1,721,072 research outputs found
Internship in the Permanent Mission of Portugal to the United Nations and other International Organizations in Geneva - Transitional Justice in Countries Emerging From Conflict and the Role of the United Nations: Alternative Accountability Strategies for Contemporary Challenges
No full textPeriods of violence or repressive regimes often accompany gross human rights violations, necessitating post-conflict societies to transition away from this legacy. Transitional justice has the potential to deal with these legacies of significant past grievances while promoting truth, justice, reconciliation, and guarantees of non-
recurrence.1 The United Nations, through various tribunals and courts, has developed a global accountability framework for serious international crimes.2 However, traditional transitional justice mechanisms have proven insufficient in contemporary contexts.3 The international community's response to genocide, war crimes, crimes against humanity, and other human rights violations is facing challenges, with geopolitical tensions, non-intervention principles, and Security Council dynamics influencing their decisions to intervene or not.
The report begins with an in-depth exploration of a 6-month internship at the Permanent Mission of Portugal to the United Nations and other international organizations in Geneva. This introductory section serves as a foundational understanding of the efforts made by the United Nations, Human Rights Council in specific, to ensure accountability in transitional settings. It focuses on the political dimension of human rights and the
current challenges faced by the Council, highlighting the cases of Ethiopia and Sudan to demonstrate the impact of contemporary political “ideologies” on the UN's approach to transitional justice.
The report raises crucial questions about the international community's response to human rights violations, exploring instances of intervention or non-intervention and assessing alternative transitional justice mechanisms. By analysing the UN's approach in two specific country situations, the report aims to understand the factors influencing the international community's decision to intervene or not. While some challenges have been addressed with some creativity by the United Nations over the past years,4 recent cases show that alternative strategies can be applied to face contemporary challenges. The case studies of Syria and Myanmar highlight important contributions by the Human Rights Council and the General Assembly to ensure accountability. Other countries examples contribute insights into alternative contemporary accountability strategies, such as the “Uniting for Peace” resolution, cases before the ICJ and Universal Jurisdiction, suggesting that member states can advocate for effective alternative mechanisms and activate universal jurisdiction when the international community falls short in responding to gross human rights violations. 1 Istrefi, Remzije. “Transitional Justice and Reconciliation from the International Peace-Building
Perspective.” SEER: Journal for Labour and Social Affairs in Eastern Europe 20, no. 2 (2017): 269–87.
http://www.jstor.org/stable/26427185.
2 Rashid, Norul Mohamed. n.d. “International and Hybrid Criminal Courts and Tribunals.” United
Nations and the Rule of Law. https://www.un.org/ruleoflaw/thematic-areas/international-law-courts-
tribunals/international-hybrid-criminal-courts-tribunals/.
3 Security Council. 2019. “Security Council Report ‘The Rule of Law: Retreat from Accountability”.
Security Council Report. https://www.securitycouncilreport.org/atf/cf/%7B65BFCF9B-6D27-4E9C-
8CD3-CF6E4FF96FF9%7D/research_report_3_rule_of_law_2019.pdf
4 Security Council. 2019. “Security Council Report ‘The Rule of Law: Retreat from Accountability”.
Security Council Report. https://www.securitycouncilreport.org/atf/cf/%7B65BFCF9B-6D27-4E9C-
8CD3-CF6E4FF96FF9%7D/research_report_3_rule_of_law_2019.pdfPeríodos de violência ou de regimes repressivos são normalmente acompanhados de graves violações de direitos humanos, exigindo às sociedades a sua transição, no pós-conflito, para um regime democrático, de paz e segurança. A justiça de transição tem o potencial de lidar com estes legados de violações de direitos humanos, enquanto promove a verdade, a justiça, a reconciliação e garantias de não recorrência. As Nações Unidas, através de vários tribunais internacionais, híbridos e nacionais, desenvolveram um quadro de responsabilização global para investigar este tipo de crimes. No entanto, os mecanismos tradicionais de justiça de transição têm-se revelado insuficientes face ao contexto contemporâneo. A resposta da comunidade internacional quanto ao genocídio, crimes de guerra, crimes contra a humanidade e outras violações de direitos humanos tem enfrentado desafios, com tensões geopolíticas, princípios de não intervenção e dinâmicas do Conselho de Segurança a influenciar as suas decisões.
O presente relatório começa com uma análise detalhada do estágio de 6 meses na Missão Permanente de Portugal junto das Nações Unidas e outras organizações internacionais em Genebra. Esta secção introdutória serve para dar nota dos esforços feitos pelas Nações Unidas, especificamente pelo Conselho de Direitos Humanos, para garantir a responsabilização em contextos de transição. Centra-se nas dimensões
políticas dos direitos humanos e os desafios atuais enfrentados pelo Conselho, destacando os casos da Etiópia e Sudão para demonstrar o impacto das atuais “ideologias” políticas na resposta da ONU no âmbito da justiça de transição.
O relatório levanta questões cruciais sobre a resposta da comunidade internacional às violações de direitos humanos, explorando casos de intervenção ou não intervenção e avaliando mecanismos alternativos de justiça de transição. Ao analisar a abordagem da ONU em duas situações nacionais específicas, o relatório pretende compreender os fatores que influenciam a decisão da comunidade internacional de intervir ou não.
Embora alguns desafios tenham sido abordados com alguma criatividade pelas Nações Unidas nos últimos anos, casos recentes mostram que estratégias alternativas podem ser aplicadas para fazer face a desafios contemporâneos. Os casos da Síria e Mianmar destacam contribuições importantes do Conselho de Direitos Humanos e da Assembleia Geral para garantir responsabilização. Exemplos de outros países oferecem
contribuições sobre estratégias alternativas de responsabilização contemporânea, como a resolução "União pela Paz", casos no TIJ e Jurisdição Universal, sugerindo que os Estados Membros podem empregar mecanismos alternativos eficazes e ativar a sua jurisdição universal quando a comunidade internacional fica aquém na resposta a graves violações de direitos humanos
The methodology by which transitional justice strategies ought to be incorporated into the International Criminal Court framework
Get PDFThis research seeks to establish a methodology by which transitional justice strategies ought to be incorporated within the International Criminal Court (ICC) framework. The study is based on the situation in Uganda as an example of the state that has a situation and cases before the ICC. The aim of the thesis was achieved through the adoption of a combination of theoretical legal research and the non -doctrinal approaches.
This research establishes that the primary responsibility to prosecute persons suspected of violating international law lies with the states. The importance of the concept of individual criminal responsibility, the idea that every person suspected of committing the most serious offences must be held accountable regardless of status. The principle of individual criminal responsibility is further developed with the creation of the ICC.
This research clarifies that there are limitations in terms of what prosecutions can achieve during transitional periods; further, that trials in the ICC and national courts can be undertaken together with proceedings of the Truth and Reconciliation Commissions or indigenous mechasims. Such an approach will allow for confines of prosecutions to be addressed.
Despite the existence of principles and institutional framework that are intended to ensure individuals are held accountable for the most serious offences of international concern, the majority of individuals are not held accountable. In order for the ICC to operate effectively it would need to seek to go beyond deterrence and retribution. This would require post – conflict states to devise transitional arrangements that compel with the ICC structure.
Thus the research recommends that it would be better for judicial and non- judicial measures to be adopted in states that have cases before the ICC. Particularly Uganda must adopt the mato oput method formally as a tool to address the past human rights abuses in Uganda. All persons regardless of whether they have been granted amnesty or not must be held accountable under the mato oput measures. This implies all persons with exception to those that the ICC has issued the warrants of arrest against.LL. D.Public, Constitutional and International La
Enhancing the realisation of the right to development through devolution in Kenya
Get PDFThe Right to Development (RTD) is not a new issue in human rights practice, having received recognition as an inalienable human right by the United Nations Declaration on the Right to Development (UNDRTD) in 1986, more than 30 years ago. The RTD has also featured in past and recent agreed international policy documents such as; the 1993 Vienna Declaration and Programme of Action and the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development (SDGs) among others.
Despite its international recognition as a human right, the schism between the global North and the global South has made it difficult for the UN to adopt a binding international human rights treaty on the RTD. The UN only released the first draft of the international human rights treaty on the RTD in January 2020. This thesis makes a case for the realisation of the RTD through devolution, as an appropriate national development policy in Kenya while international consensus on the RTD is still being sought.
This thesis argues that devolution in Kenya is designed to support the realisation of the RTD. This hypothesis is anchored on the argument that devolution in Kenya and the RTD share certain common elements such as; participation of the people, equity and the realisation of all human rights including the right to self-determination. This commonality therefore makes it possible for devolution in Kenya to augment the realisation of the RTD.
This thesis also argues that devolution in Kenya led to the birth of a development paradigm that is compliant with the RTD. This is discernible by delineating the features of devolution that support the realisation of the RTD. This thesis practically demonstrates how devolution has influenced equitable development, participatory development and the realisation of all human rights in Kenya as evidence of a RTD compliant development paradigm.
The decentralisation experiences of Ethiopia, South Africa and Germany indicate that while a decentralized system of government invariably activates the elements of the RTD such as equity and participation, deliberate policy and legislative steps have to be undertaken to align development programmes with the RTD. Additionally,
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the normative and institutional design of the decentralised system of government is key in securing the elements of the RTD.
For Kenya, this means that more has to be done beyond the normative and institutional structures of devolution in Kenya to make the RTD a reality in Kenya. Deliberate efforts have to be taken to align development praxis at county level in Kenya. Some of the recommendations to this end include making devolution functional, devolving human rights practice and raising awareness about the RTD.LL. D.Public, Constitutional, and International La
combining retributive and restorative justice to overcome the justice versus peace dilemma through the lens of Colombia´s process
Get PDFA justiça de transição, incumbida de assistir os processos de transição encetados
em sociedades marcadas pela violação em massa ou sistemática de direitos
humanos, tem a árdua tarefa de assegurar que é feita justiça em face dos crimes
cometidos e, simultaneamente, alcançada uma paz duradoura. Porém, o sucesso
dos processos de transição em cumprir com esta incumbência tem sido limitado
pelos obstáculos que, na prática, a aplicação do direito penal em contextos de
transição acarreta, e bem assim pelo insuficiente, e muitas vezes nocivo, papel que
os tribunais penais, presos a uma conceção convencional e retributiva de justiça,
têm desempenhado, em última instância, comprometendo a paz.
Consequentemente, as sociedades em transição têm sido sistematicamente
confrontadas com a impossível escolha entre sacrificar as hipóteses de paz, de
forma a cumprir os desígnios da justiça penal internacional, ou conformar-se com
a impunidade, em nome dessa mesma paz, vivenciando o que é comummente
referido como o dilema “justiça versus paz”. Com vista a ultrapassar este dilema,
a justiça restaurativa, proposta como uma abordagem de justiça em que os
objetivos da justiça e da paz andam de mãos dadas, tem sido
crescentemente preconizada e alegadamente implementada no âmbito da justiça
de transição, mormente, tendo sido reconhecida e teoricamente incorporada pelo
Tribunal Penal Internacional, com vista a poder assegurar, para além da justiça,
a paz. Não obstante o mérito que cumpre reconhecer a estes esforços, na prática,
a forma como esta nova abordagem perante o crime tem sido entendida em
contextos de transição vem limitada por uma sobreposição conceptual que a
constringe a uma mera forma alternativa e parcial de justiça, assim justaposta à
justiça retributiva, impedindo o aproveitamento do seu verdadeiro potencial para
ultrapassar tal dilema. A Jurisdição Especial para a Paz da Colômbia, porém,
veio demonstrar como a justiça restaurativa, quando devidamente concebida
como uma forma de complementar e enriquecer a justiça retributiva no âmbito da
justiça penal internacional, pode munir os tribunais penais com os meios para
genuinamente contribuírem para o sucesso dos processos de transição. Inspirada
por este modelo, esta Dissertação vem propor a adoção de uma abordagem mista
de justiça penal internacional em contextos de transição, conjugando processos e
sanções tanto retributivos, como restaurativos, para assegurar a justiça e,
simultaneamente, contribuir para a paz.Transitional justice, aimed at assisting societies in responding to legacies of
systematic or mass human rights violations, is tasked with the arduous endeavor
of simultaneously delivering justice for the crimes committed and achieving longlasting peace. The success of transitional processes in accomplishing this task,
however, has been constrained by the practical difficulties of delivering criminal
justice within transitional settings, paired with the insufficient and often harmful
role that criminal trials, rooted in a conventional, retributive conception of justice,
have played in transitions, hindering the chances of peace. Consequently,
transitional societies have systematically been faced with the impossible choice
between sacrificing peace to comply with the mandates of international criminal
justice or settling for impunity to ensue in the name of peace. This makes up what
is commonly referred to as the justice versus peace dilemma. With the intent of
overcoming this dilemma, restorative justice, as an approach to justice in which
the goals of justice and peace go hand in hand, has been growingly proposed and
allegedly applied within the field of transitional justice. Ultimately, this novel
approach was acknowledged and supposedly incorporated in the International
Criminal Court, with the aim of enabling the Court to both ensure justice and
contribute to peace in transitions. Notwithstanding the merit of such efforts, the
way in which restorative justice has been understood within transitional settings
insofar is limited by a conceptual overlap that, reducing it to a mere alternative and
partial form of justice, juxtaposed against retributive justice, has hindered the
harness of its true potential to contribute to overcoming the justice versus peace
dilemma of transitional justice. Colombia’s Special Jurisdiction for Peace,
however, has come to shed light on how restorative justice, when duly
acknowledged beyond this constricting understanding, and instead viewed as
means to complement and enrichen retributive justice within international criminal
justice, can equip trials with the means to take part in successful transitions.
Inspired by this model, this dissertation makes a case for a mixed approach to
international criminal justice in transitional settings, combining both retributive
and restorative criminal proceedings and sanctions to deliver justice for the
atrocities committed, all the while contributing to the chances of peace
In the aftermath of truth: implementing truth commissions’ recommendations on reparations - following through for victims
No full textTransitional justice emerged after the Second World War as a set of discrete measures, such as trials, truth commissions or reparations, to address the atrocities of a past regime and to transition societies away from the recurrence of atrocities. Since the 1990s there has been an increasing emphasis on the need for multifaceted, comprehensive transitional justice measures to effectively deal with impunity and the consequences of mass violence. It is no longer considered effective to pigeonhole discrete transitional justice mechanisms. Instead there is increasing discussion of a comprehensive package of measures that complement each other. Each of the areas of transitional justice – truth, justice, reparations, amnesties, guarantees of non-recurrence and, to a certain extent, demobilisation, disarmament and reintegration (DDR) – have their own particular focus, benefits and limitations. Although such measures can be complementary, there can also be overlap and tension between them, such as when trying to carry out prosecutions while at the same time seeking to secure truth, which requires careful crafting of social, political, economic and legal factors to avoid derailing the transition itself.Given that the focus of this chapter is on truth commissions and reparations, it will mainly address the connection between these two measures. Truth commissions and reparations, to a certain extent, have a symbiotic relationship through which they can complement and reinforce one another's goals in acknowledging the atrocities of the past, building social inclusion and trying to vindicate victims' suffering. The first part of this chapter explores the bond between these two mechanisms, drawing upon different examples of how recommendations for reparations are constructed by truth commissions and their justification. The second part of this chapter analyses the implementation of reparation recommendations, finding that in most cases states fail to follow through, or only do so where they are forced by civil society through legal and political pressure. The third part of this chapter briefly discusses transitional societies where reparations are made without a truth commission and their impact on the transition, before reaching a conclusion. As such, it is more likely than not that truth commissions can facilitate the implementation of reparations. That said, transitional societies are complex and fragile, and cannot be easily socially engineered; the past is Often still contested and fought through political and legal forums.<br/
Using the case of Sudan to understand how countries are still able, through the concept of State Sovereignty, to protect themselves from their human rights obligations.
Get PDFAs contínuas alterações sofridas pelo conceito de Soberania de Estado em sintonia com o crescimento da interdependência, levam a uma maior preocupação por parte dos Estados - como atores globais - nos assuntos internos de terceiros, sobretudo no que diz respeito a casos em que são violados os direitos humanos dos seus cidadãos. No entanto, o caso da crise humanitária do Darfur, expõe, para além da impiedade do Estado do Sudão – responsável máximo pelos acontecimentos -, a fragilidade de um sistema internacional focado numa organização anárquica, em que a soberania é ainda fator derradeiro de decisão sobre intervenção, mesmo em casos de atrocidade extrema.
Esta dissertação propõe-se fazer uma análise crítica ao conceito de Soberania de Estado, tentando concluir porque é que existem ainda países que se protegem por detrás desta noção, expondo, mais concretamente, as consequências que a sua aplicação autoritária, por parte do governo do Sudão, gerou na região. Por esta razão, é proposto um conceito teórico, mas de abordagem executiva, o R2P, como recurso à impunidade que vem persistindo globalmente na defesa contra violações de direitos humanos.The continuous changes suffered by the concept of State Sovereignty in line with the growth of interdependence, lead to a greater concern on the part of States - as global actors - in the internal affairs of third parties, especially with regard to cases in which human rights are violated. However, the case of the Darfur humanitarian crisis, exposes, in addition to the wickedness of the State of Sudan – the main responsible for the events - the weakness of an international system focused on an anarchic organization, in which sovereignty is still the ultimate factor in deciding on intervention, even in cases of extreme atrocity.
This dissertation proposes to make a critical analysis to the concept of State Sovereignty, trying to conclude why there are still countries that protect themselves behind this notion, exposing, more concretely, the consequences that its authoritarian application, by the government of Sudan, spawned in the region. For this reason, a theoretical concept, but with an executive approach, the R2P, is proposed as a resource for impunity that has persisted globally in the defense against human rights violations
intersectional impact of vulnerability to the state in Greece, Uganda, and Israel from a matrix of domination standpoint
Get PDFA presente investigação académica tem uma natureza socio-legal e intercultural, focando a Violência Sexual e de Género que ocorre na terceira fase do ciclo de refúgio: o primeiro país de asilo. O principal objectivo é o de analisar a responsabilidade do Estado pela Violência Sexual e de Género ocorrida no seu território contra mulheres refugiadas e requerentes de asilo as quais representam segmentos da população que enfrentam múltiplas discriminações que se cruzam. Como tal, incorrem em um risco agravado de sofrerem Violência Sexual e de Género, derivada da situação vulnerável que enfrentam fruto da desvalorização social de determinados factores de identidade tais como, estatuto de pessoa refugiada ou requerente de asilo, género, etnia, religião e poder económico. A responsabilidade do Estado evidencia o fracasso do mesmo que poderá ser um sintoma estrutural e sistémico que indicia a existência de condições socio-económicas-legais favoráveis à ocorrência de violência (incluindo a Violência Sexual e de Género). Assim, o presente estudo defende a aplicação da norma internacional da responsabilidade de proteger (R2P) (terceiro pilar), com a inclusão da Iniciativa Brasileira, responsabilidade enquanto protege (RwP), reformulada, de forma a realçar a responsabilidade do país de asilo de proteger pessoas em situação de refúgio ou que sejam requerentes de asilo (terceiro pilar da R2P), e enquanto protege o Estado terá de garantir que a protecção providenciada corresponde às obrigações assumidas internacionalmente, nomeadamente, através da ratificação da CEDAW (GR 19, 1992). Desta forma, ao invés de advogar a substituição da R2P pela RwP, o presente estudo advoga que a RwP seja incluída no terceiro pilar da R2P. Assim sendo, e com base no trabalho de terreno, o presente estudo realça o facto de que a Violência Sexual e de Género no país de asilo resulta de uma vulnerabilidade das e dos sobreviventes face ao Estado (tal como mencionado na decisão M.S.S. v. Bélgica e Grécia, processo número 30696/09, decisão de 21 Janeiro 2011 do Tribunal Europeu dos Direitos Humanos). Tal vulnerabilidade face ao Estado é, parcialmente, baseada no enquadramento legal, e parcialmente baseada na ineficácia ou má aplicação do direito e respectivas políticas. O debate do presente estudo intercultural resulta da evidência do trabalho no terreno, que inclui não só observação não participante bem como 58 entrevistas realizadas na Grécia (Agosto-Outubro 2017), Uganda (Setembro 2018) e Israel (Outubro 2018-Julho 2019). Participantes do estudo incluem mulheres refugiadas e requerentes de asilo, bem como peritos e peritas (profissionais com experiência e que trabalham com pessoas refugiadas e requerentes de asilo, tais como advogadas de Direitos Humanos, mediadores e mediadoras culturais, líderes comunitários, académicas, funcionárias do ACNUR, trabalhadoras humanitárias e trabalhadores humanitários, activistas e directoras de casas abrigo). Com base no trabalho de terreno e com recurso à triangulação teórica que inclui feminismo interseccional, matriz de dominação, teoria da vulnerabilidade como principal enquadramento teórico em conjunto com o enquadramento teórico secundário constituído pelo modelo socio-ecológico e pela Teoria Fundamentada Construtivista, o presente estudo pretende demonstrar a responsabilidade do país de asilo em acolher e proteger pessoas refugiadas e requerentes de asilo no seu território, em particular as mulheres. Em última análise, o presente estudo pretende determinar a responsabilidade do Estado pela violação da R2P, e, por conseguinte, aferir a responsabilidade do Estado pelos casos de Violência Sexual e de Género que ocorram no seu território contra as mulheres refugiadas e requerentes de asilo.This social-legal cross-cultural study focuses on Sexual and Gender-Based Violence (SGBV) in the third phase of the refugee cycle: the country of asylum. The main objective is to examine the State’s accountability for SGBV taking place in its territory against refugee and asylum-seekers, who represent segments of the population facing multiple and intersecting forms of discrimination. Hence, facing an aggravated risk of experiencing SGBV due to an increased vulnerability caused by the social devaluation of certain intersecting identity markers, such as the refugee status (or lack of), gender, ethnicity, religion and economic power. State’s accountability may indicate the State’s failure to protect refugees and asylum seekers which might be a structural and a systemic symptom indicating favourable social-legal-economic conditions for violence (i.e. SGBV) to take place. Thus, the study argues for the country of asylum responsibility to protect (third pillar) which must include the reframed Brazilian Initiative (responsibility while protecting), to emphasise the country of asylum responsibility to protect refugees and asylum seekers (third pillar) while guaranteeing that the protection provided is according to its international obligations under CEDAW (GR 19, 1992). Therefore, the Brazilian Initiative must be reframed in a different light: instead of suggesting RwP to replace R2P, this study argues that RwP must be included in the third pillar of R2P, combining both terms instead of suggesting a replacement. Thus, and drawing from fieldwork, this study emphasises that SGBV against refugees and asylum seekers in the country of asylum result from the survivors’ vulnerability to the State (see European Court of Human Rights (ECHR) decision M.S.S. v. Belgium and Greece, application no. 30696/09, judgement 21 January 2011). Such vulnerability to the State is based, partially, on its legal framework, and partially on the ineffectiveness or ill-implementation of the country’s legal framework and policies. This cross-cultural study debate is based on evidence from fieldwork, which includes non-participant observation and 58 conversational interviews in Greece (August-October 2017), Uganda (September 2018) and Israel (October 2018-July 2019). The study participants include refugee women, asylum-seeking women and key informants (professionals with experience in supporting refugees and asylum seekers, i.e. Human Rights Lawyers, cultural mediators, community leaders, legal scholars, UNHCR officers, humanitarian workers, activists and directors of shelters). Drawing from fieldwork and using a theoretical triangulation that includes intersectional feminism, a matrix of domination, and the theory of vulnerability as the main theoretical framework combined with a secondary theoretical framework, constituted by the social-ecological model and constructivist grounded theory, this study intends to argue for the country of asylum responsibility to host and to protect refugees and asylum seekers in its territory, in particular women. In extremis such analysis determines the State’s accountability for the breach of its responsibility to protect, hence, its accountability for Sexual and Gender-Based Violence incidents against refugees and asylum seekers in its territory
the activation of the jurisdiction of the International Criminal Court over the crime of aggression
Get PDFA 14 de dezembro de 2017, a Assembleia de Estados Parte (AEP) do Tribunal Penal Internacional (TPI), reunida em Nova Iorque, adotou a decisão histórica para ativar a jurisdição do tribunal sobre o crime de agressão.
Inicialmente, através da descrição da realização do estágio de 4 meses na Missão Permanente de Portugal junto das Nações Unidas, este relatório tenciona apresentar qual o contexto que se revelou propício a esta decisão de ativação e explicar a razão pela qual o crime de agressão foi escolhido como tema principal. De facto, a discussão sobre o crime de agressão começa em Nuremberga e tem sido lentamente integrada na ordem internacional durante os últimos 60 anos. Através da análise do contexto histórico que levou até ao Estatuto de Roma e depois até às emendas de Kampala, o objetivo é perceber o que estava em causa quando a decisão foi tomada e quais as diferentes ramificações do sistema legal.
Finalmente, este relatório focar-se-á no âmbito de proteção concedido pelo regime do crime de agressão, que exclui Estados Não-Parte e Estados NãoRatificantes da jurisdição do TPI. Tal conclusão representa uma reversão total do paradigma de justiça penal internacional do TPI e prejudica a luta contra a impunidade e a proteção de direitos humanos, mesmo que não possamos ignorar a importância da decisão tomada por consenso pela Assembleia de Estados-Parte para o mundo de hoje.On 14 December 2017, the Assembly of States Parties (ASP) of the International Criminal Court (ICC) gathered in New York and took an historic decision to activate the jurisdiction of the Court over the crime of aggression.
By firstly describing the 4-month internship at the Permanent Mission of Portugal to the United Nations, this paper intends to set the context in which the activation was carried out and explain the choosing of the crime of aggression as the specific subject-matter. Indeed, this has been a discussion taking place since Nuremberg and that has, in the past 60 years, slowly been integrated in the international legal order. By analysing the historic background that led to the Rome Statute and then to the Kampala amendments, the aim is to understand what was at stake when the decision was made on 14 December 2017 and the different ramifications of the legal system.
Finally, this paper will focus on the scope of protection granted by the regime of the crime of aggression, that excludes non-States Parties and nonratifying States Parties from the jurisdiction of the ICC. Such conclusion represents a true reversal of the international criminal justice paradigm that is represented by the ICC and will undermine the fight against impunity and the protection of human rights, even though the importance of the decision achieved at the ASP, by consensus, to the world today cannot be understated
Prisões na África: uma avaliação da perspectiva dos direitos humanos
Get PDFPublicado em português, espanhol e inglês.Título em espanhol: Las cárceles en África: una evaluación desde la perscpetiva de derechos humanos -- Título em inglês: Prisons in Africa: na evaluation from a human rights perspectiveDelineia as diversas etapas históricas decisivas na evolução das prisões africanas. Examina certas áreas nas quais as prisões em toda a África não garantem os mínimos quesitos em direitos humanos. Analisa diversas fontes possíveis de supervisão e reforma, tais como a Comissão Africana de Direitos Humanos e dos Povos e o Relator Especial sobre Prisões e Condições de Detenção na África
Legacy of the Blast - Victim Assistance in the Eyes of the Treaty on the Prohibition of Nuclear Weapons
No full textThis paper examines the overall disarmament and non-proliferation architecture (Chapter 1), the profound humanitarian impacts of nuclear weapons, and their relation to the Sustainable Development Goals (Chapter 2) to establish the Treaty on the Prohibition of Nuclear Weapons’ pertinence and the need for a robust framework of victim assistance. Chapter 3 delves into the positive obligations outlined in the Treaty, exploring the key
arguments surrounding the disproportionate burden placed on affected states, contrasted with the limited responsibility of user states. This analysis highlights the importance of respecting affected states’ sovereignty in establishing a victim assistance mechanism while recognising that user states, with their higher gross domestic products and resources, are better equipped to address the financial challenges that victim assistance
inherently brings. National assistance plans and laws are revisited under Chapter 4, revealing significant shortcomings: apologies remain insufficient; national plans mostly rely on one-time lump sum compensations that fail to address the long-term impacts of nuclear weapons; second and third-generation victims are often overlooked. The importance of relieving victims from the burden of establishing a causal link to receive
assistance is also emphasised. Finally, Chapter 5 considers the progress made in the State Parties’ Meetings, focusing on the potential creation of a trust fund. This fund can learn from the criticism drawn throughout the paper and encompass the recommendations outlined here – by prioritising capacity buildingthe fund should aim at long-term support rather than just temporary alleviation of suffering. Overall, this thesis argues that while
the TPNW represents a big step towards assisting victims of nuclear explosions, the compromises made by the drafters in its responsibility framework – particularly the minimal accountability of user states – limit its full potential. Looking ahead, much can still be done to bolster the support for nuclear-affected states – both those who have already joined the Treaty and those that could be encouraged to join through these enhancements (e.g. the Marshall Islands) – and individuals.O presente documento aborda a arquitetura global de Desarmamento e Não Proliferação (Capítulo 1), os consideráveis impactos humanitários causados por armas nucleares e a sua relação com os Objetivos de Desenvolvimento Sustentável (Capítulo 2) para determinar a relevância do Tratado de Proibição de Armas Nucleares (TPNW) e a necessidade de um sólido enquadramento de assistência às vítimas. O Capítulo 3 analisa as disposições positivas do Tratado ao abordar os principais argumentos em torno do ónus
desproporcional que recai sobre os Estados afetados, em contraste com a responsabilidade limitada que recai sobre os Estados utilizadores. Esta análise sublinha a necessidade de respeitar a soberania dos Estados afetados no estabelecimento de um mecanismo de assistência às vítimas, ao mesmo tempo que reconhece que os Estados utilizadores, com mais recursos e um maior produto interno bruto, estão melhor equipados para enfrentar os desafios financeiros inerentes a um quadro de assistência às vítimas. Os programas e leis nacionais de assistência às vítimas de explosões nucleares são revistos no Capítulo 4, evidenciando a existência de lacunas relevantes: pedidos de desculpa são insuficientes; os programas nacionais baseiam-se, na sua maioria, em indemnizações únicas que não têm em conta os impactos a longo prazo das armas nucleares; as vítimas de segundas e terceiras gerações são frequentemente ignoradas. Finalmente, o Capítulo 5 considera os progressos realizados nas Reuniões de Estados Partes, concentrando-se na eventual
criação de um “trust fund”. Este fundo poderá beneficiar das críticas feitas ao longo deste ensaio e abarcar as recomendações aqui delineadas – privilegiando a capacitação dos Estados afetados e visando um apoio a longo prazo, em vez de um alívio temporário. Em termos gerais, este relatório argumenta que, embora o TPNW represente um grande passo no sentido de ajudar as vítimas de explosões nucleares, os compromissos assumidos pelos autores do Tratado no seu quadro de responsabilidade – particularmente a responsabilidade mínima dos Estados utilizadores – restringem o seu potencial. Perspetivando o futuro, muito poderá ser feito no sentido de reforçar o apoio aos Estados – tanto os que já aderiram ao Tratado como os que poderão ser encorajados a aderir por causa destas medidas (por exemplo, as Ilhas Marshall) – e aos indivíduos que foram
afetados por explosões nucleares
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