6,148 research outputs found

    Dealing with rogue states: a case study of Serbia

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    This thesis examines the impact of international coercive policies on democratic opposition parties operating within ‘rogue’ states. Using Serbia between 1992 and 2000 as a case study, the aim of this research is to evaluate the impact of the international community’s coercion of Serbia on the effectiveness of the Serbian democratic opposition in their campaigns against the Milosevic regime. In order to explore this issue, the time period from 1992 to 2000 is broken down into five subperiods in each of which Serbia’s experience of international coercion differed in terms of its nature and/or extent. Within each of these sub-periods the issues of whether Serbia’s opposition parties held positions that differed from those of the Milosevic regime on issues that were of key international concern; the extent and nature of links between the Serbian democratic opposition and the international community; and the impact of international policy on the effectiveness of the democratic opposition in opposing the Milosevic regime is investigated. The findings of this research show that the positions of the democratic opposition parties were often closer to those of the international com m unity than were those of the Milosevic regime, and that for much of the time international coercion of Serbia undermined Serbia’s opposition in its efforts to oppose Milosevic

    Milosevic and Hussein on Trial

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    In this article in the Symposium on Milosevic & Hussein on Trial, the author discusses the difficulties of trying Saddam in the International Court of Justice (ICJ) at the Hague to argue that previous cases of genocide have resulted in the political strategy of exile or extermination. Four points that limit the possibilities for an ICJ trial are discussed, & the probable unjustness of the Iraqi Special Tribunal (IST) is related to the treatment of historical cases of Napoleon & Milosevic, & genocide criminals in the Rwanda & Nuremberg criminal trials. The author argues that the current position on genocide according to the General Framework Agreement for Peace in Bosnia & Herzegovina (GFA) & the Dayton Accords, leaves the Milosevic & Hussein cases extremely unclear, & advocates handing Saddam over to the Iraqi police, & finds advantages in the probable chance that Milosevic may die before his trial ends. J. Harwel

    Thomas (Robert) Serbia under Milosevic. Politics in the 1990' s

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    Rupnik. Thomas (Robert) Serbia under Milosevic. Politics in the 1990' s. In: Critique internationale, vol. 4. 1999. Les "bonnes oeuvres" des extrémistes, sous la direction de Christophe Jaffrelot. p. 73

    Slobodan Milosevic and the Fire of Nationalism

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    This paper is an economist’s attempt to understand the behaviour of dictators with special reference to the Milosevic regime in Serbia. The author focuses on nationalism, ethnic cleansing and war, especially the most recent war with NATO. The basic argument is simple. First, like any dictator, Milosevic needed support in order to survive in office. His provocative and warlike actions towards other groups are best understood, not as the latest round in a centuries-old tradition of ethnic fighting, but as the attempt of a competitive politician to survive in a situation where the old basis of power had collapsed. Second, in attempting to survive the wave of democratization that swept Eastern Europe after 1989, Milosevic played a wild card—the nationalist card. Nationalism can be wild because, under some circumstances, it is contagious. Especially when combined with the security dilemma, it can spread uncontrollably. Ethnic cleansing and war are seen in this light as neither deliberate, coldly planned strategies of brutal repression, nor the results of complete miscalculation, but the results of a process in which the leadership of the regime was reacting to events which it may have set in motion, but did not entirely control.

    Trends. Milosevic on Force Withdrawal: Can the Wrong be Right?

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    The author discusses the completion of talks between Yugoslavian President Slobodan Milosevic and Russian President Boris Yeltsin, which seems to have lead to the lessening of the momentum for multilateral military intervention sponsored by the United Nations and the North Atlantic Treaty Organization to punish Serbia

    Tyranny on Trial: Personality and Courtroom Conduct of Defendants Slobodan Milosevic and Saddam Hussein

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    In this essay in the Symposium on Milosevic & Hussein on Trial, the author explores the impacts of personality & courtroom conduct in trial outcome to argue that the likenesses between the two defendants will result in Saddam\u27s projection of grand defiance. Biographical narratives of the two leaders trace the psychological development of each personality through childhood to their political careers characterized by defiant resistance & compensatory grandiosity that may be the source of the similarities of behaviors in the courtroom. Asserting that Saddam is following the Milosevic model of courtroom behavior by derailment of the proceeding, exploitation of the victimization theme, & distortion of history to present his political platform, the author concludes that, defiant & unrepentant, both defendants have returned to the international stage to restate their heroic legacies. J. Harwel

    The Difference between Legal Proof and Historical Evidence. The Trial of Slobodan Milosevic and the Case of Srebrenica

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    On 11 March 2006 the former Serbian leader Slobodan Milosevic was found dead in his prison cell in The Hague, where the case against him at the International Criminal Tribunal for former Yugoslavia (ICTY) was nearing its end. Many people voiced their disappointment about the fact that Milosevic would never receive his verdict. Although this disillusionment is understandable, Milosevic s death also saved the prosecutors and the Tribunal from delivering a judgment that would probably have contributed little to reconciliation in former Yugoslavia. This was particularly so in relation to that part of the indictment that concerned Milosevic s alleged responsibility for the massacre by the Bosnian Serb army of 7500 Bosnian Muslim men and boys following the fall of Srebrenica in July 2005.

    Citoyens contre politiques : le 5 octobre 2000 et la construction de la Serbie de l'après-Milosevic

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    Three years afterwards, the political significance of the events of October 5, 2000 in Serbia, when massive protests forced S. Milosevic to step down, is examined. Was this date historical in that it shows evidence of, and is a factor in, more democracy and tolerance in Serbian politics? To answer this crucial question, empirical data about how the population interpreted the events of October 5 have been assessed. Identification of several "lessons" collectively learned by Serbians during the 1990s as well as the emergent political culture are described. The population's normative expectations are then compared with actual political developments in Serbia since 2000, in particular the break-up of the original anti- Milosevic coalition, the assassination of Prime Minister Djindjic and the relative victory of ultranationalists in the December 2003 elections. The "constitutional chance" granted by the events of October 5 has largely been missed, owing to the irresponsibility of major politicians during the post-Milosevic period. Nonetheless, traces of new political attitudes might subsist in the Serbian polity.La signification des événements du 5 octobre 2000 en Serbie est examinée ici avec un recul de trois ans. Ce jour-là, des manifestations massives firent chuter le régime de S. Milosevic et la question fondamentale est de savoir si cette date peut être considérée comme historique dans le sens où elle fut à la fois l'expression et un facteur du changement de la culture politique en Serbie vers plus de démocratie et de tolérance. Pour tenter d'y répondre, nous commencerons par une analyse, fondée sur des données empiriques, de la manière dont la population a interprété le 5 octobre. Nous ferons ensuite l'inventaire de diverses "leçons" collectivement tirées par les citoyens serbes au cours des années 1990 ainsi que de certains éléments de la culture politique naissante. Enfin, nous comparerons les projections normatives de la population et l'évolution politique réelle depuis 2000, tout particulièrement marquée par la désintégration de la coalition initiale anti-Milosevic, par l'assassinat du premier ministre, Zoran Djindjic, et par la relative victoire des ultra-nationalistes aux élections de décembre 2003. En définitive, l'« occasion constitutionnelle » que fut le 5 octobre a été largement manquée du fait de l'irresponsabilité des principaux acteurs politiques de la période post-Milosevic. Néanmoins, des traces des comportements politiques nouvellement acquis pourraient subsister dans la société et la politique serbes.Spasič Ivana, Réquéno-Cetkovic Valérie. Citoyens contre politiques : le 5 octobre 2000 et la construction de la Serbie de l'après-Milosevic. In: Revue d'études comparatives Est-Ouest, vol. 35, 2004, n°1-2. Sortir de la transition bloquée : Serbie-Monténégro, sous la direction de Mirjana Morokvasic et Nebojsa Vukadinovic. pp. 269-295

    Sensitivity analyses of the seismic performance of mixed masonry-RC buildings: The "Rabo de Bacalhau" building type in Lisbon

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    This paper is focused on the sensitivity analyses as tool to identify the main parameters that affect the seismic response of one type of the old mixed masonry-reinforced concrete buildings in Lisbon. The main purpose of this analyses is to compare the seismic behavior of an existing building, representative of this typology, as a function of the changes of its properties with respect to the response of a reference model calibrated from available standards and experimental tests. The seismic performance is evaluated through the well-recognized N2 method and the influence of different material properties are taken into the account:Young modulus, shear modulus, shear strength and compressive strength of the masonry wall, as well as the shear modulus for timber floors. The equivalent frame model approach is used to define the 3D representation of the structure

    Design challenges for wearable EMG applications

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    Wearable technologies are changing the way we deal with health and fitness in our daily life. Nevertheless, while MEMS-enabled inertial sensors have conquered the consumer market, physiological monitoring has still to face barriers due to the complexity and costs of physical interfaces (e.g. electrodes), the degree of intuitiveness of the interaction and the processing required to reach satisfying performance. These limitations are mitigated by the embedded systems' growing integration of interfacing capabilities and efficient computing power. In this paper, we describe the main applications and the related technologies for the acquisition and processing of myoelectric (EMG) signals. Starting from well established active sensors and bench-top setups, we introduce a recent design based on the combination of an integrated Analog Front End (AFE) and embedded processing. This solution provides high quality signal acquisition and on-board digital processing capabilities with a contained power consumption. The system was tested within the prosthesis control application scenario, one of the most stringent EMG applications, achieving a 90% gesture recognition accuracy with real time on-board processing at a power consumption of 30 mW. Such promising results highlight the current trend in shifting EMG applications from dedicated analog solutions towards integrated digital devices, favouring the development of advanced, modular and low-power wearable solutions
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