes him as an author who is not expressive but who is nonetheless markedly present on the screen. In Um Dia na Vida, however, Coutinho is completely absent form the image, while Últimas Conversas, on the contrary, includes a confessional prologue that moves the director from the margins to the center of his films. This article examines the ways in which these works stand out in the filmography of a director who offers new insights into the notion of cinematic authorship
Appropriate Similarity Measures for Author Cocitation Analysis
Get PDFWe provide a number of new insights into the methodological discussion about author cocitation analysis. We first argue that the use of the Pearson correlation for measuring the similarity between authors’ cocitation profiles is not very satisfactory. We then discuss what kind of similarity measures may be used as an alternative to the Pearson correlation. We consider three similarity measures in particular. One is the well-known cosine. The other two similarity measures have not been used before in the bibliometric literature. Finally, we show by means of an example that our findings have a high practical relevance.information science;Pearson correlation;cosine;similarity measure;author cocitation analysis
Dispelling the Myths Behind First-author Citation Counts
Get PDFWe conducted a full-scale evaluative citation analysis study of scholars in the XML research field to explore just how different from each other author rankings resulting from different citation counting methods actually are, and to demonstrate the capability of emerging data and tools on the Web in supporting more realistic citation counting methods. Our results contest some common arguments for the continued
use of first-author citation counts in the evaluation of scholars, such as high correlations between author rankings by first-author citation counts and other citation
counting methods, and high costs of using more realistic citation counting methods that are not well-supported by the ISI databases. It is argued that increasingly available digital full text research papers make it possible for citation analysis studies to go beyond what the ISI databases have directly supported and to employ more
sophisticated methods
A Comparison of the Progression of Events Involving Russia's Requests for International Financial Assistance and Russia's Position Regarding the Kosovo Conflict
No full textOn March 24, 1999, the United States joined NATO in a bombing campaign with the goal of ending the ethnic conflict in Kosovo. On this very day, Russian Prime Minister Yevgeny Primakov had scheduled a meeting with the International Monetary Fund to negotiate further loans in order to aid in the ending of Russia's current economic crisis. Upon hearing that NATO had begun its air-strikes, Primakov's plane was turned around in mid flight, heading back to Russia as the bombing began because of Russia's disagreement with the use of Western force in the Balkans. On this day, the issue of Russia's attempt to receive foreign aid to rescue it country from economic woe, and the issue of Russia's feelings towards the conflict in the Balkans, could be recognized as having a relationship. These two seemingly unrelated issues could suddenly be considered to exist in accordance with one another, giving each a new complication, and a new importance. With this correlation between the two events having been recognized by the Russian Prime Minister, it became a possibility that the relationship was much deeper than an initial glance would indicate. Keeping this in mind, the question can be asked, to what extent have these events affected one another? Will they continue to affect one another, and, if so, how subtle will this effect be? Will this effect even be noticeable? And if so, are there enough examples for us to be sure that this effect was due to the relationship between the two events, and not merely a coincidence? Having set out with these questions to be answered, before the two events themselves can be analyzed, the background of the situation must be introduced, so as the context of the situation can be completely realized. After this background is understood, it will provide justification for the possibility of a correlation between the development of Russia's success in its attempt to gain foreign aid, and the view that Russia holds on the situation in the Balkans. Having justified such a correlation, the theory that, as the possibility of international funding (particularly from the U.S.) for Russia becomes more promising, so does Russia's cooperation with NATO become more suitable to the views of the United States, will become plausible.A Comparison of the Progression of Events
Involving Russia's Requests for International
Financial Assistance and Russia's
Position Regarding the Kosovo Conflict
Scott Schneweis
P099 Thesis
May 24, 1999
Gustavus Student Repository
On March 24, 1999, the United States joined NATO in a bombing campaign
with the goal of ending the ethnic conflict in Kosovo. On this very day, Russian
1
Prime Minister Y evgeny Primakov had scheduled a meeting with the International
Monetary Fund to negotiate further loans in order to aid in the ending of Russia's
current economic crisis. Upon hearing that NATO had begun its air-strikes,
Primakov's plane was turned around in mid flight, heading back to Russia as the
bombing began because of Russia's disagreement with the use of Western force in the
Balkans. On this day, the issue of Russia's attempt to receive foreign aid to rescue it
country from economic woe, and the issue of Russia's feelings towards the conflict in
the Balkans, could be recognized as having a relationship. These two seemingly
unrelated issues could suddenly be considered to exist in accordance with one
another, giving each a new complication, and a new importance. With this correlation
between the two events having been recognized by the Russian Prime Minister, it
became a possibility that the relationship was much deeper than an initial glance
would indicate. Keeping this in mind, the question can be asked, to what extent have
these events affected one another? Will they continue to effect one another, and, if so,
how subtle will this effect be? Will this effect even be noticeable? And if so, are
there enough examples for us to be sure that this effect was due to the relationship
between the two events, and not merely a coincidence? Having set out with these
questions to be answered, before the two events themselves can be analyzed, the
background of the situation must be introduced, so as the context of the situation can
be completely realized. After this background is understood, it will provide
Gustavus Student Repository
justification for the possibility of a correlation between the development of Russia's
success in its attempt to gain foreign aid, and the view that Russia holds on the
situation in the Balkans. Having justified such a correlation, the theory that, as the
possibility of international funding (particularly from the U.S.) for Russia becomes
more promising, so does Russia's cooperation with NATO become more suitable to
the views of the United States, will become plausible.
In order to understand and determine that there is a feasible correlation
between the views of Russia towards the Balkan conflict and their attempt to gain
new credit loans from the International Monetary Fund, certain elements of
background must be established. These elements include a description of United
2
States and Russian relations around the time in question, an analysis of interests that
United States would have in providing Russia with aid, a determination of why Russia
needs to ensure that it keeps the United States satisfied as they attempt to gain
monetary help, and a realization of what, if anything the United States will expect in
return for any financial support that is given to Russia. All of these issues surrounding
these events help provide the framework of any correlation, and help to warrant the
possibility of this relationship having an interdependence worthy of examination.
Before any relationship between the two issues in question can be measured, it
is necessary to establish the quality of the relations between the United States and
Russia as a reference point to begin from. Dating as far back as October of 1998, the
relationship between Russia and the United States began to have a negative side to it,
as "Russia's dialogue with the West, had taken on a sharper, even bullying edge, on
Gustavus Student Repository
3
issues ranging from bad debts to foreign policy."' With Russia now demanding
changes in foreign aid and policy, it seemed conflicting opinions about the Kosovo
situation would erupt into an angry relationship between the two countries. This
possibility of an extremely bitter association between the United States and Russia
would only give Milosevic confidence as he continued to create conflict in the
Balkans. At this point, in January 1999, U.S. analysts described this now bitter
relationship between Russia and the United States as reaching its "chilliest point in
years," as disagreements over US air strikes in Iraq, military threats against Kosovo,
and sanctions against Russian research facilities" only added fuel to the fire.
2 In
regards to the Kosovo conflict, Russian Prime Minister Y evgeny Primakov compares
the situation in the Balkans to Russians coming to Mexico "without taking into
consideration the opinion of the United States."3 Primakov goes on to remind the U.S.
that Russia has "been in the Balkans for 200 years," and that Russia knows the
situation much better than the U.S. ever will.4 However, even with all of these
disagreements between the two countries about their foreign policies, Madeline
Albright still assured Russia that the U.S. '"will not walk away
"'
from Russia's need
for monetary support, and that the United States' goal was to help Russia achieve
"economic prosperity."5 From these statements about the relations between the two
countries, it can be seen that, while the Russian and United States governments
1
Bohlen, Celestine. "Russia Vows to Block the U.N. From Backing Attack on Serbs," New York Times
International October 7, 1998.
2
"Albright Visits Russia Amid Strained Relations," The Bulletin's Frontrunner January 25, 1999.
3 Gordon, Michael R. "Russian With Many Faces May Get Lift in U.S. Visit," New York Times March 21,
1999.
4 Gordon, Michael R. "Russian With Many Faces May Get Lift in U.S. Visit," New York Times March 21,
1999.
Gustavus Student Repository
4
strenuously disagreed on several key international issues, it seemed clear that these
disagreements had no effect on the completely separate issue of Russia's economic
instability. Thus, the examination of this relationship between the U.S. and Russia
before the crisis in Kosovo ever escalated to a war, reveals an important aspect about
the situation. This aspect, which is the reference point by which the events can be
measured, is very important to the discovery of any correlation between the views of
Russia on the conflict in Kosovo, and their attempt to gain financial support from the
United States and the IMF.
While the nature of the relations between the United States and Russia reveal
the starting point of the questions that are set to be answered in this essay, there are
other determinations that must be made before the events themselves can be
examined. It must also be determined why it is that Russia would have to worry about
upsetting the U.S. government, and why the issue of not wanting to upset the United
States even pertains to these events. Before the bombing in Kosovo, the International
Monetary Fund was skeptical of lending money to the Russian's because of
allegations that "billions of dollars of the Central Bank's foreign currency reserves
were funneled through" a financial company, and some of the profits turned up
missing.6 Also, the fact that the United States expects Russia to prove that it is
"making headway with reforms and that [it] is a partner that could be trusted " before
5
Lippman, Thomas W. "Albright Chides Russians," The Washington Post January 26, 1999.
6 Hoffman, David. "Russian IMF Loans Routed Through Offshore Company; Issue Could
CloudPrimakov's U.S. Visit," The Washington Post March 23, 1999.
Gustavus Student Repository
5
it would approve any money lending must be considered.7 The United States leads
this IMF committee that has trouble justifying the allocation to more funds for Russia,
after they mishandled the last allocation so poorly. But, since "Russia desperately
needs foreign aid to keep its sinking economy afloat and simply can't afford to sever
ties with the West," Russia must be willing to compromise on several subjects so that
it can appease the American skeptics, and ensure the economic solidarity of their
country. 8 Without the support of the U.S. government, foreign aid from both the IMF
and the World Bank, along with direct assistance from the U.S., won't be possible. It
is this support that Russia needs to begin to repair the damage that occurred from the
drastic devaluing of the ruble, and their faulting of billions of dollars in repayment of
loans to the IMF. In fact, "Russia's total debt due [in 1999] is $17.2 billion, or 80
percent of its national budget," and it has already missed some payments on "debt that
dates to the Soviet era. "9 This predicament that the Russian government has put itself
in reveals not only a need for Russia to show its desire to satisfy the US, but also
helps justify the feasibility of them changing their views towards the Kosovo situation
in order to gain favor from the United States, and ultimately, from those who can
prescribe Russia with financial support.
Having justified Russia's desire to earn the support of the United States
government, it also becomes necessary to determine any reasons that the United
States would benefit from the financial and political support of the Russian
7 Hoffman, David. "Russian IMF Loans Routed Through Offshore Company; Issue Could
CloudPrimakov's U.S. Visit," The Washington Post March 23, 1999.
8 "Russia Considers Helping Serbs," The Bulletin's Frontrunner March 29, 1999.
Gustavus Student Repository
6
government. Along with the discovery of these benefits to the United States, it can
then be determined if any of them justify the United States making concessions
towards their leniency of lending financial support to Russia. After a visit to Moscow
on December 5, 1998, U.S. Senator Richard Lugar explains that unless the United
States provides Russia with the financial and agriculture support it needs to survive in
the 21st
century, the possibility of Russia beginning to sell off the weapons to nations
that the U.S. would not want outfitted with nuclear missiles and bombs becomes a
realistic one. 10 This idea of Russia pirating its dismantled and intact nuclear weaponry
as a desperate effort to gain financial stability is supported by several US analysts.
These analysts reveal that without financial support, the economic crisis in Russia,
where the ruble loses value every day and the state is completely bankrupt, has the
possibility of causing a complete shift in leadership, becoming a "Russia with
thousands of nuclear weapons, taken over by people who will do anything for
money-from Iraq, Iran or say, a gang of terrorists." 11 With this threat of outfitting of
the enemies of the U.S. with weaponry, it becomes apparent that "the most serious
foreign policy challenge facing the United States ... is the deterioration inside
Russia."12 And that, "because of Russia's powerful nuclear arsenal left over from the
Cold War, any sort of instability in Russia is very dangerous."13 Along with this idea
9 Hoffman, David "Russian IMF Loans Routed Through Offshore Company; Issue Could Cloud
Primakov's U.S. Visit," The Washington Post March 23, 1999.
10
Smulevitz, Howard M. "Lugar Says Price of Safety is Aid for Russia," The Indianapolis Star December
5, 1998.
11 Zuckerman, Mortimer B. ''Weighed Down by Debt," U.S. News and World Report April 5, 1999.
12
Kempster, Norman. "World's Hot Spots to Test Clinton in New Year," Los Angeles Times December 26,
1998.
13 Kempster, Norman. "World's Hot Spots to Test Clinton in New Year," Los Angeles Times December 26,
1998.
Gustavus Student Repository
of supporting the Russian government for the sake of the United States own national
security, another idea justifying the same need for financial assistance from the U.S.
7
is to repair the damages that some Americans feel that the Clinton administration is
responsible for. To this point, American aid to Russia has been seen as a failure
because of the economic turmoil of the country, and as a waste of money, because the
country is worse off economically now than it was when the aid was granted. 14 Thus,
in order to save face on this issue, it is in Clinton's administration's best interest to
repair any damages done, restoring both the economy of Russia, and the faith of the
American people. While these two ideas regarding the need for the U.S. support of
Russia may make some sense, they by no means justify any desire by the U.S. to
make concessions in its aid packages to Russia that it would not otherwise make. In
the case of the security of the nation, this is true because if, at any point in time, if
Russia began to sell off its military weaponry to countries that might cause harm to
the U.S., the United States could respond by either buying these weapons themselves,
or with trade sanctions that would outweigh any funding that Russia might receive for
its remaining dismantled and outdated weaponry. Also, if Russia's economy was to
become so weak that it depended on the sale of these weapons, wouldn't they become
a target of the very nation's they were selling the weapons too? If so, why would they
provide the instruments that would cause their own destruction? With these reasons in
mind, the idea of the United States supporting Russia financially because it is a threat
to national security if without financial support isn't believable enough for it to be the
justification for such a compromise that could potentially be a large waste of
14
McFaul, Michael. "Russia's PR Coup," The Washington Post May 8, 1999.
Gustavus Student Repository
8
American tax dollars. Along the same lines, the idea of the Clinton Administration
needing to gain public support also would not justify such a financial sacrifice. Any
small amount of change in public opinion that would result from the supporting of the
Russian economy would be outweighed by the public opposition to spending
American tax dollars abroad. Having realized that these two reasons for the United
States government to financially support the Russian government are not substantial
enough to justify the United States compromising its standards for Russia to receive
monetary support from the IMF and other organizations, this leaves the U.S. desire
for Russia to side with NATO in the Kosovo conflict as this justification. Russian's
position regarding the issue of Kosovo before the bombing was one of complete
opposition to the United States. Not only would Russia veto any attempt by the
Security council of the UN to support the Kosovars militarily, but Russia also
threatened to aid Slobodon Milosevic in the form of weapons and troops, and even
hinted at the possibility of Russia and the U.S. going to war. With such consequences
being threatened if the United States were to try to force the Serbs into submitting to
NATO's sanctions, it is completely feasible that the United States would search for a
way to change Russia's opinion about the conflict. In regards to the ability of the
United States to influence the position of Russia in the Balkans, the United States is
not concerned about Russia's desire or ability to stand up for its interests because "the
government in Moscow is now so weak it can be convinced, using American aid for
leverage."15 Also, along these same lines, German Chancellor Schroeder's spoke of
how Russia should respond to IMF funds with its handling of the Kosovo situation by
15 "Albright Confronts Russians Over Several Issues," The Bulletin's Frontrunner January 26, 1999.
Gustavus Student Repository
saying, "support is never something that goes one way only."
16 He added "It is a titfor-
tat business" and we expect Russia to begin to "lean our way."17 Supporting this
position by the German Chancellor, upon announcing that they were considering
9
more aid to Russia through the IMF, "White House officials 'went out of their way to
make sure that [Russian Prime Minister] Mr. Primakov understood' that the IMF aid
and Russian's opposition to the NATO bombings in Kosovo' were closely linked."'18
With this opinion concerning the debt that Russia would owe for the United States
role in the releasing of international funding for a new credit loan, it becomes obvious
that the possibility of this political "give-and-take" would warrant the enticement of
Russia to change their opinions about the crisis in the Balkans with the promise of
international funding in order to fulfill their economic void. This enticement, and the
concessions that the U.S. would have to make in order to deliver monetary support to
Russia, would be a small price to pay if it meant erasing any chance of military
conflict with Russia over Yugoslavia, and the possibility of even acquiring the
Russians as diplomats for peace in the situation. This theory of such a compromise on
both sides of this issue is much more plausible than claims of the need for public
approval from the American people. This theory also makes more sense than lowering
standards for loans insure the safety from third party buyers of weapons, as it
outweighs any consequences of small changes in the logistics of loaning Russia
billions of dollars. Having determined that this compromise is for the benefit of the
16 "Stakeout Remarks by Chancellor Gerhard Schroeder of Germany at the White House," Federal News
Service, February 11, 1999.
17
"Stakeout Remarks by Chancellor Gerhard Schroeder of Germany at the White House," Federal News
Service, February 11, 1999.
Gustavus Student Repository
United States, it still remains to be revealed whether or not such compromises took
place, and if so, to what extent they can be connected to one another.
10
After determining that both the Russian and the United States governments
would benefit from a two-way compromise surrounding the events of Russia's quest
for international financial support and the conflict in the Balkans, it still remains to be
seen if such a compromise has occurred. Such a discovery will be made through the
examination of the events that take place surrounding any change in the status of
either issue. That is, any change in the status of the possibility of International
Monetary Fund loans for Russia can be compared to see if it either triggers, or is
triggered by, the Russian position on the war in Kosovo. Using the relations between
Russia and the U.S., along with the justifications for any such cause-and-effect
changes in policies, an examination of the accounts of each event can begin. First,
Russia's position in regards to the possibility of war in the Balkans must be
established as it was before Russia's newest attempt for IMF funding began in
February of 1999. On June 17, 1998, after the U.S. flew "aerial military exercises"
over the Balkans as a show of force in an attempt to intimidate Slobodon Milosevic,
the Russian Defense Minister claimed to have not been previously informed about the
tests, which contradicted United Nations claims that he was told of the test two days
before they were run.19 This demonstrates Russia's support for Serbia in the summer
of 1998, as they wanted to appear in the eyes of the Yugoslav government as if they
weren't as cooperative with the United States as they really were. This defiance by
18
"IMF OK's Aid to Russia, US Issues Warning," The Bulletin's Frontrunner March 30, 1999.
Gustavus Student Repository
1 1
Russia was an early indication that they would not only refuse to support any U.S.
military action in the Bal
koamabayili/VECTRON-author-checklist: VECTRON author checklist
No full textWe have done our best to complete the author checklist relating to the use of animals in the hut study. Note that the objective for the hut study was to evaluate the IRS treatment applications for residual efficacy against Anopheles mosquitoes, including the local An. coluzzii mosquito population. Cows were only used to attract mosquitoes into the huts and no tests were carried out directly on the cows. The author checklist is intended for use with studies where experiments are carried out on animals, which is why we have had such difficulty in completing this for the hut study, as many of the questions do not relate to how the cows were used
Author-wise bibliometric analysis based on entropy.
No full textAuthor-wise bibliometric analysis based on entropy.</p
Author Under Sail The Imagination of Jack London, 1893-1902
No full textIn Author Under Sail, Jay Williams offers the first complete literary biography of Jack London as a professional writer engaged in the labor of writing. It examines the authorial imagination in London's work, the use of imagination in both his fiction and nonfiction, and the ways he defined imagination in the creative process in his business dealings with his publishers, editors, and agents. In this first volume of a two-volume biography, Williams traverses the years 1893 to 1902, from London's "Story of a Typhoon" to The People of the Abyss. The Jack London who emerges in the pages of Author Under Sail is a writer whose partnership with publishers, most notably his productive alliance with George Brett of Macmillan, was one of the most formative in American literary history. London pioneered many author models during the heyday of realism and naturalism, blurring the boundaries of these popular genres by focusing on absorption and theatricality and the representation of the seen and unseen. London created an impassioned, sincere, and extremely personal realism unlike that of other American writers of the time. Author Under Sail is a literary tour de force that reveals the full range of London as writer, creative citizen, and entrepreneur at the same time it sheds light on the maverick side of machine-age literature.Intro -- Title Page -- Copyright Page -- Dedication -- Contents -- Acknowledgments -- Introduction -- 1. Spirit Truth -- 2. From Absorption to Theatricality and Back Again -- 3. "I Will Build a New Present" -- 4. Sons as Authors -- 5. Fathers as Publishers -- 6. The Daughter as Author -- 7. Lovers as Authors -- 8. At Sea with the Family -- 9. Yellow News, Yellow Stories -- 10. The Return Home -- Notes -- Bibliography -- Index -- About Jay WilliamsIn Author Under Sail, Jay Williams offers the first complete literary biography of Jack London as a professional writer engaged in the labor of writing. It examines the authorial imagination in London's work, the use of imagination in both his fiction and nonfiction, and the ways he defined imagination in the creative process in his business dealings with his publishers, editors, and agents. In this first volume of a two-volume biography, Williams traverses the years 1893 to 1902, from London's "Story of a Typhoon" to The People of the Abyss. The Jack London who emerges in the pages of Author Under Sail is a writer whose partnership with publishers, most notably his productive alliance with George Brett of Macmillan, was one of the most formative in American literary history. London pioneered many author models during the heyday of realism and naturalism, blurring the boundaries of these popular genres by focusing on absorption and theatricality and the representation of the seen and unseen. London created an impassioned, sincere, and extremely personal realism unlike that of other American writers of the time. Author Under Sail is a literary tour de force that reveals the full range of London as writer, creative citizen, and entrepreneur at the same time it sheds light on the maverick side of machine-age literature.Description based on publisher supplied metadata and other sources.Electronic reproduction. Ann Arbor, Michigan : ProQuest Ebook Central, YYYY. Available via World Wide Web. Access may be limited to ProQuest Ebook Central affiliated libraries
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