535 research outputs found
Capture : arte begets architecture : Jago Museum
LAUREA MAGISTRALEJago è l’artefice di forme che sfidano il tempo, scultore italiano di fama mondiale, che ha portato le sue opere in ogni continente.
Nel 2021, tra le ombre della pandemia, arriva a Napoli e trova rifugio in una chiesa dimenticata.
Sant’Aspreno ai crociferi è il suo convento, nel cuore del Rione Sanità, antica e popolare, dove l’arte si mescola alla vita e al sentimento.
Qui Jago si innamora di Napoli e della sua gente, e scopre il fascino nascosto dietro la povertà quello scampolo di città, che non spegne la speranza e la creatività.
Nel 2023, decide di restituire alla città un dono di bellezza e di cultura, e inaugura il suo primo museo permanente in quella chiesa che per due anni è stata la sua casa.
Ma Sant’Aspreno ai crociferi porta le tracce del passato, chiusa per quarant’anni, ha perso il suo splendore, e chi va a visitare le opere di Jago lo può notare.
Il progetto nasce da questo contrasto, da un desiderio di immaginare uno spazio diverso che possa valorizzare l’artista Jago e la sua arte.
Il primo passo è stato scegliere il luogo ideale per realizzare questa idea.
Palazzo Sanfelice è stato il candidato naturale, un edificio noto, di grande interesse architettonico, luogo storico, situato nel cuore del Rione Sanità. Capolavoro e dimora dell’architetto Ferdinando Sanfelice, simbolo del barocco napoletano e del quartiere.
Si tratta di un palazzo privato, segnato dalle trasformazioni che il tempo e il quartiere hanno portato, eppure ogni giorno è ammirato e fotografato da chi si perde tra i vicoli del Rione Sanità, che lo riconosce come il luogo magico che è.
La necessità di un nuovo museo per Jago si coniuga con la voglia di rivalorizzare questo luogo, esprimendosi nell’unico spazio mai realizzato da Ferdinando Sanfelice: il giardino.Jago is author of time-defying forms, a globally renowned Italian sculptor who has taken his works to every continent.
In 2021, amidst the shadows of the pandemic, he arrives in Naples and finds refuge in a forgotten church.
Sant’Aspreno ai Crociferi is his convent, in the heart of the Rione Sanità, ancient and popular, where art mixes with life and sentiment.
Here Jago falls in love with Naples and its people, and discovers the charm hidden behind the poverty of that remnant of the city, which does not extinguish hope and creativity.
In 2023, he decided to give back to the city a gift of beauty and culture, and opened his first permanent museum in the church that had been his home for two years.
But Sant’Aspreno ai crociferi bears the traces of the past; closed for forty years, it has lost its splendour, and anyone who goes to visit Jago’s works can see this.
The project was born from this contrast, from a desire to imagine a different space that could enhance the artist Jago and his art.
The first step was to choose the ideal place to realise this idea.
Palazzo Sanfelice was the natural candidate, a well-known building of great architectural interest, a historical site, located in the heart of the Rione Sanità. A masterpiece and home of architect Ferdinando Sanfelice, it is a symbol of Neapolitan baroque and of the district.
It is a private palazzo, marked by the transformations that time and the neighbourhood have brought, yet every day it is admired and photographed by those who wander through the alleys of the Rione Sanità, who recognise it as the magical place that it is.
The need for a new museum for Jago is combined with the desire to revalue this place, expressing itself in the only space ever created by Ferdinando Sanfelice: the garden
The gypsy’s lot: myth and reality
This chapter focuses on the lived experiences of gypsies (collectively referred to as gypsies rather than Roma or travellers). The author argues that the relationship between the legal system and the specific lifestyle of this group is itself causing many tensions which cannot be separated from the long-held myths about gypsies. Jago shows how the standing of gypsies in the UK legal system has, in turn, become the object of various myths. He demonstrates how judgements by the European Court of Human Rights in favour of gypsy claims created in many an image of the law being always on the side of the gypsy. A perception which Jago demonstrates is far from true. After addressing the nature and role of myths in general the author illustrates the tension between positive, romanticised myths about the freedom of gypsy lifestyle and three derogatory myths, namely gypsies as "child-snatchers", as thieves and as "land grabbers". Jago illustrates that these myths are linked to deep-rooted beliefs around property and its ownership.</p
Mr Aesop's Story Shop
The author declares in the introduction that he wanted to know more about Aesop before retelling Aesop's stories. The information he found led him to wonder what might have happened if Aesop had started up his own business, running a stall in the agora (that's Greek for marketplace), doing what he loved best -- entertaining people and telling fables? (5). I am glad that he goes on to declare that the stories have something to say to people of all ages, grown-ups and children alike. He goes on to tell ten of Aesop's stories -- but, true to his purpose, he situates each first in a fictional situation in the agora. Aesop is selling olives and cheese and inviting people Stop for a moment -- and enjoy! The key in telling his first story, LM, is the line in which he asks his audience You're too small, You're too slow. You're too ugly…. Has anyone ever told you that? And then used it to keep you from doing something you really wanted to do? (7). Hartman follows up by including this in the last lines of this fable: Don't let anyone judge you by the way you look (11). For me, the human illustrations -- and especially those of Aesop -- are even more engaging than the good illustrations of the animals in the fables. In the middle of CP, Aesop forces his listeners to go find pebbles that they can put into his jar. We can't finish the story until we have pebbles (14). For FG, Aesop and his listeners watch what happens at a neighboring stall, where two women want the same amphora. Aesop wisely proclaims This is even better than a story, I'd say (17). Of course the two handles break off and the pottery seller demands payment. One woman says It wasn't that nice, anyway! For TMCM, Aesop claims to sell peace. Indeed, he says, I am the richest man in Greece! Aesop goes on to tell the tale of the dung-beetle and the ant, with rain instead of snow. You can't always count on kindness (27). Flattery from the crowd enjoying his stories provokes Aesop to tell FC. DS gets introduced when a dog runs through the crowd with a piece of stolen meat. For non-human illustrations, try DW on 46-47. My! This is Aesop after my own heart!This is a hardbound book (hard cover)First editionFirst printingBob Hartma
Mr Aesop's Story Shop
Here is a copy of the first printing of the first edition of the paperback book. The hardbound edition was published in 2010. The author declares in the introduction that he wanted to know more about Aesop before retelling Aesop's stories. The information he found led him to wonder what might have happened if Aesop had started up his own business, running a stall in the agora (that's Greek for marketplace), doing what he loved best -- entertaining people and telling fables? (5). I am glad that he goes on to declare that the stories have something to say to people of all ages, grown-ups and children alike. He goes on to tell ten of Aesop's stories -- but, true to his purpose, he situates each first in a fictional situation in the agora. Aesop is selling olives and cheese and inviting people Stop for a moment -- and enjoy! The key in telling his first story, LM, is the line in which he asks his audience You're too small, You're too slow. You're too ugly…. Has anyone ever told you that? And then used it to keep you from doing something you really wanted to do? (7). Hartman follows up by including this in the last lines of this fable: Don't let anyone judge you by the way you look (11). For me, the human illustrations -- and especially those of Aesop -- are even more engaging than the good illustrations of the animals in the fables. In the middle of CP, Aesop forces his listeners to go find pebbles that they can put into his jar. We can't finish the story until we have pebbles (14). For FG, Aesop and his listeners watch what happens at a neighboring stall, where two women want the same amphora. Aesop wisely proclaims This is even better than a story, I'd say (17). Of course the two handles break off and the pottery seller demands payment. One woman says It wasn't that nice, anyway! For TMCM, Aesop claims to sell peace. Indeed, he says, I am the richest man in Greece! Aesop goes on to tell the tale of the dung-beetle and the ant, with rain instead of snow. You can't always count on kindness (27). Flattery from the crowd enjoying his stories provokes Aesop to tell FC. DS gets introduced when a dog runs through the crowd with a piece of stolen meat. For non-human illustrations, try DW on 46-47. My! This is Aesop after my own heart!First paperback editionFirst printingBob Hartma
Imagine the possibilities: information without overload
Information is often modelled as a set of relevant possibilities, treated as logically possible worlds. However, this has the unintuitive consequence that the logical consequences of an agent's information cannot be informative for that agent. There are many scenarios in which such consequences are clearly informative for the agent in question. Attempts to weaken the logic underlying each possible world are misguided. Instead, I provide a genuinely psychological notion of epistemic possibility and show how it can be captured in a formal model, which I call a fan. I then show how to use fans to build formal models of being informed, as well as knowledge, belief and information update
Reviving the Jago: A case for reassessing Arthur Morrioson's A Child of the Jago
Thesis (M.A.)
California State University, Los Angeles, 2012Committee members: Jim Garrett, Michelle Hawley, Ruben QuinteroArthur Morrison's A Child of The Jago was initially received with dismay and even anger . Contemporary British critics complained bitterly of its harsh portrayal of the life of the London poor. Morrison's purpose was to describe the lives of the inhabitants of the worst slum in the nation. This thesis explores why Morrison's novel was harshly criticized by focusing on its: tone; episodes of violence; and use of the argot of the poor. Morrison's audience were well-to-do Britons who felt that the author had exaggerated the violence and desperation of life in the slum. This thesis also suggests why Morrison's A Child of The Jago should be included in the cannon of British literature.Englis
Action 3:30R
This file includes data and files from the Action 3:30R project, led by Prof Russ Jago in 2017-18. Action 3:30R is a cluster-randomised feasibility trial of a revised after-school physical activity intervention with 8-10 year olds. It was an NIHR-PHR funded project with reference number 15/55/0
Jago and preman - controversial heroes of Indonesian history
The dissertation deals with the historical development of banditry and gangsterism in Indonesia against the background of its relationship with the ruling elite. The author argues that bandits, called jago, or modern gangsters, known as preman, represented the basic pillar of power of all ruling regimes in Java from the classical Javanese kingdoms and the 163 Netherlands East Indies' colonial state to the Suharto's New Order. This pattern changed, however, with the onset of decentralisation and democratization of Indonesian politics - thugs for hire ceased to be agents of state and became a power tool of political parties and other competing interest groups. The author also shows that the regimes tried to eliminate the thugs' criminal activities by integrating them into their respective repressive systems. The general consequence of these intergrational attempts was criminalization of security forces and the state administration. The author further proves the existence of a direct historical and cultural connection between the jago and the preman. These controversial figures also share, despite a substantial time span, three essential features: cooperation with the patron on an ambivalent basis; criminal activities on the side outside this relationship, which secured profit for the elite in return for..
Sikambang Art and Sumando Custom as a form of coastal ethnic culture (ethnographic study in Jago Jago Village, Central Tapanuli Regency)
This study aims to describe and explain how someone can be said to be urang
pasisi (urang pasisi) and what is meant by Sikambang Art and Sumando Custom
which are forms of coastal community culture in Jago Jago Village, Central
Tapanuli Regency. This study uses a qualitative research method with a
descriptive approach, through observation and in-depth interviews with research
informants. The benefits of this study are to increase the author's knowledge in
compiling scientific works, and it is hoped that this study can increase the
knowledge of the author and readers as well as the sensitivity of the local
government to continue to support and preserve the culture in Jago Jago Village,
such as the culture of Sikambang Art and Sumando Customs. The results of this
study indicate that someone who has an identity as a coastal ethnic group or
coastal community are people with surnames who merge into one and follow the
culture and customs of the coastal community. Those who live or reside on the
coast and those who move to the coast, also merge into one and carry out coastal
culture such as Sikambang Art and Sumando Custom. The conclusion of this study
is that the coast is more identical to the residential area, but those who live on the
coast are often called urang pasisi, they are a group of people who have various
different ethnic identities, such as the Minang, Batak, Nias, Javanese, Acehnese,
then they interact with each other for a long time so that they form and give birth
to a new culture called Sumando Custom. This is because Sumando Custom
emerged from the marriage of Minang and Batak people who maintained their
Matrilocal and Patrilocal so that they gave birth to something new, namely
Neolocal, this is often also called assimilation. Coastal culture and customs that
have been carried out from generation to generation since the time of their
ancestors, and the culture they have is different from the cultures of other ethnic
groups.97 PagesSkripsi Sarjan
Sikambang Art and Sumando Custom as a form of coastal ethnic culture (ethnographic study in Jago Jago Village, Central Tapanuli Regency)
This study aims to describe and explain how someone can be said to be urang
pasisi (urang pasisi) and what is meant by Sikambang Art and Sumando Custom
which are forms of coastal community culture in Jago Jago Village, Central
Tapanuli Regency. This study uses a qualitative research method with a
descriptive approach, through observation and in-depth interviews with research
informants. The benefits of this study are to increase the author's knowledge in
compiling scientific works, and it is hoped that this study can increase the
knowledge of the author and readers as well as the sensitivity of the local
government to continue to support and preserve the culture in Jago Jago Village,
such as the culture of Sikambang Art and Sumando Customs. The results of this
study indicate that someone who has an identity as a coastal ethnic group or
coastal community are people with surnames who merge into one and follow the
culture and customs of the coastal community. Those who live or reside on the
coast and those who move to the coast, also merge into one and carry out coastal
culture such as Sikambang Art and Sumando Custom. The conclusion of this study
is that the coast is more identical to the residential area, but those who live on the
coast are often called urang pasisi, they are a group of people who have various
different ethnic identities, such as the Minang, Batak, Nias, Javanese, Acehnese,
then they interact with each other for a long time so that they form and give birth
to a new culture called Sumando Custom. This is because Sumando Custom
emerged from the marriage of Minang and Batak people who maintained their
Matrilocal and Patrilocal so that they gave birth to something new, namely
Neolocal, this is often also called assimilation. Coastal culture and customs that
have been carried out from generation to generation since the time of their
ancestors, and the culture they have is different from the cultures of other ethnic
groups.97 PagesSkripsi Sarjan
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