1,354,410 research outputs found
Household crowding during the COVID-19 lockdown fosters anti-democracy even after 17 months: A 5-wave latent growth curve study
No full textIn an earlier cross-sectional study, Roccato et al. (2021) showed that household crowding during the COVID-19 lockdown was positively related to support for anti-democratic political systems. However, little is known about the persistence of these effect over time. In this study, we examined its duration in a longitudinal study structured in five waves, the first in May–June 2019 (before the COVID-19 outbreak, N = 1504) and the others during the pandemic, in April 2020 (during the lockdown, N = 1199), October 2020 (N = 1156), April 2021 (N = 1148), and October 2021 (N = 1151). The increase in support for anti-democratic systems associated with household overcrowding in the initial phase of the lockdown (Wave 2) did not change over the subsequent 17 months. Moreover, the effect was stronger among those who had high (compared with low) trust in democratic political institutions before the pandemic. Strengths, limitations, and potential developments of the study are discussed
La rilevazione empirica dell’autoritarismo di destra: Un contributo per l’adattamento italiano della scala di Funke.
No full textAnalyzing the responses given by 801 Italian participants (F = 635; mean age = 24.78 years),
we performed a confirmatory factor analysis of an Italian version of Funke’s RWA3D scale,
aimed at assessing right-wing authoritarianism as a three-dimensional construct defined
by authoritarian submission, authoritarian aggression, and conventionalism. The model
showing the best fit was a three-correlated-factors model, controlling the semantic direction
of the items as correlated uniquenesses. Such model was invariant between genders.
However, the very strong correlations among the three substantive factors warned against
mechanically considering the scale as three-dimensional
Los italianos y la guerra: 2003-2003
No full textInquiries into political identity and political identification partially search for answers to the questions, Who am I? The answers are usually treated as elements in a political perspective, the other major components being demands and expectations. It is argued that identification is not something which we voluntarily create and that it has deeper roots in the way we have been brought up and are motivated to behave politically. In attempts to delineate political identity in general, and European political identity in particular, territory, language, ideas, culture, and history may all serve as objects around which we can analyse political identification. In the French debate about European integration, the opposition between objects of identity is basically seen as a conflict between modernism and voluntarism, not in conflicts between social classes or party alignments. This gives a specific dimension to discussions of political identity which is usually not so common in other countries.Las cuestiones sobre la identidad y la identificación política en parte buscan respuestas a la pregunta, ¿Quién soy? Dentro de una perpsctiva política, las respuestas normalmente se tratan como uno de los elementos, los otros componentes básicos son las demandas y las expectativas. Se defiende que la identificación no es algo que las personas construyen de forma voluntaria, además tiene sus raíces más profundas en la manera que nos planteamos y estamos motivados para comportarnos políticamente. El territorio, el idioma, las ideas, la cultura y la historia son elementos que sirven de base para analizar la identificación política, cuando quremos definir la identidad polítical en general, y la identidad política europea en particular. En el debate francés sobre la integración europea, la oposición entre los objetos de identidad se ve sobre todo como un conflicto entre modernismo y voluntarismo, más que como conflictos entre clases sociales o afiliaciones políticas. Esto da una dimensión específica a las discusiones sobre la identidad política que no suele ser tan común en otros países
La rilevazione empirica dell’Autoritarismo. Un adattamento italiano della scala di Funke (2005)
No full textLavorando su un campione composto da 801 partecipanti (F = 635; età media = 24.78 anni), abbiamo condotto un'analisi fattoriale confermativa di un adattamento italiano della scala RWA3D di Funke, volta a rilevare l'autoritarismo di destra come costrutto tridimensionale costituito da sottomissione autoritaria, aggressività autoritaria e convenzionalismo. Il fit più soddisfacente è stato ottenuto da un modello a tre fattori correlati in cui abbiamo controllato l'errore di metodo dovuto all'ordinamento semantico degli item. Tale modello è risultato invariante fra i generi. Ciononostante, le elevatissime correlazioni fra i tre fattori sostantivi suggeriscono una certa cautela nel considerare genuinamente tridimensionale la scala
It Is Nice to "Wake Up" Patients for Combined Carotid Endarterectomy and Coronary Artery Bypass Graft Surgery
No full textBirth order and conservatism: A multilevel test of Sulloway’s “Born to rebel” thesis
No full textWe analysed differences in conservative values between firstborn and secondborn siblings, in the context of Sulloway’s (1996) idea that firstborns favour the status quo more than secondborns do. Using multilevel analysis to predict siblings’ conservatism, we tested two hypotheses from Sulloway’s theory: (a) firstborns are more conservative than are secondborns; and (b) firstborns internalize their parents’ conservative values stronger than secondborns do, independent from the degree of their parents’ conservatism. Ninety-six Italian families (composed of both parents, the firstborn and the secondborn, total N = 384) filled out the Portrait Values Questionnaire (Schwartz et al., 2001). Results supported Sulloway’s first, but not his second prediction: Birth order fostered children’s conservatism directly, but not in interaction with parents’ conservatism. Implications of the results for the children’s socialization and their possible developments are discussed
Predicting right-wing authoritarianism via personality and dangerous world beliefs: Direct, indirect, and interactive effects
No full textIn an Italian sample (N=483, 78.23% women, mean age = 27.61 years old), we used structural equation modeling with latent variables and interactions to analyze the direct, indirect, and interactive effects exerted on right-wing authoritarianism by the Big Five factors of personality and by dangerous world beliefs. Openness, Neuroticism, and Conscientiousness exerted direct effects on right-wing authoritarianism; the first two relationships were partially mediated by dangerous world beliefs. Most importantly, the relationship between dangerous world beliefs and right-wing authoritarianism was moderated by Openness: dangerous world beliefs significantly influenced right-wing authoritarianism solely for participants high in Openness. Limitations and possible developments of this research are discussed. © 2012 Copyright Taylor and Francis Group, LLC
When a woman asks a sexist constituency to be voted: was Giorgia Meloni’s gender an advantage, a disadvantage or an irrelevant factor in the 2022 Italian general election?
No full textIn this study, we investigated whether Giorgia Meloni’s gender was an advantage, a disadvantage or an irrelevant factor in the 2022 Italian general election. Using datasets from two election surveys conducted with two quota samples of the adult Italian population, Ns = 1,572 (ITANES dataset) and 1,150 (COCO dataset), we predicted the vote in the election as a function of participants’ gender, beliefs about gender and their interaction, controlling for the key sociodemographic and political variables. Two multinomial logistic regression revealed that gender and beliefs about gender were neither additively nor multiplicatively associated with the vote. We therefore conclude that Meloni’s gender did not affect the outcome of the 2022 Italian general electio
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