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    Going Beyond Counting First Authors in Author Co-citation Analysis

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    The present study examines one of the fundamental aspects of author co-citation analysis (ACA) - the way co-citation counts are defined. Co-citation counting provides the data on which all subsequent statistical analyses and mappings are based, and we compare ACA results based on two different types of co-citation counting - the traditional type that only counts the first one among a cited work's authors on the one hand and a non-traditional type that takes into account the first 5 authors of a cited work on the other hand. Results indicate that the picture produced through this non-traditional author co-citation counting contains more coherent author groups and is therefore considerably clearer. However, this picture represents fewer specialties in the research field being studied than that produced through the traditional first-author co-citation counting when the same number of top-ranked authors is selected and analyzed. Reasons for these effects are discussed

    Variations on the Author

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    “Variations on the Author” discusses two of Eduardo Coutinho’s recent films (Um Dia na Vida, from 2010, and Últimas Conversas, posthumously released in 2015) and their contribution to the general question of documentary authorship. The director’s filmography is characterized by a consistent yet self-effacing form of authorial self-inscription: Coutinho often features as an interviewer that rather than express opinions propels discourses; an interviewer that is good at listening. This mode of self-inscription characterizes him as an author who is not expressive but who is nonetheless markedly present on the screen. In Um Dia na Vida, however, Coutinho is completely absent form the image, while Últimas Conversas, on the contrary, includes a confessional prologue that moves the director from the margins to the center of his films. This article examines the ways in which these works stand out in the filmography of a director who offers new insights into the notion of cinematic authorship

    Appropriate Similarity Measures for Author Cocitation Analysis

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    We provide a number of new insights into the methodological discussion about author cocitation analysis. We first argue that the use of the Pearson correlation for measuring the similarity between authors’ cocitation profiles is not very satisfactory. We then discuss what kind of similarity measures may be used as an alternative to the Pearson correlation. We consider three similarity measures in particular. One is the well-known cosine. The other two similarity measures have not been used before in the bibliometric literature. Finally, we show by means of an example that our findings have a high practical relevance.information science;Pearson correlation;cosine;similarity measure;author cocitation analysis

    The Dynamics of the Election and Campaigning Process for Female Candidates

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    As we approach the year 2000, women make up approximately 52% of the population but there are only fifty-one women in the House, nine senators, and two governors. There have been barriers to women in the past which have inhibited their search for parity within the realm of national political office. These barriers have historical, social and political value. With the rise of women's organizations and increased competitiveness, women are moving towards increased representation in public office. What makes a female a viable and effective candidate for office is complacent with many ideals that exist in society today.! j . ·, · - ' : i W a•lungton $em.est.er Program. The American University Research Project THE DYNAMICS OF THE ELECTION AND CAMPAIGNING PROCESS FOR FEMALE CANDIDATES Submitted by Misty Redman (Gustavus Adolphus College) In £,JlfiJlment of the Requirements for Course Number 53.412: Washington Semester Research Project Fall 1997 Gustavus Student Repository • Abstract As we approach the year 2000, women make up approximately 52% of the population but there are only fifty-one women in the House, nine senators, and two governors. There have been barriers to women in the past which have inhibited their search for parity within the realm of national political office. These barriers have historical, social and political value. With the rise of women's organizations and increased competitiveness, women are moving towards increased representation in public office. What makes a female a viable and effective candidate for office is complacent with many ideals that exist in society today. Gustavus Student Repository Table of Contents Chapter 1: Introduction ................................................................ 5 Chapter 2: Successes and Failures of Past Female Candidates ......................................................................... 10 --Barriers That Have Existed for Women --The Emergence of Women for National Political Office Chapter 3: Fundraising, Competitiveness and Electibil.ity ................. 18 --Family Life --Social Status --Region --Image --Competitiveness --Name Recognition --Education and Occupational Experience --Political Experience Chapter 4: How Have Organizations Developed to Aid Female Candidates? ........................................................... 30 --Historical Perspective of Campaign Contributions --The Emergence of Women's PACs --EMILY's List --WISH List --The National Organization for Women Chapter 5: Conclusion ................................................................ 38 Gustavus Student Repository In 1992, the Clarence Thomas hearings sparked a new awareness of the gender disparity within the realm of national office. This new political activism resulted in an increase in the number of women elected to the House and Senate. The female head­count increased to 7 percent in the US Senate and 18 percent in the House of Representatives.1 However, even with a surge of women candidates, the numbers are not representative of the population. In the United States population, 52% are women and yet there are only fifty-one women in the House, nine senators, and two governors.2 The non-representation in the United States Congress has historical, cultural, psychological, and political roots. With the shortage of females that hold national office, it is important to examine the dynamics of gender in political campaigning and elections. More specifically, what makes a woman an effective candidate for national political office? What factors have an effect on a woman's ability to run a successful campaign? This is what I will attempt to examine in my study. 5 There are specific criteria which I feel are important to study in determining what makes an effective candidate for national office. The first is the candidates fundraising ahllities. How effectively can a candidate find supporters, donations and applicable PAC's. There is a perception that a female candidate has a much harder time raising moneys than her male counterpart. This is not necessarily true however. In recent years 1 Iyengar, Valentino, Ansolabehere, and Simon. Women, Media. and Politics pg. 77, 1997. 2 Seltzer, Newman, and Leighton. Sex as a Political Variable pg. 119, 1997. Gustavus Student Repository there have been studies done on this very factor and it has been shown that when comparing apples to apples--incumbents with incumbents, challengers with challengers, and open seat candidates with open seat candidates, the women raise just as much money as men. 3 Organizations such as EMILY' s List and WISH List provide early money for women candidates and have had a substantial impact on women candidates and their comparability to men concerning fundraising. Another factor is competitiveness and electibility. This will be defined according to the ability of women to compete with incumbents, ability to compete with male candidates, and whether or not the candidate is risk adverse. One problem in the limited amount of female representatives in the Unites States is lack of competitiveness. There are not many of women who have the "guts" to run for office. Ruth Mandel, director of the Center for American Women and Politics, said; There are not enough women who really have enough fire in their belly about this, who want it enough, who care enough, who se it as an option, who are encouraged enough and see that there is a role for them: It still comes down to the fact that aren't enough women ready, willing, and able to do this. n4 There are speculations on why more women are not elected to public office: 3 Ibid. pg. 8. • The "good old boys" keep women from getting nominated for winnable seats *Women just will not vote for women -Voters cannot see women in top executive offices 4 Trafton, Women Winning pg. 4, 1984. Gustavus Student Repository 7 "Women candidates cannot raise as much money Whether or not a candidate is perceived to be an electable candidate makes a large difference in whether or not they actually get elected. There is a lack of women candidates willing to run for office. In 1994, 14% of the candidates running for the US House were women and 16% of open seat candidates were women.5 This number is strikingly low. It is quite hard for women to increase their representation if so few are running in the first place. It has been said that winning has nothing to do with gender and everything to do with incumbency. This makes a female candidates ability to compete with an incumbent a very important factor. Women win most often in open-seat elections because open-seat candidates are anywhere from two to nine times more likely to be elected than a challenger. 6 Women are also more risk adverse than men. Women are less likely to compete in a situation where they may not have a very good chance of winning. Very often this is the case when the candidate is running against an incumbent. Once again, the problem may not lie in gender but in incumbency. There are many more incumbents who are male thus creating a difficulty for female or male challengers to be elected. Studies have shown that when women run, women win. Experience in public office also plays a large role in determining a female candidates proposed effectiveness in running for national political office. How many years of experience does the candidate have under her belt? Has she served in state government or previous elective office? How does the candidate use her experience or inexperience to 'Ibid. pg. 7, 1997. 6 Ibid. pg. 87, 1997. Gustavus Student Repository her advantage? Part of the campaigning process involves the adaptability of different candidates to different campaigning situations. Often a candidates past political effectiveness will play an important role in achieving name recognition and possibly compiling funds in future elections. Also important in an effective candidate is the specific district and number of open seats which exist. Whether or not the incumbent from a specific district is running for reelection makes a difference for the female candidate. In this day and age, a women's success in winning elective office depends less on her sex and more on the dynamics that affect any political race. In my study of what makes a woman an effective candidate for national political office I will follow a general order. In Chapter 2, I will discuss barriers which women faced that may have deterred candidacies. How did region act as a barrier? What is the conventional role of the woman in the family and what was its role? Also in this chapter the question of how women emerged in the Marketplace and in Representational roles will be answered. What were the factors that enabled women to rise in the political process? What were the effects of the civil rights movement of the 1960' s and the ERA? When did women's groups begin to emerge, form and organize? The number of open seats in the 1992 elections allowed for the "year of the woman", what was the effect of this election year? Chapter 3 will focus on fundraising, competitiveness and electibility. Under this category is included; family life, social status, geography, image, resources, name recognition and risk adversity. Chapter 4 will be devoted to how organizations have developed to aid female candidates. Among the subjects in this chapter are; EMILY' s Gustavus Student Repository List, WISH List, and NOW. Also included here are a discussion of bundling, soft money, and candidate recruiting and training. Chapter five will include political implications such as; research findings and lessons for the future. Gustavus Student Repository Chapter Two: Successes and Failures of Past: Fe:male Candidates Barriers That: Have Existed For Wo:men Local officeholding is an important means of fostering political consciousness, gaining political experience, and influencing and making public policy. Members of Congress are part of a national elite, and as such possess access to policymaking at the national level.7 Political participation does not guarantee representation in Congress, therefore the term representation needs to be defined. There are £..ur basic definitions for the term, representation. 8 The simplest is descriptive representation, which emphasizes the physical characteristics of the representative. The second form of representative is one whose policy views match that of his/her constituents. A third theory of representation focuses on the congruence of the views of the electorate and the representati"!' body as a whole. The fourth form is acting on behalf of others. 9 The last three defin itions focus primarily on substantive forms of representation. Increasing the number of women in Congress would not guarantee "better" representation of these groups in Congress; the election of candidates sympathetic to their goals would. 7 Thielman and Wilhite, p. 1 8 Ibid, p. 2. 9 Ibid, p. 2-3 Gustavus Student Repository 11 There are many reasons for the lack of representation among women, and one reason is regional. Women were much less likely to be elected in the South. The civil rights movement had a large impact on the gap in Congress. It ultimately opened the door for the acquisition of equal rights by women.10 The Civil Rights Act of 1964 led to - more women becoming politically active and some made the transition to running for office. There were other barriers to women besides region. Conventionality held beliefs regarding sex roles and many thought that women should remain in the home with their children instead of entering the public arena, because of the dirtiness of politics.11 There ..;,ere also attitudinal barriers which inhibited women from running for office. It takes a lot of self-assertiveness to run for office and in the past women were not as assertive as they are today. The Emergence of Wotnen For National Political Office The civil rights movement ultimately sparked the women's liberation movement. Women began to realize that they themselves were being hindered when considering ending slavery, not women's liberation specifically. Women began to realize that they needed to be free themselves before they set their minds to freeing others. This is the notion of relative deprivation.12 Relative deprivation is a main theme within the context 10 Ibid, p. 17 11 Ibid, p. 18 12 Freeman, Jo. The Politics of Women's Liberation. New ·York, McKay, 1975. Gustavus Student Repository 12 of women's lil,eration. This concept focuses upon the values and goods that one thinks one should receive and the values and goods one is capable of obtaining. Most of the women at the forefront of the women's W, movement were those who considered themselves to be relatively deprived. Women began having to enter the labor force and struggled with low-paying, low-prestige jobs for some time, which was another trigger to the women's movement. Another factor that prompted women's perceptions of themselves was college. Women had stopped marrying men early and started to get a head start with their lives. The acknowledgment that women were quite capable sparked notions of equality that still very much exist today. Social strain, however, does not cause movements, it only creates potential for movements. 13 Another issue which sparked action among women was the relation of women to sex. Men viewed women as being sex objects and could not see past this enough to see that women had capabilities beyond the domestic realm. When the women's lib movement began in 1966 and 1967, there was no national policy on the status of women. The first piece of federal legislation related to women's rights, passed since the 19th amendment was the E qual Pay Act. This act is best explained by a statement taken from the 1918 report by the War Labor Conference Board which said: If it shall become necessary to employ women on work ordinarily performed by men, hey must be allowed equal pay for equal k "14 wor . 13 Freeman. 14 Ibid, p. 175 Gustavus Student Repository 13 Freeman does note however, that laws sometimes take years or decades before they are actually enacted. This is made obvious, because there still is not equal pay, and it has been 33 years since the passing of this act. The Nixon administration worked adamantly in the struggle for women's rights. There is the famed Equal Rights Amendment, which was never ratified. The ERA would have been the most monumental policy had it been ratified to become part of the constitution. The women's lib movement had a large effect on policy. The movement generated a great deal of publicity on women and women's status. It created a climate of expectations that something would be done. By making women's rights a public issue and expanding the area of conflict, the movement created a constituency for those "woodwork" feminists already within government. It provided information, data, and testimony to feminists within Congress who were sponsoring relevant bills. It supplied grass-root support. It pushed the leaders of the more respectable women's organizations to more strongly feminist positions. Their acceptability was increased by those groups labeled radical or revolutionary and ridiculed by the media. Administratively, a movement represents one organized expression of an enforcement agency's clientele. Movement organizations can provide support for agencies as wen';.s put pressure on the m.1 5 In 1970, there were ten women in the House of Representatives in addition to one senator Margaret Chase Smith (R-ME). By 1980, the number of women in the House had increased to sixteen and by the early 1990' s, the numbers had risen to twenty-six female representatives, and two women in the Senate.16 Based on attitudes from the early 15 Freeman, pgs. 234-236. 16 Theilman and Wilhite, p. 22. Gustavus Student Repository 14 seventies, women were perceived as having unique qualifications for public office, but qualifications that were related to a perception of women that might actually limit the attractiveness of female candidates for higher political office. 17 Female candidates were seen as nurturing and hence well qualified to deal with issues such as child care or education. While these qualifications might make them attractive candidates for state legislatures, they were less helpful for offices in which a demonstration of mastery such as the ability to deal with going to war or strengthening the economy, was considered • rt t 18 unpo an . Another aspect of female electiliility stemmed from the debate concerning the Equal Rights Amendment. The role of women in society became much more important and much more accepted. By the late 1980' s, female candidates seemed to have been able to capitalize on both their vulnerability as women and a voter acceptance of them as "tough" candidates. 19 Organizations have also played a large role and have provided many services to candidates. The ability, or rather, willingness for female candidates to ask for money for their campaigns has been slim in the past. Political action committees have also become a major source of funds for candidates and women were often considered "out of the loop" until of course the emergence of PACs such as, NOW. In the nineties, with increased awareness and organizations aimed at women, the ability of women to acquire and maintain public office has risen substantially. 17 Ibid, p. 25 18 lbid 19 Ibid, p. 27 Gustavus Student Repository 15 Before 1970, few women were represented in Congress, and many obtained office under special circumstances. 20 In the 1950' s women often arrived on their husband's coattails, first filling unexpired terms that resulted by the deaths of their husbands. Also during the 1950' s, women began to be heard on national issues. 21 • In the 1960' s, more women began to be elected by their own right, but even so, one out of four of the new women elected to Congress between 1968 and 1975 were the widows of congressmen or congressional candidates. 22 In the 1960' s there was still a strong exclusive club of white males and by the end of the seventies, the female representatives had formed the Congresswomen' s Caucus as a means of enhancing their legislative clout in a bipartisan fashion and to help break down the bars of the male club atmosphere in Congress.23 The era between 1970 and 1991 was a time of few changes for women in politics and in the area of national political office. Because of the downsizing of the women's movement, the number of female representatives remained much the same throughout the eighties. The ratio of men to women in Congress is shown in a study compiled by the US Bureau of the Census. It shows that the membership in Congress was relatively static from 1975-1991.24 The Thomas/Hill hearings have had the largest impact on political awareness and the emergence.of female candidates. When women saw that the Senate Judiciary Committee was-comprised of all men, they were infuriated. "The Anita Hill hearings provided an unprecedented stimulus to women's candidates and contributors."25 20 Ibid, p. 14 21 Ibid, p. 16 22 lbid 23 lbid 24 See appendix, table 1. 25 Cook, Elizabeth. The Year of the Woman: Myths and Realities Boulder: Westview Press, 1994. Gustavus Student Repository 16 The hearings increased the ability of women's P ACs to raise money. According to Ellen Malcolm, founder of EMILY's List, this was the event which made them number one in contributions among not only women's organizations but the number one PAC contributor in the entire nation. Many female candidates used the Thomas confirmation to their advantage, including Carol-Moseley-Braun's race against Alan Dixon (D-IL) who voted to confirm Clarence Thomas. The number of open seats in 1992 coupled with the Hill/Thomas hearings provided for what would eventually be dubbed the "year of the woman. Fig. 1 Election and Representation of Women 1970-199226 Year Nomination Winners Percentage 1970 25 12 48 1972 32 14 44 1974 44 18 41 1976 54 18 33 1978 46 16 35 1980 52 19 37 1982 55 21 38 1984 65 22 34 1986 64 23 36 1988 56 25 45 26 Cook, 135. Gustavus Student Repository Year 1990 1992 Nominations 69 106 Winners 28 47 Percentage 41 44 17 Gustavus Student Repository 18 Chapter Three: FunJraising, Com.petitiveness and Elect:ilillity The decision to run for office is counter to traditional conceptions of a woman's proper role in society. While running for office is clearly a deviant step for a w=an, taking the initiative in seeking a major party nomination for office is even more incongruous with traditional conceptions of appropriate female behavior. Women are socialized to wait to be asked, rather than to take the initiative, in areas of human inhibitions that discourage women fr= initiating their own candidacies, one would expect few women candidates to be self-starters." Since men are not subject to the same inhibiting effects of sex-role socialization, one also would expect to find smaller proportions of self-starters among women than have been found for men in previous research. 27 The electibility of a specific candidate is dependent on the dynamics of many different facets of sociability and everyday life. S=e areas are family life, social status, region, image, name recognition, resources, education and occupational experience, political experience and risk adversity. Perhaps one of the most profound effects on a women's decision to run for national political office lies in the area of family life. 27 Carroll, p. 28 Gustavus Student Repository I l . 19 Fa:mlly Life The way in whlch female and male candidates portray their family lives also plays a large role in campaigns. Several female candidates in 1992 stressed the aspect of being a single parent. One candidate's message stated direct mall under a bold headline, WORKING MOTHER: It's not easy

    Dispelling the Myths Behind First-author Citation Counts

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    We conducted a full-scale evaluative citation analysis study of scholars in the XML research field to explore just how different from each other author rankings resulting from different citation counting methods actually are, and to demonstrate the capability of emerging data and tools on the Web in supporting more realistic citation counting methods. Our results contest some common arguments for the continued use of first-author citation counts in the evaluation of scholars, such as high correlations between author rankings by first-author citation counts and other citation counting methods, and high costs of using more realistic citation counting methods that are not well-supported by the ISI databases. It is argued that increasingly available digital full text research papers make it possible for citation analysis studies to go beyond what the ISI databases have directly supported and to employ more sophisticated methods

    Author Index

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    koamabayili/VECTRON-author-checklist: VECTRON author checklist

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    We have done our best to complete the author checklist relating to the use of animals in the hut study. Note that the objective for the hut study was to evaluate the IRS treatment applications for residual efficacy against Anopheles mosquitoes, including the local An. coluzzii mosquito population. Cows were only used to attract mosquitoes into the huts and no tests were carried out directly on the cows. The author checklist is intended for use with studies where experiments are carried out on animals, which is why we have had such difficulty in completing this for the hut study, as many of the questions do not relate to how the cows were used

    Author Under Sail The Imagination of Jack London, 1893-1902

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    In Author Under Sail, Jay Williams offers the first complete literary biography of Jack London as a professional writer engaged in the labor of writing. It examines the authorial imagination in London's work, the use of imagination in both his fiction and nonfiction, and the ways he defined imagination in the creative process in his business dealings with his publishers, editors, and agents. In this first volume of a two-volume biography, Williams traverses the years 1893 to 1902, from London's "Story of a Typhoon" to The People of the Abyss. The Jack London who emerges in the pages of Author Under Sail is a writer whose partnership with publishers, most notably his productive alliance with George Brett of Macmillan, was one of the most formative in American literary history. London pioneered many author models during the heyday of realism and naturalism, blurring the boundaries of these popular genres by focusing on absorption and theatricality and the representation of the seen and unseen. London created an impassioned, sincere, and extremely personal realism unlike that of other American writers of the time. Author Under Sail is a literary tour de force that reveals the full range of London as writer, creative citizen, and entrepreneur at the same time it sheds light on the maverick side of machine-age literature.Intro -- Title Page -- Copyright Page -- Dedication -- Contents -- Acknowledgments -- Introduction -- 1. Spirit Truth -- 2. From Absorption to Theatricality and Back Again -- 3. "I Will Build a New Present" -- 4. Sons as Authors -- 5. Fathers as Publishers -- 6. The Daughter as Author -- 7. Lovers as Authors -- 8. At Sea with the Family -- 9. Yellow News, Yellow Stories -- 10. The Return Home -- Notes -- Bibliography -- Index -- About Jay WilliamsIn Author Under Sail, Jay Williams offers the first complete literary biography of Jack London as a professional writer engaged in the labor of writing. It examines the authorial imagination in London's work, the use of imagination in both his fiction and nonfiction, and the ways he defined imagination in the creative process in his business dealings with his publishers, editors, and agents. In this first volume of a two-volume biography, Williams traverses the years 1893 to 1902, from London's "Story of a Typhoon" to The People of the Abyss. The Jack London who emerges in the pages of Author Under Sail is a writer whose partnership with publishers, most notably his productive alliance with George Brett of Macmillan, was one of the most formative in American literary history. London pioneered many author models during the heyday of realism and naturalism, blurring the boundaries of these popular genres by focusing on absorption and theatricality and the representation of the seen and unseen. London created an impassioned, sincere, and extremely personal realism unlike that of other American writers of the time. Author Under Sail is a literary tour de force that reveals the full range of London as writer, creative citizen, and entrepreneur at the same time it sheds light on the maverick side of machine-age literature.Description based on publisher supplied metadata and other sources.Electronic reproduction. Ann Arbor, Michigan : ProQuest Ebook Central, YYYY. Available via World Wide Web. Access may be limited to ProQuest Ebook Central affiliated libraries
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